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      • KCI등재

        러시아어의 음절 구조와 음절 구분 조건

        강덕수 ( Ducksoo Kang ) 한국외국어대학교 언어연구소 2002 언어와 언어학 Vol.0 No.30

        This paper purposes to explain the syllable structure of Russian, excavating its syllabification conditions. Russian words have been syllabified by the principle of open syllables or the principle of avoidance of consonant clusters. According to this principle, lodka ´vessel´ should be divided into two syllables lo.dka. But the consonant cluster /dk/ on the onset infringes the principle of sonority: rising sonority on the onset. Moreover, the phrase pod et´im ´under it´ presents an inexplicable problem in its syllabification because a phoneme /d/ is not palatalized before a front vowel /e/. Therefore, the optimality theory is adopted to solve problems in syllabifying syllables of Russian. In Kang(1998) eight conditions of syllabification have been presented: NoCoda, Sonority, NoGem, Parse, I-Onset, Align-E. The hierarchy of these conditions is: I-Onset ≫ Sonority ≫ NoGem ≫ Parse, NoCoda ≫ Align-E. The name of a famous writer Tolstoj is, according to this hierarchy, syllabified as follows: (5)tolstoj Another problem arises from such words as ots´uda ´from here´. The phonotactic arrangement of consonants /ts´/ on the onset fits into the constraint Sonority. Thus, according to the principle of open syllable, it can be divided into /o.ts´u.da/. But it is not proper syllabification. This word should be pronounced as /ot.s´u.da/, because in this phonotactic structure the constraint Continuity is involve. Besides, new constraints Ident-C[+back], Ident-V[-back] and *VA are introduced to solve such phrases as gorod istra ´city Istra´, vdol´ Ok´i along Oka river´ Finally, this paper shows that semantic relations of lexicons have priority to phonological domain, taking into consideration the speed of utterances and their semantic distinctions.

      • KCI등재

        Syllabification in LuGanda

        Gyung Ran Kim(김경란) 언어과학회 2004 언어과학연구 Vol.30 No.-

        In this paper, we review the analysis of compensatory lengthening in LuGanda by Clements (1986) and suggest another way of explaining vowel lengthening and shortening phenomena by using X slots instead of CV slots as timing units on the one hand and a syllabification algorithm on the other hand. In doing so, an inconsistency problem in representing the first portion of nasal clusters and geminate consonants with a V slot is eliminated and several rules of vowel length change are made unnecessary. Tone rules and perfect stem formation rules, which Clements asserts as supporting evidence of the VC sequence in nasal clusters and geminate consonants, are also found to be supportive of our analysis, where mora is assigned not to V slots but to any X slots in the syllable rime as a result of syllabification. Equipped with fewer gears, our analysis proves to be a better solution to the LuGanda data of vowel length change.

      • KCI등재

        Phonological Explanations on the Pronunciation Errors of the Chinese Learner: Focusing on the Korean Liquids in Syllable Boundary

        ( Hwa Jin Lee ),( Ho Bin Ha ) 국어교육학회 2015 國語敎育學硏究 Vol.50 No.5

        The main purpose of this study is to demonstrate the grounds that cause the Chinese learner``s errors in Korean liquid pronunciation. The basis of analyzing pronunciation errors, in many cases, compares the phoneme inventory of target language with learner``s. However, the explanation by comparison of phoneme inventory is somewhat unclear when the proper segment that is pronounced by learner causes error in syllable level such as ``/nola/ → [nol.a]``. In this study, unlike previous contrastive approaches, we assume that the crucial key which causes the Korean liquid pronunciation errors of the Chinese learner is the difference between both languages in the process of syllabification. In the case of Chinese, there is only the convention that formulates ambisyllabicity without the application of rule so-called ``onset linking`` in syllable boundary. Therefore, the Chinese learner blocks the coda [l] to onset [□], or applies ambisyllable [ll] to syllable boundary.

      • KCI등재

        딱지본 고소설의 표기와 음운현상 고찰 ― 금방울전, 옥단춘전, 조웅전 등을 중심으로 ―

        송미영 중앙어문학회 2022 語文論集 Vol.92 No.-

        The development of printing contributed to the diffusion of various classical novels, and created reading changes from reciting by Jeongisu(storyteller) to silent reading alone. The small-size multicolored Ttakjibon classical novels were enjoyed by the public from the 1910s to the 1960s. Among them, novels like “Geumbanguljeon”, “Okdanchunjeon”, and “Joungjeon” were published many times, demonstrating the changes in Korean Orthography. Considering the relations between the Korean Orthography for Primary School(1912, 1921, 1930) and the Korean Orthography Unified Draft(1933), this study examied notation such as adoption of double consonantal letters(各⾃並書字), abolition of ‘ㆍ’, final consonant, and notation of syllabification. Also, as phonological phenomena, this study analyzed palatalization, vowel-rounding, vowel-fronting, vowel-raising, deletion of ㄱ & ㅎ. As a result, the trend to change the notation of contemporary Korean was clearly revealed. However, the existing notation was maintained because it followed the customary practice of publications in the previous period.

      • KCI등재

        음절 연쇄에서 나타나는 일본인 학습자의 한국어 종성 발음 유형

        하호빈,이화진 연세대학교 언어정보연구원 2019 언어사실과 관점 Vol.47 No.-

        This study aims to analyze the pronouncing patterns of Japanese learner in Korean syllable final consonant in terms of place and manner of articulation. For the analysis, we have assembled and researched actual data of the elementary-level learner’s pronunciation. As a result of the research, we claim the three types of pronouncing error which are concerned with the place assimilation, open syllabification and the changing of articulation based on the place and manner. In Japanese, there are phonemes so-called ‘sokuon(促音, つ)’ and ‘hatsuon(撥音, ん)’ also depicted as /Q/ and /N/ that can be recognized as the coda. These elements influence the learner’s pronunciation of Korean syllable final consonants that is added up to typical error causes ill-formed place assimilation and the open syllabification. The Japanese learner’s error, however, is not only concerned with the place of underlying /Q/ and /N/. They also change the sonority of obstruent to avoid the unmarked segmental sequence. Moreover, some errors are caused by the asymmetry of phonetic feature between Japanese and Korean syllable final nasal.

      • KCI등재

        일본인 학습자의 한국어 발음 오류에 대한 종적 연구 ― 자연 발화 데이터 분석을 중심으로

        이화진 ( Lee Hwajin ),하호빈 ( Ha Hobin ) 국어교육학회 2021 國語敎育學硏究 Vol.56 No.2

        본 연구는 일본인 학습자의 한국어 발음 오류를 일정 기간 동안 동일 학습자로부터 얻어낸 자연 발화 데이터를 통해 분석하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 기존의 연구가 대체로 연구자에 의해 가공된 데이터를 학습자에게 입력시킴으로써 이루어졌다면, 본 연구는 학습자가 통제되지 않은 환경에서 자유롭게 발화한 데이터를 대상으로 연구를 진행했다는 점에서 의의를 가진다. 자연 발화를 통해 검증한 일본인 학습자의 한국어 발음 오류는 대체로 기존 연구에서 언급된 내용들을 반영하고 있다. 중성 오류의 경우 초성 오류와 종성 오류에 비해 비교적 많이 나타나며, 그 가운데 고모음 간 대치가 가장 높은 비율을 차지한다. 초성 오류의 경우 평음 유기음 대치가 가장 많이 나타나며, 종성 오류의 경우 비음 간 대치가 가장 많이 나타난다. 한편 기존 연구에서 대표적인 오류 유형 가운데 하나로 규정하고 있는 개음절화의 경우 모든 학습자들에게서 두루 나타나지는 않으며, 오히려 종성 탈락이 그보다 높은 비율로 나타난다. 이는 종성과 관련된 한국어의 음절 구조 제약이 일본인 학습자에 의해 적용되지 못한 결과 나타난 현상으로 분석할 수 있다. This thesis aims to analyze Korean pronunciation errors of Japanese learner based on the spontaneous speech data obtained from each learner over a certain period. In most earlier studies, learners’ pronunciation errors tended to be analyzed based on manipulated data. In this thesis, however, the learners’ pronunciation errors are treated as part of the natural utterance. Japanese learners’ pronunciation errors in actual speech generally corroborate the conclusions of earlier research regarding certain phonological phenomena, such as the high vowel alternation, nasal consonant alternation, and alternation between aspirated and lax consonants. Some phenomena, however, require another perspective that analyzes the learners’ pronunciation errors. Open syllabification, which is the most typical type of error, does not occur frequently in the actual speech of Japanese learners, and final consonant deletion, which is not considered a representative type of error, is more common than open syllabification.

      • SCOPUSKCI등재

        A weighted constraint grammar analysis of word-medial syllabification in English

        Sung-Hoon Hong 경희대학교 언어정보연구소 2021 언어연구 Vol.38 No.1

        This paper proposes a weighted constraint grammar analysis that best models English syllabification as reported in Eddington et al. (2013). After we examine the factors governing the syllabification of medial consonants in two-syllable words, a set of constraints are formulated to address these factors. Based on these constraints, an initial grammar is constructed, to which we submit distribution information about medial syllabifications obtained from Eddington et al.’s (2013) syllabification survey data. We then perform learning simulations using Exponential Noisy Harmonic Grammar, a weighted constraint grammar designed especially to deal with constraints with negative weight (Pater 2009). As a result of the learning, an output grammar is produced in which each constraint is assigned a numerical weight. From the output grammar, we generate predicted syllabifications, which are then compared with observed syllabifications to evaluate the success of the analysis. We measure the predictive performance of the proposed analysis in terms of Root Mean Square Error and R², both of which provide a positive assessment.

      • KCI등재

        Syllabification ambiguity and lexical nuclei - An optimality-theoretic analysis of on-glides in Korean

        Chang-beom Park(박창범) 한국음운론학회 2008 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.14 No.1

          It has been widely regarded that the SPE feature [±syllabic] is unnecessary in phonological theory in the sense that syllable structures are predictable by a grammar: syllabification does not need to be specified in the lexicon. The result is to discard the special segments “glides”, since they are only distinguished from vowels by [±syllabic]. Our study is based on this view: “glides” are in fact vowels in underlying representation, and they are parsed in non-nucleus (onset in our discussion) on the surface. The problem, however, is that Korean has numerous examples causing syllabification ambiguity. For instance, ki.?p ‘an enterprise’ and kj?p ‘a layer’ seem to show contrast between vowel /i/ and “glide” /j/: minimal pair. For this reason, most literature about Korean still accepts this segmental contrast between vowels and “glides”, reintroducing the feature [±syllabic]. This study provides an explicit account for the process by employing the concept of lexical nuclei (following the idea of Roca 1997), without giving up many advantages that syllabification by a grammar gives. The basic idea is simple: our approach allows minimal syllable structure only to the relevant lexical items. Consequently, this strategy hinges on economy, rather than the full-specification of syllable structures in the lexicon. The analysis is couched within the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1995).

      • An Optimality Analysis of Syllable Adjustment of English Loan Words in Korean

        Han-gyoo Khym(김한규) 한국영어교육연구학회 2011 영어교육연구 Vol.- No.41

        The goal of this paper is to discuss the syllable structure change of English loan words in Korean under Optimality Theory(Prince & Smolensky 1993). First, by analyzing some familiar English loan word data with consonant(s) in Coda and in Onset, we explore the constraint hierarchy that explains syllable structure change of English loan words in Korean. Second, motivated by some English loan words that show Korean-like syllabification in the coda position, we further refine the established constraint hierarchy for English loan words so that it can cover syllabification of pure Korean words as well. In doing so, we show that the universal fundamental constraint hierarchy for syllabification such as PARSE(Seg/F) >> FILL >> Onset >> -Coda may be kept the same for the syllabification of both English loan words and pure Korean words. We also show that the difference in the syllabification between English loan words and pure Korean words can be captured by employing different ranking of ALIGN-R. For English loan words for which vowel epenthesis is dominant when they are borrowed in Korean, ALIGN-R is ranked lower than PARSE(F). On the while, for English loan words that show Korean-like Coda neutralization and for pure Korean data in which deletion of stray consonant(s) is obligatory, ALIGN-R is ranked as high as NoComplex and Coda-Cond which are inviolable constraints.

      • An Optimality Analysis of Syllable Adjustment of English Loan Words in Korean

        Han-gyoo Khym 한국영어교육연구학회 2011 영어교육연구 Vol.- No.42

        The goal of this paper is to discuss the syllable structure change of English loan words in Korean under Optimality Theory(Prince & Smolensky 1993). First, by analyzing some familiar English loan word data with consonant(s) in Coda and in Onset, I explore the constraint hierarchy that can explain syllable structure change of English loan words in Korean. Second, motivated by some English loan words that show Korean-like syllabification in the coda position, we further refine the established constraint hierarchy for English loan words so that it can cover syllabification of pure Korean words as well. In doing so, we show that the universal fundamental constraint hierarchy for syllabification such as PARSE(Seg/F) >> FILL >> Onset, -Coda may be kept the same for the syllabification of both English loan words and pure Korean words. I also show that the difference in the syllabification between English loan words and pure Korean words can be captured by employing different ranking of ALIGN-R. For English loan words for which vowel epenthesis is dominant when they are borrowed in Korean, ALIGN-R is ranked lower than PARSE(F). On the while, for English loan words that show Korean-like Coda neutralization and for pure Korean data in which deletion of stray consonant(s) is obligatory, ALIGN-R is ranked as high as NoComplex and Coda-Cond which are inviolable constraints.

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