불가코프 작품에 나타난 흰색과 붉은색의 모티프

정연호 ( Yeon Ho Chung ) 한국외국어대학교 러시아연구소 2012 슬라브연구 Vol.28 No.2

Bulgakov was engaged in the White side without his intention when Russia was divided between the White and the Red side. Because it happened without his intention at all, he tried very hard to take off the brand that he was once participated in the White side. However, his first novel, The White Guard, which the title includes the meaning of white, comes under suspicion, but the novel avoids the battle between the White and the Red. As you can see from the above, there are many novels of Bulgakov that includes motif of ``colors`` and titles including ``colors`` applying his childhood and life story. This thesis traced the motives of the ``colors`` and the ``lights`` which appears in Bulgakov`s novels focusing on the White and the Red. The result tells that the White shows traditionally conservative clerisy and Christlike values, and also it describes the good characters. The White and the Red, in his many novels, are in a striking contrast and at the same time, they are both described as in an equal position. This means that Bulgakov clarified about his novels in the letter that he tried very hard not to make a distinction between the White and the Red. Actually, this can be found in The White Guard that the White and the Red are being treated equally in Christ heaven. On the other side, the Red has revolutionary and political meanings so it sometimes is replaced by the Black. In The Fatal Eggs, it is described as the loser of the battle between the White and in some other novels, it is used in describing ``heads``. Also jacinth is the intermediate color of the red and the yellow, so when the character is positive, he emphasizes the yellow color more, and when describing the negative character, he emphasizes the red color. The emphasis of the color red can also be found in the evil and negative characters which destroys the city by ``fire``.

백원담-차오정루(曺征路) 대담 ― 『민주수업』의 문화대혁명 성찰과 그 후

백원담 한국중국현대문학학회 2015 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.75

This conversation between Chinese novelist Cao Zhenglu, who pioneered the “netherworld” literature with works such as Lessons in Democracy and There, and Asian modern thoughts scholar Paik Wondam focuses upon the novel Lessons in Democracy. The story suggests a solution to the difficulties China has faced after the Reform and Opening Up by reflecting them from a perspective of the Cultural Revolution. The writer looks squarely at the reality in which the senior party officials who were purged in the Cultural Revolution returned to vilify it for their interests, and studies of the Cultural Revolution becomes yet another academic topic and pedantry. Cao questions, “What is revolution for? What did people get from it?” He argues that revolution is meaningless when people fail to become masters, and ridiculed by a handful of ruling class. He concludes that the Cultural Revolution was a great lesson in democracy, and explains how he represented it in the family and social relationships of the Red Guards. Paik notes how Cao understood the main goal of the Cultural Revolution was to defeat the capitalism-leaning senior party officials in intraparty class struggle, and reconstructed it in the everyday experience of a school girl and her family. Here, an entirely new vision of the Cultural Revolution opens up. She particularly praises his profound understanding of the Cultural Revolution as the question of “popular democracy” and remarkable skills in portraying it in consciousness and practices of the Red Guards of the time. She contends that the Cultural Revolution should be understood as a world historical event appropriated across national borders rather than just a past history of China.

Участие корейцев в гражданской войне в России

Бутенин Н.А.(엔.아. 부쩨닌,N.A. Butenin),Бутенина Н.Д.(엔.데. 부쩨닌,N.D. Butenin) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2006 역사문화연구 Vol.24 No.-

1917년 러시아혁명 이후 전개된 내전에서 극동에 거주하던 한인들은 소비에트 적군의 편에 서서 일본군을 선두로 하는 제국주의간섭군 및 그들의 후원을 받는 백군들과 힘든 싸움을 전개하였다. 1922년 말 소비에트 적군이 제국주의간섭군 과 백군을 연해주에서 몰아내고 최종적인 승리를 거두게 된 데에는 극동 한인들의 공로가 적지 않았다. 그런데 극동러시아에서 이룩한 한인들의 공로는 소련의 역사서술에서 제대로 인정을 받아오지 못했다. 내전 직후 내전참가자들이 한인들의 혁혁한 공로에 대해 수많은 칭송을 했음에도 불구하고 스탈린의 편협한 민족정책과 중앙아시아로의 한인의 강제이주라는 정치적 사건은 소련의 공식적 역사서술에서 한인의 공적을 삭제해버리는 요인이 되었다. 1960년 이후 톰스크에 소장된 문서들을 이용하여 내전에 참가한 한인들에 대한 역사적 복원이 이루어지기 시작하였다. 지금은 블라디보스톡의 극동국립역사 문서보관소(РГИА ДВ)로 이전되어 소장되어 있는 내전시기 자료들을 통해 우리는 극동의 한인들이 내전시기 얼마나 치열하게 일본군 및 백군과 싸웠으며, 연해주의 해방에 얼마나 큰 공적을 세웠는가를 알아낼 수 있다. 러시아와 한국의 몇몇 연구자들이 이 자료들을 이용하여 극동 한인들의 러시아내전 참전에 대한 연구를 수행해 왔다. 하지만 아직까지 그 결과는 충분하지 않다. 극동의 한인들은 국내에서의 3·1운동을 계기로 러시아내전에 본격적으로 참여 하기 시작하였다. 한편으로는 한인들만으로 조직된 빨치산부대를 조직하여 일본군과 싸우기도 하였으며, 또 한편으로는 소련 적군 및 빨치산부대에 참가하여 백군과 전투하기도 하였다. 그 과정에서 1920년 4월참변을 맞아 커다란 희생을 치 르기도 했지만 결국 연해주를 해방시키는데 큰 공로를 세웠다. 이에 대한 극동의 자료들은 아직 완전하게 이용되고 있지 못하며 앞으로 이 자료들을 이용한 연구의 지평은 매우 넓다고 할 수 있다. During the Civil War period, which had begun after the Russian Revolution in 1917, Koreans living in the Russian Far East joined the partisan and the Red Army troops fighting against the interventionists including the Japanese army. Koreans contributed to a great extent to the final victory of the Soviet Red Army which excluded the imperialistic interventionists and the White Army at the end of 1922. However, Koreans' convtribution did not have received their deserved evaluation in the Soviet history of the Civil War. Although the Russian participants of the Civil War had praised the brilliant activities of the Korean partisans in their memoires written shortly after the Civil War, their achievements were deleted in the official history of the Soviet Union, mainly due to the Stalin's narrow policy on minority peoples and the forced deportation of the Koreans. Since 1960, based on the historical materials in the archive in Tomsk, historians began to revive the activities of the Koreans who had participated in the Civil War. Now, by using those materials regarding the Civil War, which had been moved from Tomsk to the Far Eastern National Historical Archive in Vladivostok(RGIA, DV). we can figure out how Koreans in the Russian Far East had fiercely fought against the Japanese and the White guards and how much they contributed to the liberation of the Maritime Province. Although some Russian and Korean scholars had studied on the participation of Koreans in the Civil War, their accomplishment is not satisfactory. Koreans in the Russian Far East began to participate in the Russian Civil War after the March First Movement in Korea. While Koreans organized their own military troops and fought against the Japanese army, they also joined the fightings of Soviet army or Russian partisan troops against the White guards. Although Koreans experienced serious sacrifice in the April Tragic Incident(April 4-5, 1920), they eventually contributed the liberation of the Russian Maritime Province. We are not yet fully using historical materials of the Russian Far East which will be helful to broaden the our academic scope on the Civil War.

현준혁 암살과 김일성 암살시도 - 평남 건준의 좌절된 ‘해방황금시대’와 백의사

정병준(Jung Byung Joon) 역사비평사 2021 역사비평 Vol.- No.136

The assassination of Hyun Junhyuk (September 3, 1945) was the milestone that changed the political scene of North Korea shortly after Korea liberation. It was turned out that White Shirts Society, the extreme-right wing terrorist group committed the assassination. There were political turmoil between Pyongnam Korean Committee for the Preparation of the Re-establishment of the State (KCRRS) which led the political leadership in North Korea and Pyongnam Communist Party branch which tried to turn over the leadership with the support of Soviet Red Army just arrived at Pyongyang. Especially in the middle of the struggle between right wing Peace-Preserving Corps and left wing Red-Guard, Hyun Junhyuk was assassinated. The assassins were worked for Pyongnam KCRRS Peace-Preserving Corps and related with White Shirts Society. Lyom Dongjin fled to Seoul and organized the White Shirts Society. Lyom also assassinated Kim Hyuk who knew Lyom’s Japanese spy background history. When the anti-trusteeship movement upheaval was prevailed in early 1946, White Shirts Society started terrorist maneuver against North Korean leaders. Agents of White Shirts Society tried to assassinate Kim Ilsung and Kang Ryangwook in March 1946. The terrorist attack of White Shirts Society reflected the legacy of right wing-left wing political struggle which was happened in Pyongyang shortly after Korea liberation.

‘徵候’로서의 張承志 읽기

성근제 한국중국현대문학학회 2010 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.52

In this thesis, the writer tries new comprehension of works of Zhang Chengzhi(張承志)who influenced contemporary Chines literary circles with such works as The Black Steed(‘黑駿馬'), History of the Soul(‘心靈史’). He is Hui(回) Chinese and grew up in Beijing. He went to Tsinghua university middle school and was said to coin the word ‘Red Guard'. He was sent down to Mongolia and lived as a ‘educated youth'(知靑). But after the Cultural Revolution, his behavior and writing were distinctively different from any other writer. He was a promising young writer and scholar, but after he came to contact with a muslim sect called Jahrinya(哲合忍耶), he became a muslim and left literary and academic circles and became a professional prose writer. His transformation was not just change of occupation and genre but it could be interpreted as civilizational conversion because it was related to radical questioning about history, society and civilization of China which was triggered by discovery of lowest class minority groups. One thing in his argument that merits attention is that his fierce criticism about Chinese history and intellectual community ultimately restored the status of Hui in the history of civilization of China. In today's situation where political unrest in ethnic minority regions becomes a serious issue, it is unknown what Zhang Chengzhi's fundamental questions about the nature of Chines civilization result in, but his questions deserve to be called a significant symptom that is related to the future of new China which is half a century old.

산둥 문화대혁명 속 파벌형성의 원인과 양상 — ‘산둥대학 마오쩌둥주의 홍위병’의 부침 —

김한결(Kim, Han-gyeol) 중국근현대사학회 2021 중국근현대사연구 Vol.89 No.-

This study is aimed at analyzing the cause of factional formation in Shandong Province during the Cultural Revolution, focusing on the Shandong University Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards(山東大學毛澤東主義紅衛兵) that communicated directly with the Central Cultural Revolution Group(CCRG). The student rebellions could organize the Red Guards under the CCRG. Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards gradually gained the upper hand over the conservatives through the support of central politics and started directly guiding the laborers and farmers. At first, they took lead in uniting the rebel Red Guards against the conservative Red guards and the Shandong Province Committee. But after overthrowing the enemy, they changed their position and took exclusive control of power. The feeling of superiority and inferiority among the Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards split not only the rebel Red Guards but the laborers and farmers under their lead into Pro-Shandong University and Anti-Shandong University. Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards came close to seizing power but it was impeded by the Anti-Shandong University members and Shandong Province party officers. In the end, Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards were defeated due to a military intervention by the Jinan Military Region, with Wang Xiaoyu on their side. However, The regrouping of conservatives led to the reunion of the rebels so the Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards was able to reestablish the power of the Shandong University. After the dismantling of the conservatives, the Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards sought to recover their reputation. In the end, the Mao Zedong Thought Red Guards disbanded due to attacks from the Revolutionary Committees and Anti-Shandong University members.

중국동시대미술에 나타난 애브젝트 이미지 연구: 홍위병을 재현한 탠타이쵄과 후커의 작품분석을 중심으로

이영일 한국조형교육학회 2013 造形敎育 Vol.0 No.48

This article is an analysis of cotemporary Chinese art by using “abject” and Tai-Quan Tian’s and Ke Hu’s products whose motifs are mainly about the images of Red Guards as symbols of the political mass movement in Cultural Revolution. According to what the writer has found out, the border between the shape of an “abject” image and other object is not clear, and I can my inquiry about the collision of the meaning of the segmentation line. At the same time, the literature shaped image appearing as contemporary Chinese art is a single mark that reveals the Chinese contemporary art; also it exposes a symbol of the Chinese people’s trauma. In addition, the reason why the contemporary Chinese art reenacted the Red Guards is because the cultural/ aesthetical concept of the same age interlocks with each other. Therefore, the color of the same age is very deep. Using contemporaneous cultural criticism analysis, based on the definite object this detailed research is a reason about the conflict between the abstract aspect and the definite object. In conclusion, the writer would like to state about the language of molding and art. The lengthening of the language of molding’s border line is how to expose the “abject” brought up in the beginning of this article, and it also exposes the inability and the limitation of the existing reenacting system.

毛澤東, 共靑團, 老紅衛兵의 혁명의 후계자 담론 비교

김준호 ( Kim¸ Jun-ho ) 한국중국학회 2021 중국학보 Vol.97 No.-

본 논문은 老紅衛兵의 혁명의 후계자 담론을 毛澤東 및 共靑團의 혁명의 후계자 담론과의 삼자구도 속에서 검토한다. 毛澤東이 혁명의 후계자를 양성하는 문제를 제기한 것은 그의 계급 개념이 당 내부에 출현한 사상적·정치적 문제를 겨냥하는 과정과 맥락을 같이하고 있었다. 때문에 毛澤東이 요구했던 혁명의 후계자란 기본적으로 당 내부, 심지어 중앙의 인사들에게도 조반할 수 있는 청년이었다. 共靑團은 상산하향에 청년들을 동원하는 임무를 맡은 상황 속에서 혁명의 후계자 양성 임무를 이어받았다. 그 결과로 제기된 것은 고된 생활-혁명의 후계자 담론이었다. 하지만 그들이 선전한 것은 기본적으로 당에 복종하는 혁명의 후계자였지, 당에 조반하는 혁명의 후계자가 아니었다. 고된 생활-혁명의 후계자 담론은 出身이 좋지 않은 청년들이 혁명의 후계자로 거듭나는 유일한 출로는 상산하향이라는 논리의 출현으로 이어지기도 했다. 사구타파 기간 국무원의 하향 동원 업무에 호응하려던 老紅衛兵들은 이 논리를 이어받았지만, 직접 상산하향에 참가하는 혁명의 후계자가 되려 하지는 않았다. 또한 그들의 담론은 갈수록 表現을 중시하는 毛澤東 계급이론의 사상적 경로와도 부합하지 않았고, 주된 비판 대상이 누구인가에 관해서도 부합하지 않았다. 혈통론은 교내에서 자신의 경쟁자들을 압도하려는 간부자제들의 담론적 투쟁 과정에서 출현한 것이었다. This paper examines the revolutionary successor discourse of the Old Red Guards in a three-way composition with the revolutionary successor discourses of Mao Zedong and the Youth Communist League. Mao’s raising of the issue of nurturing revolutionary successors coincided with the process of targeting ideological and political issues within the party. Therefore, the revolutionary successor Mao wanted was basically a youth who could rebel against figures in the party and even those on the Central Committee. The Youth Communist League took over the task of nurturing revolutionary successors while they were tasked with mobilizing young people to go Up to the Hills, Down to the Countrysides. What was raised as a result was the hard life-revolutionary successor discourse. But what they propagated was basically the revolutionary successors that had to obeyed the party, not the revolutionary successors who could rebel against the party. The hard life-revolutionary successor discourse also led to the emergence of logic that the only way out for young people with bad class origins to be reborn as revolutionary successors was to go Up to the Hills, Down to the Countrysides. During the Destroying Four Olds period, the Old Red Guards, who tried to respond enthusiastically to the State Council’s task of making Beijing residents to go down to the countrysides, adopted this logic, but they did not try to be the revolutionary successor who willingly participated in the Up to the Hills, Down to the Countrysides campaign. Their discourse was also inconsistent with the ideological path of Mao’s class theory, which increasingly valued individual’s behavior, and with the respect to who the main object of criticism was. The bloodline theory emerged during the discursive struggle of the students whose parents were cadres to oust their rivals from the competition in the school.

문화대혁명시기의 대학생 문화

이경자 ( Kyung Ja Lee ) 한국교육사학회 2015 한국교육사학 Vol.37 No.1

현대 중국인에게 ``잃어버린 10년``, ``10년의 동란``, ``10년의 재앙`` 등으로 기억되고 있는 문화대혁명(文化大革命)은 1966년부터 1976년까지 10년의 대혼란을 말한다. 10년 동안 지속된 ``문화대혁명``은 경제, 사회뿐만 아니라 교육에도 많은 영향을 미쳤다. 특히 대학교육에 많은 충격과 영향을 미쳤다. 이러한 충격과 영향은 기존과는 다른 대학생 문화를 형성하였다. 본 연구는 문화대혁명시기에 대학생들의 문화가 어떠했는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 이를 위해 문화대혁명 전과 확연히 달라진 대학교의 상황을 학생모집제도의 변화, 교육 대상과 내용, 학제의 변화, 홍위병을 통한 정치투쟁 등을 통해 알아보았다. 문화대혁명시기에는 대학입학이 몇 년간 중단되었으며 기존의 정상적인 학제가 단축되었다. 대학생 선발기준은 기존의 고등학교 졸업자에서 학력에 상관없이 ``공농병(工, 農, 兵: 노동자, 농민, 군인)`` 출신으로 바뀌면서 많은 공농병대학생이 출현하였다. 이들의 출현으로 교수방법, 교수내용 등에 많은 변화가 일어났다. 이러한 변화 및 혼란은 대학생들 사이에 고발과 비판문화를 낳고, 이러한 고발과 비판은 기존에 가지고 있던 사회질서는 물론이고, 인간으로서 가지고 있는 최소한의 존엄성마저 훼손시켰다. 또한 마오쩌둥을 신격화하여 숭배하는 문화를 만들었다. 마오쩌둥 숭배는 조청시(早請示)를 하며, 가슴에 마오쩌둥의 휘장을 달고, 그의 어록을 외우며, 충자가(忠字歌)를 부르고, 충자무(忠字舞)를 추며, 어록체조(語錄操)를 하고, 만회보(晩匯報)를 하는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 전통적인 사생(師生)관계를 깨트렸다. 사생관계의 파괴는 학문과 학술에 대한 권위와 신뢰마저 깨트렸고, 이는 교사에 대한 권위를 실추시켰다. 문화대혁명으로 인해 중국은 10여 년간의 인재배양 기회를 상실했다. 문화대혁명은 사람들에게 많은 피해와 교훈을 남기고 지금까지도 명료하게 해석되지 않은 역사적 사건으로 남아 있다. `The cultural revolution` is the 10-year great chaos from 1966 to 1976 remembered by modern Chinese as `A Lost Decade`, `The 10-year War`, `The 10-year Disaster` etc. The cultural revolution had a lot of influence economic, social, and education for the 10 years and in particular influenced a lot of shocks and impact on university education. These shocks and impact resulted to the formation of the culture different from other university students` conventional culture. The purpose of this study is to examine the students` culture in the great cultural revolution period. To achieve this goal this study examined the situation changed significantly after The cultural revolution through student recruitment of university, changes in education, and political struggle by the Red Guards etc. During the cultural revolution the university entrance stopped for a few years, the basic education systems was destroyed, and education period was reduced. As university student selection criteria changed from the existing high school to the worker-farmer-soldier(工, 農, 兵) class regardless of the educational background, many worker-farmer-soldier university students emerged. The appearance of worker-farmer-soldier university students occurred many changes in teaching methods and contents, etc. Such changes and confusion lowered the levels of students enrollment and paralyzed original higher education function. As a result, university education was almost suspended at the time. It is no exaggeration to say that the cultural Revolution is the Red Guards movement. The political struggle by the Red Guards resulted in accusations and criticism to students at the time, directed the atmosphere for Mao Zedong worship like God and went broke the traditional teacher-student relationship. The destruction of teacher-student relationship broke the rough trust and authority over scholarship and academic activity and led to downfall the authority of the teacher. Because of the cultural revolution China lost the chance of human resource nurturing for over 10 years. The cultural revolution left a lot of damage and lesson, but is still remained a historical event not yet clearly interpreted.

考察?去, 映射?在 ― 文革?期知??材及??兵?作?究

조혜영 한국중국현대문학학회 2003 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.26

문화대혁명 시기의 '知靑' 제재 소설과 홍위병 시가에 관한 연구