고려 다원사회의 형성과 기원

박종기 한국중세사학회 2013 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.36

T’aejo Wang Kŏn had an advantage in the war of the Later Three Kingdoms through his marriage alliances with powerful regional forces all across the country. Even after the unification of the Later Three Kingdoms, T’aejo Wang Kŏn was unable to exclude them and monopolize authority. In other words, T’aejo Wang Kŏn did not repeat the mistake in which the Chin’gol aristocrats monopolized authority even after Silla unified the Three Kingdoms and thereby brought about the division of the Later Three Kingdoms. The Goryeo Dynasty recognized the territorial control of the strong regional walled-town lords and generals even after the dynasty’s establishment and it was inevitable that their rituals and the traditional culture that they had enjoyed and inherited were also recognized. This fact is yet another example of the internal conditions that brought about the formation of Goryeo’s pluralist society. The Goryeo Dynasty accepted into its world order different peoples amidst the social upheaval of the change in leadership in northeast Asia. The Goryeo Dynasty made them all subjects(臣民) while designating dependency subjects(藩臣) in the Goryeo world order and assumed the position of the Son of Heaven of the in the state of the Son of Heaven. This state system could not exclude the inherited cultures and traditions of groups who submitted. It was inevitable that their traditions and cultures were recognized and policies that allowed for coexistence with Goryeo’s culture and traditions were implemented. Goryeo’s pluralist society formed together with the appearance of Goryeo’s worldview that emerged from the great changes within and without the country. The conceptual foundation that came to connote the Goryeo Dynasty’s system of a country of the Son of Heaven was the consciousness of a ‘great unification.’ This is another different ideal that expressed a Goryeo-centered worldview. This concept on which the Goryeo Dynasty was based came to be the sense of pride in uniting as one the diverse aspects and cultures of the former Three Kingdoms and finally establishing a system of a state of a Son of Heaven. Pluralist society had formed from the system of a state of a Son of Heaven and its supporting ‘great unification’ consciousness. Thus the consciousness of a ‘great unification’ came to be the conceptual origin for the formation of a pluralist society. In the Ten Injunctions that T’aejo Wang Kŏn compiled in 943 (the 26th year of King T’aejo), the concept of pluralism was integrated with the characteristics of a pluralist society.

「광개토왕비문」에 보이는 천제지자(天帝之子) 관념 형성의 사적(史的)배경

이승호(Lee, Seung-ho) 한국역사연구회 2011 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.81

The Gwang'gaeto Stele(廣開土王碑文, 414) describes Jumong(朱蒙) as the "son of heaven(天帝之子)." The purpose of this study is to examine the national foundation myth and also the mythical proportions of the so-called "son of heaven" philosophy reflected in the Gwang'gaeto Stele. First, a comparative analysis between the description of the Jumong myth(朱 蒙神話) inside the Gwang'gaeto Stele and the one from Wei Seo(『魏書』) is attempted. As a result, it is revealed that the version of the Jumong myth described in Wei Seo(『魏書』) actually predated the other version provided in the Gwang'gaeto Stele. Review of the Jumong myth from Dong'myeongwang- pyeon(「東明王篇」) also lets us know that it was inherited from Wei Seo. The myth described upon the Gwang'gaeto Stele, on the other hand, seems to have been strongly influenced by the Dong'myeng myth(東明神話) of Lun Heng(『論衡』), and the Hae Mosu myth(解慕漱神話). From the late 4th century, King Sosurim(小獸林王) declared himself as a reincarnation of King Sohaeju'ryu(小解朱留王) and also the descendant of King Dae'musin(大武神王). He bore the family name "hae"(解) to officially claim that he was the direct descendant of King Hae Mosu(解慕漱). A somewhat hostile attitude toward Buyeo(夫餘) can be seen in records such as Wei Seo and Samguk Sagi(『三國史記』), but such sentiment is not present in other sources like the inscription of King Gang'gaeto's tomb or the inscription upon the tomb Moduru(牟頭婁墓誌) or even other 5th century epigraph records. Because the Goguryeo royal family finally accepted the "the myth of Hae Mosu" and recognized Jumong as a person from Buk-Buyeo(北夫餘), this place came to be recognized as a holy one, where the founder of the royal family originated. In the late 4th century, the Goguryeo leadership accepted the "the myth of Hae Mosu" to weather a national crisis and restore the authority of the king, and not to mention keep a firm control over Buyeo(夫餘). The formation of The son of heaven philosophy was the Goguryeo royal family's way of recognizing their ancestors.

서술성모의 신화적 정체

천혜숙 동아시아고대학회 2007 동아시아고대학 Vol.16 No.-

신라 국조의 탄생에 관한 신화는 그 연원에 따라 ‘천강형’과 ‘성모형’의 두 유형으로 전승되어 왔다. 천강형에 비해 주목되지 못했던 성모형은 신라 서악의 여신 서술성모가 혁거세와 알영을 낳았다는 내용이 중심이다. 그러나 서술성모의 존재에 대해서는 해명되지 않은 부분이 여전히 남아 있다. 특히 성모의 ‘불부이잉’이나 ‘혁거세와 알영의 어머니 說’에 대해서는 신화학적 접근이 요구되는 부분이다. 서술성모의 신화적 정체성을 두 신화 유형간의 관계 속에서 해명하는 것이 이 연구의 목적이다. 그러기 위해서 두 신화의 구조와 상징에 대한 비교를 시도했다. 천강형 신화는 ‘천부지모[천남지녀]’의 구조인 데 비해서, 성모형에서는 출산의 주체로서 성모가 등장하는 데다, ‘불부이잉’과 ‘모자 이주’의 구조가 중심이 되고 있다. 그런데 성모형의 ‘불부이잉’과 ‘모자 이주’는 북방계 신화들처럼 ‘모자 이주—부친 탐색—친자 확인—부계 승계[즉위]’로 충족되는 구조가 아니다. 이런 차이의 정점에 있는 존재가 여산신 서술성모이다. 서술성모는 남편없이 아이를 낳은 점, 신라로 이주한 후에도 남편을 찾지도 구하지도 않고 홀로 서악의 산신이 된 점에서 확연한 차이가 드러난다. 한편 천강형에서 ‘나정’의 상징은 ‘천강’ 못지않게 중요한 의미를 지닌다. 나정을 계정의 이칭이라고 보면, 혁거세는 ‘계룡이 상서를 나타낸 우물’에서 출현한 것이 되기 때문이다. 서술성모의 현현인 계룡이 알영정에서 알영을 출산하는 맥락과 다르지 않다. 뿐 아니라 일연은 서방의 의미를 들어, 백마의 상징까지도 서술성모와 연관 짓고 있다. 서술성모가 혁거세와 알영의 어머니라는 설은 이 문맥에서 비로소 이해가 가능하다. 서술성모는 혁거세의 나정 출현에도 관여하고, 알영의 알영정 출현에도 등장하기 때문이다. 이때 서술성모가 두 성아를 낳음은 생물학적 출산이 아니라 인식적․신화적 출산이다. 사실적 차원에서는 근친상간의 ‘남매혼’이 되는 혼란에도 불구하고 일연이 이 설을 부각한 것은 서술성모를 대모신적 존재로 인식했기 때문이다. 백마와 계룡의 통합상징으로서 서술성모의 대모신적 위상은 신라 국조신화를 ‘천강형’ 중심으로만 이해할 때는 포착하기 어렵다. 천강형의 정치적 권능에도 불구하고 성모형의 신화가 전승된 것은 신라의 여산신 신앙이 그만큼 강했음을 반증하는 사실일 것이다. 가야산신 정견모주, 운제산 성모가 된 남해왕비, 지리산 성모가 된 고려태조비, 그리고 안동 청량산의 공민왕모 산성 등의 사례들로 보면, 이렇게 왕모가 여산신으로 숭봉되는 신화 및 신앙의 패턴이 오랫동안 지속되어 온 것을 알 수 있다. There are two types in mythical tradition related to the birth of Hyukuse(혁거세), the founder of Shilla Dynasty. One is the type of ‘descending from heaven’(천강형—ⓐ type), the other is the type of ‘the Holy Mother’(성모형—ⓑ type). It is the purpose of this research to clarify mythological identity of the ‘Suhsul’ Holy Mother(서술성모), who have been not so noticed relatively. To do so, I compared the structure and symbolism of the two types. In ⓐ type, it's structural pillar is the marriage of Heavenly father[heavenly man] and Earth mother[earth woman]. In contrast, there is no Heavenly father[heavenly man], but Pregnancy and Birth by the Holy Mother without husband, in ⓑ type. The migration of the mother and son is a distinctive motif of ⓑ type. But their migration, in ⓑ type is not connected with the motif of ‘father navignation’, of ‘patriarchal succession[enthronement]’, like myths of the north countries. I think that beings of Mountain Goddess, like Susul, would provide the key to the reason why their structures are different. In other word, Susul can be considered as the Great Mother, because she not only conceived by herself without husband but also, after birth and migration, didn't get a husband, became Goddess of Suhsul mountain. Meanwhile, symbolism of ‘the advent from well’, ‘Najung’(나정) has important meaning as much as ‘descending from heaven’. Because Najung is the other name of ‘Gyejung’(계정), and there sacred dragon(계룡) showed good sign. This is not different from the birth of ‘Aryoung’(알영), who came to this world with sacred dragon's good sign in the well, ‘Aryoungjung’(알영정). It is very important that the sacred dragon would be considered as an incarnation of West Mountain Goddess, Susul, in mythical symbolism of Shilla. So ‘Hyukuse’, known as being came from heaven in ⓐ type, can be united in same symbolic bundle, with ‘sacred dragon’, ‘Aryoung’, and the ‘Suhsul’ Holy Mother. In addition, Ilyeun(일연) connected even ‘white horse’(백마), which is a main symbol in ⓐ type, with the ‘Suhsul’ Holy Mother, as the reason why all the two mean west. Finally, We can understand the riddle that ‘Suhsul’ gave birth to Hyukuse and Aryoung, who were a couple as the King and Queen of Shilla dynasty. It means not biolgical birth, but mythological, symbolic birth. So the ‘Suhsul’ Holy Mother is the center symbol integrating bipolar symbols, like white horse and sacred dragon. In existing persepective oriented on ⓐ type, It is not easy to see ‘Suhsul’ as the phase of the center symbol, or as the Great Mother.

한·일 신화의 비교연구 ― 단군 신화와 니니기노미코토 신화와의 비교를 중심으로 한 고찰

김화경 한국국학진흥원 2012 국학연구 Vol.0 No.20

This study is to inquire into the Dangun Myth whose reality has been denied by Japanese government-patronized scholars, and then to compare between the Dangun Myth and the Niniginomigoto Myth, a descending story of the progenitor of the Japanese imperial family which has close relation with the Dangun Myth. And finally, this study aims to examine out that the culture of Japanese ruling class crossed over from Korea. The results which are found out under the objectives of this study are as follows. In the first place, the Dangun Myth is not a forged one in later generations but a pre-existing one already. It is supported by the record, “Pyungyang was originally residential place in which Sunin(仙人) Wangyum(王儉) lived” at the article of the 21^st year, King Dongchun in Koguryo-Bongi(高句麗本紀) of Samguksagi(三國史記), and also by the fact that the founding myth of North Buyeo is the same type of the myth of the Descent of the Heavenly Son as the Dangun Myth. In the second place, it is assumed that the myth of the Descent of the Heavenly Son of Korea was introduced from the Asia’s interior area by Turkish peoples with a nomadic culture and a shamanistic outlook on world. In the third place, it is found out that the myth of the Descent of the Heavenly Son, which settled into a descending story of the progenitor of the Japanese imperial family in Japan, is also closely related to the Dangun Myth. Under this fact, it is estimated that the force of the group, which had the Dangun Myth in Korea, gave a not inconsiderable influence in the formation of Japanese ancient nation. Consequently, it is possible to say that this study makes it very clear that the Japanese imperial family who founded ancient nation in Japan had the myth of the Descent of the Heavenly Son, which means that the royal power was established by Heaven's endowment. Also, this study researches out that the Japanese imperial family was a group who crossed over with a nomadic culture and a shamanistic outlook on world from Korea. However, it should be pointed out that these conclusions need to be proven out by way of the studies on ancient history. 본 연구는 일제의 어용학자들에 의해 그 실체가 부정되었던 단군 신화를 고찰하고, 나아가서 이것과 밀접한 관련이 있는 일본 천황 가天皇家 시조의 유래담인 니니기노미코토 신화를 비교하여, 일본의 지배계층 문화가 한국에서 건너갔다는 사실을 구명하기 위해서 마련되었다. 이러한 목적 아래서 수행된 연구 결과를 요약하면 아래와 같다. 첫째 단군 신화는 후대에 만들어진 위작이 아니라, 그 이전부터 존재하던 것이었다. 이런 사실은 『삼국사기』 고구려본기 동천왕 21년 조에 나오는 “평양은 본시 선인仙人 왕검王儉이 살던 곳이었다는 기록과, 북부여의 건국 신화가 단군 신화와 같은 유형의 천손 강림신화였다는 것을 통해서도 증명이 된다고 보았다. 둘째 이와 같은 한국의 천손 강림신화는 유목문화와 샤머니즘적인 세계관을 가진 터키계 민족들에 의해 내륙 아시아로부터 전래된 것이라는 추정을 하였다. 셋째 일본 천황 가의 시조 유래담으로 정착된 천손 강림신화도 이와 같은 단군 신화와 밀접한 관계를 가지고 있다는 사실을 확인하였다. 이러한 사실로부터 한국에서 단군 신화를 가진 집단의 세력이 일본의 고대 국가 형성에 적지 않은 영향을 미쳤음을 말해주는 것으로 상정하였다. 이렇게 볼 때, 일본에 고대국가를 만들었던 천황 가는 왕권이 천수天授에 의해 성립되었다는 천손 강림신화를 가지고 있었으며, 이들은 한국에서 유목문화와 샤머니즘적 세계관을 가지고 건너간 집단들이었다는 것을 확인했다고 볼 수 있을 것이다. 그렇지만 이러한 결론은 고대사의 연구를 통해 검증받을 필요가 있다는 것을 지적해둔다.

德溪 吳健의 哲學思想 考察

이희평 동양철학연구회 2005 東洋哲學硏究 Vol.42 No.-

이 논문은 조선 중기에 활동한 德溪 吳健(1521년~1574년)의 철학사상에 관한 고찰이다. 德溪는 조선 士禍가 끝나고 士林이 중앙 정계에 본격적으로 진출할 무렵에 중앙 정계에서 정치가로 활약하였을 뿐 아니라 학문적으로 일정한 성취가 있어서 退溪 뿐만 南冥으로부터 인정을 받았으며, 栗谷이나 西涯와도 두터운 친분을 나누었다 아울러 鄭寒岡을 제자로 기르고 자신의 저술을 남김으로써 자신의 학술을 후세에 큰 족적을 남겼다. 德溪는 『中庸』의 철학에 근거하여 高明한 天과 厚博한 地 사이에 만물이 번성하고 인간이 살아가는데 이는 陰陽의 鬼神 같은 작용이 있기 때문이며, 궁극적으로는 理에 의한 것이라고 한다. 이러한 天地間에서 인간은 자신의 性과 命을 바르게 인식하고 보존하면 天地에 참여하여 중립할 수 있는 존재라고 德溪는 본다. 다음으로 德溪는 배움을 아는 것에 그치는 것이 아니라 실천까지 포함한다고 본다. 德溪는 학문의 길인 居敬과 窮理 두 가지는 수레의 두 바퀴와 같이 서로 돕는 것이라고 한다. 셋째 德溪는 進學에는 遜志가 필요하며 納諫에는 虛心이 필요하다고 한다. 遜志는 謙遜이고 虛心은 마음의 비움이며 遜志는 敬에 가깝고 虛心은 誠에 가깝다고 德溪는 본다. 더불어 遜志-敬과 虛心-誠 중에서 德溪는 敬-遜志의 노선을 우선하는 것이라고 파악한다. 이렇게 볼 때 德溪는 정통적인 성리학자로서 述而不作의 전통 아래에서 여러 이론을 수용하여 자신의 철학이론을 이루었다고 하겠다. This essay aims to explore about a philosophical ideology of Deokgye Oh Keon(1521∼1574). Firstly, Deokgye asserts that all creation flourishes and humans maintain to live in the world between the high and bright Heaven and the deep and wide Earth on the basis of a philosophy of 『The Doctrine of the Mean』 and this is because that there is a function such as Yin-yang(陰陽) and therefore it results in Yi(理). He considers that humans in the world are the existences who can participate in the heaven and earth and so that that can remain neutral when they comprehend their Seong(性) and Myung(命) correctly and retain them. Secondly, Deokgye assures that learning is not simply knowing about something but authenticating it through practice. He believes that the two principles - Keo-gyong(居敬) and Goong-ri(窮理) helps each other like two wheels of the cart. Thirdly, according to Deokgye, Jin-hak(進學) needs Son-ji(遜志) and Nap-kan(納諫) needs Heo-shima(虛心). He explains that Son-ji means Kyum-son(謙遜) and Heo-shim means opening our mind and Son-ji is close to Kyung(敬) and Heo-shim is close to Seong(誠). Consequently, Deokgye is an orthodox philosopher of the doctrine of Chu-tsu and further establishes up his own philosophical theory accepting a number of theories under a tradition of Sool-yi-boo-jak(述而不作).

영화 <천문>을 통한 천손강림과 재세이화 사상 고찰

강준수 한국동서비교문학학회 2023 동서 비교문학저널 Vol.- No.66

The purpose of this study is to discuss the essential meaning and value of Joseon’s independent astronomical instrument production, observation, and creation of Hangeul presented in the movie <Forbidden Dream> directed by Hur, Jin-ho. In ancient times, music and writing were not for entertainment or communication for the masses as they are today. Ancient music and letters were used by the emperor, a descendant of heaven, as a means to perform ancestral rites. The Ming Dynasty of China at that time did not recognize the Joseon Dynasty as an independent state with subjectivity, but as a tributary state. Disposal of astronomical instruments in Joseon can be said to be the loss of subjectivity, the loss of the link between heaven and earth as a descendant of heaven, and the frustration of the ideology of Jaeseihwa, which seeks to reproduce the order of the universe on earth. In the movie, the painting of ’Ilwolobongdo’ depicted behind the king’s throne of Joseon contains a strong will for the thought of Jaeseihwa. The concept of the order of the universe, ‘Ilwolobongdo,’ is a picture depicting five peaks with the sun and moon in between, symbolizing the five elements of yin and yang. This symbolizes that the king of Joseon is the main agent mediating heaven and earth. The production of astronomical instruments and the creation of letters are important in the film because they represent Joseon’s subjectivity and symbolic value as a descendant of heaven.

제정일치적 天降관념의 신라적 변용

이자랑(Lee, Ja-rang) 불교학연구회 2012 불교학연구 Vol.32 No.-

법흥왕 14년(527)에 공식적으로 불교가 수용될 무렵, 신라 왕실은 무적(巫的) 종교에 기반을 두고 천강(天降) 내지 천손(天孫) 관념으로 무장한 귀족세력과 팽팽하게 맞서고 있었다. 불교는 이러한 귀족세력을 약화시키고 중앙집권적인 왕권 강화를 도모할 수 있는 이데올로기를 신라 왕실에 제공해 준다. 신라왕실이 왕권 강화에 불교를 사용한 대표적인 예로 거론되는 것은 전륜성왕(轉輪聖王)설, 진종(眞種)설, 왕즉불(王卽佛)사상 등인데, 이 중에서도 특히 진종설은 석가모니의 가계를 그대로 신라 왕실에 적용함으로써 석가의 권위를 빌어 신라 왕실의 권위를 부각시키고자 한 매우 강력한 왕권 강화 논리이다. 더구나 진종설은 진평왕을 중심으로 한 신라 중고기 왕실에서만 확인되는 독자적인 개념이라는 점에서 신라불교의 고유성을 밝히는데 있어 중요한 실마리를 제공해 준다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 진종설을 중심으로 신라 중고기 왕실의 독특한 왕권 강화 방법의 배경과 의의에 주목해 보고자 한다. 이를 통해 진종설이야말로 기존의 제정일치적 천강 관념을 비롯하여 신라의 지배세력들의 의식 속에 공통적으로 내재되어 있던 ‘혈연’의식의 불교적 변용이라는 점을 명확히 하고, 나아가 왕권 강화에 활용된 신라불교 고유의 특징을 밝혀보고자 한다. 특히 본고에서는 고대인도의 아쇼까(Aśoka)왕이 취한 왕권 강화 사례와의 비교를 중심으로 이 문제를 논함으로써, 신라 사회의 특수성을 부각시키고 있다. 아쇼까왕이 ‘모든 사람의 평등’이라는 매우 불교적인 개념에 근거하여 왕권 강화를 도모했던 것과 달리, 신라 왕실은 오히려 석가 왕실의 가계를 모델로 삼아 ‘신라 왕실의 특별한 혈연’을 강조하는 방법으로 왕권 강화를 도모했다고 하는 흥미로운 차이는 신라불교가 어떤 점에서 정치적 변형과 발전을 이루며 활용되었는가 하는 점을 보다 선명하게 부각시켜 줄 수 있을 것이라고 생각된다. Silla(新羅) officially accepted Buddhism in 527, the 14th year of the reign of King Beopheung(法興王, r. 514-540). At that time, the Silla royal family was evenly opposed by an aristocracy that believed in Shamanism and strongly believed in the concept of ‘descended from Heaven’(天降) or ‘Son of Heaven’ (天孫). Buddhism offered an ideology that weakened the power of this aristocracy and strengthened the centralized royal authority of the Silla royal family. Theories such as Cakravartin(轉輪聖王, Wheel-turning Sage King), Real Lineage(眞種), the King is Buddha(王卽佛) and others, are typical examples from Buddhism used to reinforce the power of the Silla royal family. In particular, the Real Lineage Theory was used to apply Śākyamuni’s(釋迦牟尼) family tree to that of the Silla royal family. This was the powerful logic used to strengthen the royal authority of the Silla royal family by borrowing from the prestige of Śākyamuni. Moreover, the Real Lineage Theory is unique that it was only applied to the Silla royal family during the Mid-Ancient Silla period, from the reign of King Beopheung(法興王, r. 514-540) to King Muyeol(武烈王, r. 654-661), with special emphasis on King Jinpyeong(眞平王, r. 579-632). This provides an important clue to the character of Silla era Buddhism. Therefore, this paper will focus on the background and meaning of using special means to consolidate the sovereign rights of the royal family during the Mid-Ancient Silla period, with particular emphasis on the Real Lineage Theory. Then, this paper will clarify that the Real Lineage Theory is a Buddhist acculturation of the concept of ‘Descended from Heaven’, a common belief in theocracy, and the inherent sense of divine blood ties that rulers commonly felt. Futhermore, it will reveal an innate characteristic of Silla Buddhism that was utilized to reinforce royal authority. In particular, this paper will try to point out a characteristic of Silla society through a discussion which revolving around a comparison with King Aśoka’s consolidation of power in ancient India. King Aśoka aimed to strengthen the power of the throne using a basic Buddhist concept, “the equality of all people.” On the other hand, the Silla royal family reinforced its own sovereign power by emphasizing the special blood ties of the Silla royal family which they modeled on the lineage of Śākyamuni’s royal family. The differences should make it clear that Buddhism was used to influence political transformation and development in Silla.

고려시대 도선과 묘청의 ‘풍수론적 국토관’ 검토

김병인 호남사학회 2023 역사학연구 Vol.92 No.-

신라의 난생설화에 등장하는 첫 번째 신성공간은 고허촌의 나정 옆 숲속이다. 이후 선덕여왕 때 낭산의 ‘신유림’이 새로운 신성공간으로 등장한다. 불교가 들어온 다음에는 이곳이 절터로 바뀐다. 즉, 천손신앙의 배경이 된 곳이 국토 가운데 가장 중요한 공간으로 인식되었고, 불교 수용 이후에는 사찰이 이곳을 차지하게 되었으며, 신라 말기에 접어들어서 절터가 왕릉의 명당으로 인식되기에 이르렀다. 신라 국토관의 특징은 ‘하나의 공간’이 ‘다양한 성격’으로 변화 전이되는 모습을 보인다는 점이다. 고려가 건국되면서 신라의 멸망은 당연하게 받아들여졌다. 상식적으로 생각하면, 천손국가인 신라가 망하게 된 원인은 하늘의 응징에서 찾아야 했을 것이다. 그런데 도선에 의하여 ‘신라는 지덕이 쇠한 까닭에 망했다’는 새로운 이론이 등장하였다. 도선이 고려 국토에서 가장 중요한 공간을 ‘신이 노니는 곳’에서 지덕론에 입각한 ‘명당’으로 대체시켰기 때문이다. 고려 중기에 이르기까지 도선의 논리에 따라 몇 차례 천도가 거론되다가 인종대에 이르러 묘청이 지세론을 들어 ‘대화세’가 가장 좋은 서경천도를 주장하였다. 묘청은 서경으로 천도하면 주변 36개국이 찾아와 항복할 것이라는 새로운 주장을 펼쳤다. 도선이 왕조의 기반을 튼튼하게 하기 위해 명당을 찾았다면, 묘청은 보다 진전된 천하관을 주장한 것이다. 이는 도선의 풍수론적 국토관의 범위가 확장된 것으로 보인다. 도선과 묘청의 풍수론적 국토관은 경주의 특정 지역에 고정된 국토관에서 벗어나, 보다 확장된 범위 내에서 지덕과 지세에 따라 이동이 가능하고, 그로 인해 고려 국가 경영의 방향이 달라질 수 있음을 보여주었다. The foundation of the Silla Dynasty is based on the story of oviparous birth, which reflects the belief in the Heavenly Son Thought. The first sacred space shown in the oviparous tale is in the forest next to Najeong in Goheochon. Afterwards, during the reign of Queen Seondeok, ‘Shinyurim’ in Nangsan Mountain appeared as a new sacred space. After Buddhism was introduced, the place was converted into a temple site. In other words, the place that became the background for the Heavenly Son Belief was recognized as the most important space in the national land, and after the acceptance of Buddhism, a temple came to occupy the place. At the end of the Silla Dynasty, the temple site came to be recognized as a famous place called ‘Myeongdang’ for royal tombs. The characteristic of Silla’s view of the national land is that ‘one space’ changes and transitions into ‘diverse characteristics.’ With the founding of Goryeo Dynasty, the fall of Silla was taken for granted. In common sense, the reason for the fall of Silla as a nation of the Heavenly Son should have been in heaven's punishment. However, Doseon introduced a new theory that ‘Silla fell because its land virtue declined.’ That is, Doseon replaced the most important space in Goryeo’s national land to a ‘Myeongdang’ from ‘a place where gods play’ based on the Land Virtue Theory. Until the mid-Goryeo Dynasty, the transfer of the capital had been discussed a few times according to the logic of Doseon, and during the reign of King Injong, Myocheong used the theory of geographical features and argued for the relocation of the capital to Seogyeong that had the best ‘Daehwasae’ based on the theory of the geographical features. Myocheng made a new claim that if the capital was moved to Seogyeong, thirty-six surrounding countries would come and surrender. While Doseon serched a famous place to strengthen the foundation of the dynasty, Myocheong insisted on a more advanced view of the world. This appears to have expanded the scope of Doseon's Feng-Shui View of the national land. Doseon and Myocheong's Feng-Shui View of the geographic land was beyond the national land fixed in a region of Gyeongju and argued that it could move according to the land virtue and the geographical features within a wider range and change the direction of national management in Goryeo. The difference between Silla and Goryeo means that it did not mean merely the change of the dynasty. The result showed that there was also a major change in the view of the national land although the study only the cases of Doseon and Myocheong examined.

5세기 고구려의 신성관념(神聖觀念) 고찰

윤상열(Simon Yune) 한국역사연구회 2011 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.82

The function of the Gwang’gaeto Stele was to commemorate royal accomplishments of the Goguryeo king, and highlight the sanctity of his lineage, rather than to just guard the tomb itself. Examination of the contents reveals, that the brief accounts made to the king’s heritage on the Stele, and the Foundation myths featured inside the Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms(HRTK from now on), actually share a similar main structure. According to the descriptions inside HRTK, we can see that the Hae’mosu figure and the Goguryeo founder Jumong shared a similar identity as figures regarded as the descendants of the Heavenly God. And considering the notion of ‘Son of Heaven’(天帝之子, 皇天之子) described upon the Stele,Gwang’gaeto-wang was no exception. The ideological concepts representing sanctity described upon the Stele also employed various forms of Confucian terminology, and the Goguryeo ideas regarding Heaven in the 5th century seems to have shared some commonalities with one of the ancient Chinese heaven ideologies, the Dynastic Deity(感生帝) concept of the Six Skies theory(六天說) to be exact. Yet it is also entirely possibile that Goguryeo’s embracing of Confucianism was a limited one, so the influence of the Chinese Dynastic Deity concept of sanctity upon the general idea featured on the Stele might have been minimal. The concept of ‘Habaek/河伯,’ from the word Habaek’ji-son/河伯之孫(’Grandson of the River-god’) displayed upon the Moduru tomb epitaph, represented a combination of the local God of Water concept and the Chinese River God concept, in the minds of people during the early days of Goguryeo. In describing the origin of the founder-king, the phrase ‘河伯之孫’ was placed before ‘日月之子,’ because the indigenous Moduru family, before embracing Confucianism, maintained their reverence to their matrilineal beliefs, which was locked together with the Habaek belief, above all else.

唐代의 郊祀制度 : 제도의 확립과 쇠퇴를 중심으로

金渶信(Kim Hanshin) 중국고중세사학회 2004 중국고중세사연구 Vol.11 No.-

The Suburban Sacrifice was a typically Confucian ritual that embodied the ancient Chinese reverence for Heaven. The Confucian Heaven as defined by Dong Zhongxu(董仲敍) had intellectual faculties, and its rational intention was to punish and instruct human beings. This Confucian cosmology, on which the Suburban Sacrifice was based, was founded in the Han dynasty, and continued to prevail among the intellectuals during the early Tang period. For example, not only the dispute raged over the main deity of Suburban Sacrifice but also Wuzetian's preference for Mingtang(明堂) or 'Hall of Light' were founded on the cosmology. However during the Tianbao(天寶) era(742~756), many elements of Taoism were introduced to the state rituals, and so the Suburban Sacrifice became an ambivalent ritual that possessed both Confucian and Taoist properties. The turning point was An Lushan(安祿山)'s rebellion, which divided the Tang era between its earlier and later periods. From then on, obvious changes were observed in the Suburban Sacrifice. First, more serious consideration was given to the sacrifice rituals to the Ancestral Temple (宗廟) than the Suburban Sacrifice, which required large numbers of people and was very difficult to perform, especially under the economic and political hardships of the day. Moreover, the reconstruction of the Ancestral Temple was thought to be more urgent, and so according to Jiu Tangshu(舊唐書) the amount spent on the Suburban Sacrifice decreased, while that spent on the Ancestral Temple increased considerably. Second, after the rebellion, the intellectuals began to challenge the Confucian cosmology. Tu yu(杜佑), the author of Tong Dian (通典), criticized the ideal polity throughout the Confucian rites as unworkable. He also cautioned the intellectuals about the excessive emphasis on the cosmology. In the early ninth century, radical intellectuals such as Han Yu(韓愈) and Liu Zongyuan(柳宗元) issued further challenges in their personal essays. Liu Zongyuan particularly expressed his aversion to the superstitious and supernatural phenomena in his book, Fei Guoyo(非國語). Little by little, such criticism of the Confucian cosmology undermined the theoretical foundation of the Suburban Sacrifice. Once the Confucian cosmology lost its mystic and authority, the Suburban Sacrifice lost all its earlier importance and became merely a convention. Therefore, the intellectuals of the later Tang period began to grope around for a new divine nature of the Emperor from other religions instead.