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      • KCI등재

        고려시대 귀족가문 연구의 성과와 과제

        이윤정 한국중세사학회 2009 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.27

        A study on aristocrat family is important because it provides the clues that can understand politics, society and status in the Goryeo Dynasty and can grasp about the ruling class in the Goryeo Dynasty. A study on aristocrat family in the Goryeo Dynasty focused on some authority families such as Inju Lee clan(仁州李氏) or Jungan Im clan(定安任氏) in the early study after beginning study of Inju Lee clan(仁州李氏) of Hujida Ryosaku(藤田亮策) on a full-scale. However, the study objects were gradually intended for general aristocrat families. In addition contents of study became abundant and various with the study achievements that analyzed the family from the social, economic and philosophical point of view as well as political standpoint. Primarily, a study on aristocrat family in the Goryeo Dynasty needs to analyze according to the period and the themes. Secondly, it is necessary to study about the background of military official order(武班) family formation, the process of becoming military official order(武班), marriage and holding two offices civil official order(文班). Thirdly, it is needed to define the Gaeban(改班) more exactly and to grasp the background their features of Gaeban(改班) family. Then, it is necessary to compare with civil and military official order(文武班) family in the Age of the Military(武人政權期). Besides that, it is expected to continue to study of prerequisite to be an aristocrat family and status issue of civil and military official order(文武班). A study on aristocrat family is important because it provides the clues that can understand politics, society and status in the Goryeo Dynasty and can grasp about the ruling class in the Goryeo Dynasty. A study on aristocrat family in the Goryeo Dynasty focused on some authority families such as Inju Lee clan(仁州李氏) or Jungan Im clan(定安任氏) in the early study after beginning study of Inju Lee clan(仁州李氏) of Hujida Ryosaku(藤田亮策) on a full-scale. However, the study objects were gradually intended for general aristocrat families. In addition contents of study became abundant and various with the study achievements that analyzed the family from the social, economic and philosophical point of view as well as political standpoint. Primarily, a study on aristocrat family in the Goryeo Dynasty needs to analyze according to the period and the themes. Secondly, it is necessary to study about the background of military official order(武班) family formation, the process of becoming military official order(武班), marriage and holding two offices civil official order(文班). Thirdly, it is needed to define the Gaeban(改班) more exactly and to grasp the background their features of Gaeban(改班) family. Then, it is necessary to compare with civil and military official order(文武班) family in the Age of the Military(武人政權期). Besides that, it is expected to continue to study of prerequisite to be an aristocrat family and status issue of civil and military official order(文武班).

      • KCI등재

        고려중기 인주이씨와 불교경향

        김창현 ( Chang Hyun Kim ) 성신여자대학교 인문과학연구소 2007 人文科學硏究 Vol.25 No.-

        Inju Lee Family believed in various Buddhism like Zen, Yoga, Hwaeom, so they did not attach too much importance to Yoga Buddhism. They produced several outstanding persons: Nanwon and Euicheon of Hwaeom Buddhism, Sohyun of Yoga Buddhism, Lee Jahyun of Zen Buddhism. Especially Lee Jahyun rehabilitated stagnant Zen Buddhism and spread belief in Manjusri bodhisattva to Zen Buddhism. All denominations of Buddhism in Koryeo society competed with one another, but did not conflict seriously. Each member of Inju Lee family had his own different taste. So Inju Lee family were concerned in several denominations of Buddhism. A group who bred discord among the denominations of Buddhism was rather the loyal family including the king than Inju Lee family. Buddhist denominations such as Hwaeom, Yoga, Zen, and Cheontae had aristocratic and plebeian aspects, so researchers might as well not blame aristocratic aspects upon Yoga Buddhism. On the contrary Yoga Buddhism had popular and plebeian aspects, with leading to relieve people and being in activity rather in the local area than in the capital.

      • KCI등재후보

        고려중기 예종·인종의 통치와 관료집단의 성격

        김창현(Kim Chang-Hyun) 한국인물사연구소 2007 한국인물사연구 Vol.8 No.-

        King Yejong made every effort to establish his father King's and his own lineal descent of royalty. He himself tried to keep his regal power as he played the middleman role in keeping the balance of power between political power groups and between various thoughts. He conquered Jurchen, but he got to recede the nine Forts. So he adopted a policy of excessive administration by civilians. King Injong devoted himself to breeding up ground around him. As a result, complications among the political forces got worse and the King failed in governing them, which raised a coup de'dat by Yi Ja-kyeom and Myocheong. King Injong was much exercised by power of Yi Ja-kyeom, Seokyeong(West Capital), Kim Bu-shik, but he led a political situation at the end of his term. Among fifty-seven high-ranking officials in the reign of King Yejong there were 60 to 70% newly rising families, more or less 30% noble families, and 53% civil officials who passed the state examination and 18% military officials and 30% other civil officials. Among seventy-seven high-ranking officials in the reign of King Injong there were 70% newly rising families and 20 to 30% aristocrats, and 53% civil officials who passed the state examination and 29% other civil officials and 18% military officials. In the reign of King Yejong and Injong high-ranking officials were from newly rising families much more than from aristocrats. King Yejong and King Injong helped men of abilities to be officials beyond their birth. The Koryeo dynasty was not a kind of aristocratic society, but the society of the literati(yangban) and petty functionary.

      • KCI등재

        安東權氏의 사례를 통해 본 高麗社會의 一斷面 : ‘成化譜’를 참고로 하여

        朴龍雲(Park Yong-woon) 역사교육연구회 2005 역사교육 Vol.94 No.-

        In this work, we compared and cross-referenced entries in Andong Kw?n Genealogy of Chenghua Era(1464~1487), with records from tomb inscriptions, the biographies and treatises in the Kory?sa, and various literary collections including Tongmuns?n. We found that Andong Kw?ns took advantage of the major contemporary events throughout the whole history of Kory?. In the beginning, they succeeded in establishing connections with the central government as the powerful local strongmen with distinguished records. Some of them obtained the governmental posts at the court to join the class of aristocrats while the remaining clan members serving as local officials took the opportunity during the military period to land posts in the central government, thereby solidifying their power bases by associating with the military leaders. The Andong Kw?n later even grew into an very influential family. In that process, through the apt use of civil service examinations and the protected appointment system, they produced a number of high ranking ministers, raising themselves to the status of a powerful royal in-law clan, with multitude of intertwined marriages with the most powerful aristocratic families of that time and with some serious connections to Mongol Yuan court. As a result, many of them played major roles in running the government while their excessive power left blemishes in relation to socio-economic conflicts, and at times, with the changeover of political circumstances, they faced setbacks for their deep involvement with the Mongol Yuan. One could observe such various aspects of Kory? period from the records of Andong Kw?n clan. This study of the Chenghua Era Genealogy clearly reinforces this point.

      • KCI등재

        용담김계(龍潭金啓)의 시조 향유에 나타난 문학적 지향

        송재연 ( Jae Yeon Song ) 한민족어문학회 2013 韓民族語文學 Vol.0 No.63

        이 논문은 일기「龍潭錄」의 기록을 토대로 16세기 후반에서 17세기 중반에 생을 살았던 향촌사족 金啓의 향촌생활을 살펴보고, 이러한 향촌생활을 바탕으로 창작된 시조를 분석하여 김계의 시조 작품이 가지는 문학적 지향점을 밝히고자 작성된 것이다. 김계는 시조 30수를 남기고 있는데, 이 시기까지만 하더라도 한 작가가 10수 이상의 시조를 창작한 경우가 매우 드물기 때문에 그의 시조 작품을 고찰하는 것은 의의가 있다고 하겠다. 또한 일기의 기술방식을 고려할 때 시조 창작과 관련된 구체적 상황과 정보를 얻을 수 있어 향촌사족의 시조 창작 및 향유 양상을 이해하는 데 도움을 얻을 수 있다.「龍潭錄」에는 향촌에서의 소소한 일상생활과 일상에서 느낄 수 있는 생활 감정이 진솔하게 담겨있다. 이러한 향촌생활을 토대로 창작된 김계의 시조는 생활 속에서 느끼는 진솔한 감회를 노래하는 한편, 가족애를 기반으로 한 가문의식을 드러내기도 하였다. 물론 시조를 통해 삶의 정서를 표출한 것이 대부분이지만, 김계의 시조 작품만이 가지는 독특한 면모는 가문의식의 표출에서 찾을 수 있다. 조상의 蔭德에 대한 감사, 자손의 출생에 대한 기쁨, 자제들이 出仕하기를 소망하는 마음을 노래하는 것은 모두 가문의 결속과 번영을 바라는 심정을 드러낸 것이다. 결국 김계가 시조를 통해 드러내고자 했던 문학적 지향은 자손의 번창과 가문의 발전에 수렴되고 있는 것이다. 이것은 당시의 시대적 상황과 결부시켜 볼 때 중앙의 정치 현실에서 배제된 한미한 향촌사족으로서 가문을 유지하고 부흥시켜야 한다는 의식 속에서 배태된 것으로 볼 수 있다. This paper is to clarify a literary orient of sijo(時調) written by Kim ge(金 啓) who lived in Bian(比安) province on the basis of Yongdam-rok(龍潭錄) of records. Yongdam-rok(龍潭錄) is a diary, and it includes life of the country. Kim ge(金啓) is a country aristocrat, and a writer. And in the country, he wrote 30 sijos. Because the case in which, by early 17th century, a writer who had written more than 10 sijos is rare, it is very important to examine closely sijos written by Kim ge(金啓). And if we consider narrative style of diary, we can receive help in understanding of writing and enjoyment of sijo (時調) written by country aristocrat. The life of Kim ge(金啓) in Yongdam-rok(龍潭錄) is filled with daily life and honest life feeling. It does not contain political realities, confucian traditions. So sijos written by Kim ge(金啓) show feelings about the country life, moreover express family consciousness. Especially family consciousness is very important in sijos written by Kim ge(金啓). In conclusion, a literary orient of sijo(時調) written by Kim ge(金啓) is to consist in prosperity of descendant and bringing honor to family.

      • KCI등재

        혜공왕대 ‘始定五廟’의 정치적 의미

        박초롱 한국고대사학회 2023 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.- No.110

        This study examines the changes in the Jongmyo system during the reign of King Hyegong. During this period, the first place of Jongmyo Shrine was changed from Taejo(太祖), who was advocated as the ancestor of the King Muyeol royal family, to King Michu(味鄒王), who was the progenitor of the Kims group of Silla, and the number of direct ancestors enshrined in Jongmyo Shrine was reduced from four to two. Previous studies considered that King Hyegong led the change in the Jongmyo system, and the goal of the change in the Jongmyo system was to strengthen the royal authority. However, it is difficult to say that King Hyegong led the change in the Jongmyo system during the reign of King Hyegong because it also restricts the royal authority. For this reason, this article saw that the reorganization of the Jongmyo system of the Hyegong Dynasty was made by accepting the demands of the Jingol(眞骨) aristocrats, which combined the perception of Jingol(眞骨) aristocrat’s perception of the King Muyeol’s Jongmyo system and the unstable political situation during King Hyegong. First of all, the operation of the Jongmyo by the royal family of King Muyeol and the changes in during the reign of King Hyegong were reviewed. Next, the background of the reorganization of the Jongmyo system during the reign of King Hyegong was examined in connection with the King Hyegong’s direct rule. Finally, the meaning of the change in Jongmyoje during the reign of King Hyegong, which was concentrated on the expression “始廟五廟”, was examined. The process of reorganizing the Jongmyo system during the reign of King Hyegong shows that Silla’s royal authority is extracted from inside the Jingol(眞骨) aristocrats, and the king could never be transcendent within the Jingol(眞骨) aristocrats. 이 글은 直系 4親을 모시는 경향이 주를 이루던 신라 종묘에서 가장 이질적 모습을 보인혜공왕대 종묘제를 살핀 것이다. 혜공왕대에는 중대 왕실의 조상으로 표방된 태조대왕에서시조 미추왕으로 종묘의 首位를 바꾸고, 4개에서 2개로 親廟의 숫자를 줄이는 변화가 일어났다. 선행연구는 이에 대해 혜공왕 측이 종묘제 개편을 주도하였으며 왕권 강화를 목표로하였다고 보았다. 그러나 혜공왕대 종묘제의 변화에는 왕권을 제약하는 측면도 있으므로, 혜공왕이 종묘제 변화를 선제적으로 주도한 것이라 보기 어렵다고 생각된다. 더구나 이후원성왕대의 종묘제 개편 시도와 애장왕대의 개편, 하대의 종묘제 운영에서 직계 4친을 모시려는 경향이 일관되었던 것을 고려하면, 직계 4친이 아닌 2친을 모시는 방안은 국왕 측에서제기한 것은 아니었을 것이다. 이 때문에 이 글에서는 무열왕계의 종묘제 운영에 대한 진골귀족 세력의 인식과 혜공왕대의 불안정한 政局이 결합한 가운데, 진골귀족의 요구를 받아들여 혜공왕대의 종묘제 개편이 이루어진 것으로 보았다. 이 글에서는 이에 따라 우선 무열왕계 왕실의 종묘제 운영과 혜공왕대의 변화상에 대해 검토하였다. 다음으로 혜공왕대 종묘제 개편의 배경을 親政과 연계하여 살펴보았다. 마지막으로 ‘시정오묘’라는 표현에 집약된 혜공왕대 종묘제 변화의 의미를살펴보았다. 혜공왕대의 종묘제 개편 과정은 신라의 왕권이 기본적으로 진골 내부에서 추출되는 것으로, 국왕은 진골귀족 집단 내에서 결코 초월적인 존재가 될 수 없었던 신라 지배체제의 특성을 보여준다는 점에서 의미가 있다.

      • KCI등재

        신라(新羅) 진골(眞骨)의 `가계(家系) 분지화(分枝化)`에 대한 재검토-사위의 왕위계승권을 중심으로-

        이재환 ( Lee Jaehwan ) 대구사학회 2017 대구사학 Vol.127 No.-

        It has been widely accepted that `true-bone` status has branched from a single patrilineal group to several lineages and the leaders of the lineages fought each other for the throne in the late age(下代) of Silla. However, during the armed conflicts around the throne from the end of the middle age(中代) to the early of the late age(下代), there was no case that a group sharing a particular ancestor was designated as a unit of power. The peculiarity of Silla in the succession of the throne was not the branching of lineages but that the king`s son-in-law could succeed the throne too. The right of succession of son-in-law is shown in the story about succession to the throne at the ealry-late period(上古期), and there are also actual cases like the King Kyeongmun(景文王) who was the son-in-law of the King Heonan(憲安王). It can be confirmed through the list of the ancestors enshrined in the royal ancestral shrine(五廟) that the king Shindeok(神德王) and the king Kyeongsun(敬順王) could succeed the throne as son-in-law and daughter`s son of former king Heongang(憲康王). Wars of succession after the death of the king Heungdeok(興德王), which were regarded as representative examples of collisions between branched lineages, were also battles between sons and son-in-laws of Chunggong(忠恭) who was the rightful successor. Thus, the cases of the dispute over the throne in the middle and the late Silla were not the struggles between the `kingship` and the `nobles`, but the conflicts among those who deserve access to the throne. By the time King Muyeoul(太宗武烈王) was crowned, it became difficult to establish a clear distinction between `royal family` and the other `true-bone` status. (Seoul National University, Department of Korean History, manson97@snu.ac.kr)

      • KCI등재

        백제(百濟)의 성씨(姓氏)와 귀족가문(貴族家門)의 출자(出自)

        노중국 ( Choong Kook Noh ) 대구사학회 2007 대구사학 Vol.89 No.-

        It was the royal family and the eight families that governed the Baekje dynasty. The royal family is the puyo clan and the great eight families are composed of the Sa clan, Yeon clan, Hae clan, jin clan, Mok clan, hyup clan, Bak clan and Kuk clan. The Baekje people originated from the Puyo, the Hanjok, Yejok and Macjok. Some part of the population came from China or Japan. The Puyo clan and Hae clan who are the royal families originated from Puyo and the Jin clan came from Yejok. Sa clan, Yun clan, Bak clan, Mok clan and Hyup clan were derived from Mahan among the Hanjoks and the kuk clan from Jin-Byunhan Hul clan originated from Macjok clan. The surnames from China are Wang, Go, Yang and Jang and those from Japan are Mulbu and Kisin. The aristocratic families of Baekje originated from mainly Hanjok and Macjok. The families from China or Japan didn`t belong to the great eight clans. When the capital of Baekje was located in the Hansung, the Jin, Hae and Mok families based upon the based upon the Han River took the initiative in the politics But, after the transfer of the capital from Hansung to Woongjin, next to Sabi, the political leadership passed into the Sa clan, Yeon clan, and Bak clan who were based upon the basin of Kum River. There are many double surnames which resulted from the Puyo tradition. Although many Baekje people used the Chinese style single surnames, the tradition of the double surnames was maintained till the end of Baekje Kingdom. This demonstrates that the Baekje maintained basically its own cultural tradition in spite of it`s accepting Chinese culture.

      • KCI등재

        백제 웅진기 왕족의 정치적 성격

        강종원 한국고대사탐구학회 2020 한국고대사탐구 Vol.35 No.-

        This paper aims to examine the political character of royal family in the changing political situation in the period of Woongjin. The state affairs in Hanseong period was managed by the royal family and queen’s relatives. This political phenomenon was changed in the reign of King Gaero. It is understood that the King Gaero strengthened the status of the royal family to establish the absolute authority of the king. By the way, his policy of royal authority reinforcement ended to no avail by the sacrifice of many royal family members in the course of the fall of Hanseong. After the movement of capital to Woongjin, it is commonly said that the aristocrat in Hanseong who came down to the south and the local powers in the basin of Guemgang have grown in political stature. As a result, the royal family was tended to be regarded as an incidental existence of the royal authority reinforcement and the power excluded from political authority due to the rise of new powers. But the existence and role of the royal family in the period of Woongjin is still identified in the fact that Gonji was appointed as a public officer called NaesinJwapyeong in the 3rd year of King Munju, 3 royal family members requested for public post and noble title in the 12th year of King Dongseong, a royal family member, Saahgun was dispatched to Japan in the reign of King Muyeol and the children and relatives in the royal family to Damro district. At that time, Gonji was appointed in the purpose of restoring the diminished royal authority and holding the aristocratic power in check. This shows that the royal family still controls domestic affair even though he is understood to be killed in the middle of checking the arbitrariness of pirates. It was the royal family that kept the pirates who seized military power and domestic affairs in check. The royal family played a main role in supporting Gonji when the King Dongseong who grew up in Japan and had a weak domestic base ascended a throne. He was faced with resistance of aristocratic powers in the process of establishing a political system of his own governing, which led his death. It was understood that there was the royal family at the center of the power behind the scene called gugkin. Therefore, it seems to be the royal family who eliminated the King Dongseong and set the King Muryeong on the throne. The King Muryeong who was enthroned by the support of the royal family expanded his ruling power by appointing royal family members for the diplomacy with Japan and the control over provinces. 이 글은 웅진기 격변하는 정치상황 속에서 王族들의 정치적 성격이 어떻게 변화하였는가를 살펴본 것이다. 한성기에는 王族과 王妃族을 중심으로 國政이 운영되었다. 이러한 국정 운영은 개로왕대에 이르러 변화하였다. 개로왕은 전제왕권을 확립하기 위해 왕족의 위상을 강화했던 것으로 파악된다. 그런데 한성함락 과정에서 다수의 왕족이 희생됨으로써 웅진천도 이후에는 南來貴族인 한성귀족과 금강유역 재지세력의 정치적 위상이 높아졌다고 보는 것이 일반적이다. 그로 인해 웅진기에 왕족은 주로 왕권강화를 위한 부수적인 존재나 신진세력의 부상으로 인해 정치권력에서 배제된 세력으로 간주되는 경향이 있었다. 그렇지만 웅진기 왕족의 동향을 보면, 문주왕 3년 昆支의 내신좌평 임명, 동성왕 12년 왕족 3인의 관작요청 사실, 무령왕대 왕족 斯我君의 왜 파견, 담로에 子弟와 宗族의 파견 등 왕족의 존재와 역할이 여전히 확인된다. 문주왕이 왜에 파견되었던 곤지를 등용한 목적은 위축된 왕권을 회복하고 귀족세력을 견제하기 위한 것으로 파악된다. 비록 해구의 전횡을 견제하는 과정에서 곤지가 죽임을 당했던 것으로 추정되지만 왕족이 여전히 내정을 관장하였음을 보여준다. 그리고 곤지이후 군사권과 내정을 장악한 해구를 견제할 수 있었던 세력도 왕족이었다. 특히 왜에서 성장하여 국내에 기반이 미약하였던 동성왕이 즉위할 수 있었던 것도 곤지를 지지했던 왕족의 영향력이 크게 작용한 결과였다. 그러나 동성왕은 친정체제 구축을 위해 왕족과 유력한 귀족세력을 배제함으로써 그들의 반발을 초래하여 죽임을 당하는데, 동성왕 시해의 배후세력이었던 國人의 핵심은 왕족이었을 것으로 이해된다. 따라서 동성왕을 제거하고 무령왕을 옹립한 핵심세력도 왕족이었다고 볼 수 있다. 왕족은 무령왕대에 왜와의 외교뿐만 아니라 담로체제 하에서 지방관으로 파견되어 지방통치의 일부를 담당함으로써 국가의 지배력을 확산시키는데 일조하였다.

      • KCI등재

        百濟 熊津奠都와 貴族勢力의 動向

        姜鍾元(Kang Jong-won) 한국고대사학회 2008 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.52

        이 글에서는 개로왕대의 정치상황과 熊津 奠都의 배경, 그리고 웅진초기 귀족세력의 동향에 대하여 검토하였다. 개로왕은 전제왕권을 추진하면서 이를 대외적으로 과시하기 위해 인력과 물자를 동원하여 성을 쌓고 누각을 장려하게 조영하였는데, 이 과정에서 고구려의 계략이 크게 작용하였던 것으로 파악된다. 그렇지만 개로왕의 무리한 대규모 토목공사는 국가의 人的ㆍ物的 자원의 고갈을 가져왔을 뿐만 아니라 한강이북지역 재지세력의 분열과 이탈을 초래하였다. 그 결과 북방지역 방비체계의 해체를 가져와 고구려의 남진을 효과적으로 제어하지 못하고, 결국 한성의 함락과 천도라는 국가적 위기를 맞게 되었다. 문주왕은 즉위 후 바로 웅진으로 천도를 하였는데, 웅진에 定都하게 된 배경은 고구려의 공격으로부터 벗어남과 동시에 大姓貴族들의 정치적 간섭을 최소화하고, 나아가 倭로부터 원군과 함께 귀국하는 昆支의 지원을 고려하였던 것으로 추정된다. 또한 웅진지역에 기반을 두고 있었던 백씨세력과의 정치적 관계도 중요하게 작용하였지만, 한편으로는 그들의 정치적 간섭을 고려하여 금강 남안으로 도읍을 정한 것으로 추정된다. 또한 문주왕은 전통적인 漢城貴族이면서 재지기반의 상실로 인해 군사적 기반은 미약한 해씨세력인 解仇를 병관좌평에 임명하여 병권을 맡김으로써 금강유역에 기반을 두고 있었던 귀족세력들의 군사력을 제어함과 동시에 그들의 정치적 간섭을 약화시킴으로써 왕권의 안정을 도모하였다. 동시에 문주왕은 왜에서 귀국한 곤지 등 왕족을 중용하여 귀족세력을 견제하면서 왕권강화를 추구하였다. 그러나 문주왕의 이중적인 왕권강화정책은 해구를 중심으로 한 귀족세력의 반발을 불러왔으며, 결국 해구에 의해 죽임을 당하면서 실패하였다. This paper reviews political situation of King Gero period, background of the Capital City Transfer to Wungjin and the tendency of the aristocratic class in the early Wungjin era. King Gero pursed absolute royal power and to show it domestically and internationally, built a castle and fortress by mobilizing human power and resources. It is considered that this resulted from Goguryeo Dynasty's plot. Thus, King Gero's unreasonable large scaled public works exhausted the national resources both of human and material and results in disunion and separation of power in the northern part of Han River. As a result, weakening of defence system in the northern area did not control Goguryeo's coming down south effectively. After all, the capital city, Hanseong was about to be falled and Baekje Dynasty had to transfer its capital city to Wungjin. Soon after King Munju came to the throne, he moved the capital city to Wungjin because he wanted to escape from Goguryeo's threat as well as minimize the aristocratic class's political intervention. Furthermore, he considered supporting Gonji who returned from Japan. Another reason is that he considered important the political relationship with the Baek Family whose power is based on Wungjin area. However, considering their political intervention, the new capital city was established in the southern part of Gum River. King Munju was traditionally from Hanseong aristocratic class. Because of the loss of supporting power, he appointed Hegu who is a member of the He family power as naval commender to increase his military power. King Munju wanted to increase royal power by controling the military power of aristocratic powers that were based on Gum River and weakening their political intervention. At the same time, King Munju appointed royal family members such as Gonji in the important post to intensify his power. However, King Munju's double royal power intensification policy faced opposition of the aristocratic power that was led by Hegu. After all, King Munju was assassinated by Hegu and his policy failed.

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