일제강점기 고등여학교 학생들의 꿈과 이상, 그리고 현실-1945년 동덕고등여학교 학적부를 중심으로-

김명숙 서울역사편찬원 2011 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.78

School register in Japanese colonial period is a kind of family register of school which was recorded in line with the educational objectives of Japanese Government-General of Korea for ʻthe cultivation and drilling of the Emperorʼs Citizensʼ and was administered and inspected by Government-General of Korea. It is a record from which the colonial education policy of Japan and Koreansʼ response method to the policy are clearly exposed. Dongduk Girlsʼ High School was a cradle of nationalistic womenʼs education which was established under the educational philosophy of Choongang(春江) Jo Dong-Shik(趙東植) who perceived women education as the key factor for saving the country. The school was operated with the financial sponsorships of patriotic civil benefactors who sympathized Jo Dong-Shikʼs educational philosophy, and the fact that the school kept the school register in Chinese characters and Korean characters instead of Japanese characters clearly demonstrates the nationalistic intentions of the school, which is well proved by the viewpoints in the notes on student observation. Especially we can find the significance as a case study from the point that the school register of 1945 clearly demonstrates the dreams, ideals and reality of the students of Dongduk Girlsʼ High School who had to go through their high school days during the period of 1941∼1945, where the Japanese policy was to make Koreans as their emperorʼs citizens and the wartime emergency measure made the school as the place for war manpower supply and supports. Since the 1930ʼs, the competition rate of entrance examination for Dongduk Girlsʼ High School was going up every year and good quality girls from all over the nation entered the Dongduk. In the 1940ʼs, as the rate of school entrance of students from Seoul was going up, new cultural phenomena called ʻEarly study in Seoulʼ was emerged at that time. In 1945, almost two thirds of the parents of the graduates of Dongduk were from the upper middle level tier who were active and open to womenʼs education and were engaged in civil service and liberal professions. Particularly, four fifths of the parents of Dongduk graduates were from the upper level class who owned assets for more than ʻ15 thousand wonʼ. The students of girlsʼ high school in Japanese colonial era were a minor women elite group who were educated for modern new knowledge, and were the symbols of modernism who were usually called as ʻNew Womenʼ but their path after graduation was not so promising. Approximately 70% of the graduates for 1945 hoped to get a job or to study in the universities. Under difficult situation for employment at that time, however, only approximately 40% of the graduates could achieve ʻthe dream of new womenʼ with 32.7% for getting job and 7.3% of entering into universities whereas remaining 60% had to become housekeepers at home after marriages. However, in the case of graduates for 1945, they demonstrated very lively images getting jobs even at the ages over 20 which was recognized as ʻold single ladyʼ and working in the office even after marriages. From such image, we can realize that to the graduates of girls high schools, ʻwork and jobʼ are as important as marriage. Even though girlʼs high schools have still viewed as final educational institution for woman at that time, Dongduk Girlʼs High School had endlessly tried to respond to the ʻmodern desireʼ for new women group going beyond their nature of final educational institution called ʻBride training centerʼ, and eventually the endless efforts resulted in having the meaning of the resistance against Japanese colonial policy. 일제강점기 학적부는 ʻ皇國民 鍊成ʼ을 위한 조선총독부의 교육목적에 맞추어 기록되고 관리․검열된 일종의 학교 戶籍簿로, 일제의 식민지 교육정책과 그에 대한 조선인의 대응방식이 잘 드러나는 기록물이다. 동덕고녀는 여성교육을 救國의 요체로 인식한 春江 趙東植 선생의 교육이념과 그에 공감한 애국적 민간 독지가들의 재정적 후원으로 운영된 민족주의 여성교육의 요람으로, 일어가 아닌 한문과 한글로 학적부를 기록한데서 단적으로 드러나듯이, 학생들을 관찰하여 기록하는 시선에서도 민족주의적 성격이 잘 드러나 있다. 특히 1945년 졸업생의 학적부에는 일제의 황민화정책과 전시비상조치령으로 학교가 전쟁 인력의 수급 및 지원처로 변모한 1941∼1945년에 여고시절을 보내야 했던 동덕고녀생들의 꿈과 이상 그리고 현실이 잘 드러나 있다는 점에서 사례연구로서 의의를 찾을 수 있다. 1930년대 이래 동덕고녀의 경쟁률은 해마다 높아져 전국에서 우수한 여학생들이 높은 경쟁률을 뚫고 진학을 하였는데, 1940년대에는 경성지역 학생들의 진학률이 높아지면서 ʻ경성 조기 유학ʼ이라는 새로운 문화현상을 낳기도 하였다. 1945년 졸업생의 학부모 2/3 정도가 여성교육에 적극적이고 개방적인 공무․자유업에 종사하는 중류 이상의 계층이었고, 또 1945년 졸업생 학부모의 4/5가 ʻ1만 5천원ʼ 이상의 자산을 소유한 유산층이었다. 일제강점기 고녀생은 근대적 신지식을 교육받은 소수의 여성엘리트 집단으로, 세칭 ʻ신여성ʼ으로 일컬어지던 근대의 상징이었으나, 졸업 후의 미래가 그리 희망적이지만은 않았다. 1945년 졸업생은 70% 정도가 졸업 후에 취업이나 진학을 희망하였다. 그러나 심각한 취업난 속에 졸업 후의 상황은 취직 32.7%, 진학 7.3%로 약 40% 정도만이 전문직 여성으로서 ʻ신여성의 꿈ʼ을 이룰 수 있었고, 나머지 60%는 결혼과 함께 가정에 안주해야 했던 것이 현실이었다. 그러나 1945년 졸업생의 경우 20세가 넘어 ʻ노처녀ʼ로 인식되던 나이에도 당당히 취직을 하고, 결혼 후에도 직장생활을 병행하며 자신의 미래를 개척해나가는 신여성의 활기찬 모습에서, 당시 고녀 졸업생에게 ʻ일과 직업ʼ은 결혼 못지않게 중요한 일이었음을 알 수 있었다. 고녀가 여전히 종결교육기관으로서의 성격이 강했지만, 1945년 동덕고녀 학적부에서 취업 및 진학용 내신으로 필요했던 4학년 성적이 상향 평가되고 성행평가 역시 대체적으로 긍정적으로 평가된 데서 알 수 있듯이, 동덕고녀는 ʻ신부양성소ʼ라는 종결교육기관으로서의 성격을 넘어 신여성 그룹의 ʻ근대적 욕망ʼ에 부합하기 위하여 부단히 노력하였고, 이는 결과적으로 일제 식민지배정책에의 저항이었던 것이다.

일제강점기 학적부 양식의 변화로 본 식민지 교육의 실상 ― 동덕여고 학적부(1914-1945)를 중심으로 ―

김명숙 ( Kim Myoung Sook ) 한국사상문화학회 2017 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.87 No.-

본고는 일제강점기 동덕여고 학적부(1914-1945년) 양식의 변화를 통하여 일제강점기 식민지 교육의 실상을 고찰한 것이다. 학적부는 기본적으로 1911년부터 시행된 조선교육령의 규제를 받았는데, 이후 조선교육령이 3차에 걸쳐 개정되면서 식민지 교육목표 및 교육정책도 변경되었고, 학적부 양식 또한 변화하였다. 제1차 조선교육령기에 해당하는 동덕여학교 시기는 일어의 국어화로 일어교육이 강제되고 일본역사와 일본지리 교육을 강요당하기는 하였으나, 학생에 대한 보호와 감독을 명분으로 한 보증인 제도도 상대적으로 약했으며, 학생의 몸을 표준화된 국민신체로 관리하기 위한 신체검사도 실시되지 않았다. 교사의 주관적 판단이 좌우하는 성행평가에서도 대체 적으로 학생들을 긍정적으로 평가하였다. 이처럼 동덕여학교는 비록 정규학교로 인정을 받지는 못했으나, 학생 통제나 학생 평가에서 사립학교이기에 가능했을 `상대적 자율성`을 담보하고자 노력하였다. 그러나 1926년 정규학교로 승격된 동덕여고보는 여성중등교육기관으로서 한 축을 담당하게 된 반면, 일제의 식민지 교육체제로 편입되어 일제의 간섭과 통제로부터 자유롭지 못하였다. 이는 학생의 주소 이동 사항, 가업(家業)·사회경제적 배경에 대한 파악, 보증인·대리보증인 제도를 통한 학생 감독 강화로 구체화되었다. 교과목 운영에서도 제3차 조선교육령기에 조선어가 폐지되었고, 여고보·고녀생들의 근대학문에 대한 열망과는 달리 실업위주의 기예교육을 더욱 강화하여, 1920-1930 년대 여고보·고녀의 교육목표를 `신부양성소적` 성격의 종결교육기관으로 규정하였다. 1928년부터 시작된 동덕여고보의 신체검사는 1934년부터 검사 항목이 증가하고 측정 항목이 전문화되었으며, 진단 결과에 따른 신체관리를 강조하면서, 학생의 신체를 표준화된 국민신체로서 관리하였다. 특히 1930년대에는 비상전시동원체제에서 학생의 신체는 언제고 동원할 수 있는 군사력·노동력으로서 중시되었다. 1943년부터 시행된 제4차 조선교육 령기에는 국민총동원체제에서 학교의 정규교육이 거의 정지된 채 학생 들은 근로에 동원되었으며, 근로는 점수화되어 학적부에 기록되었다. 이처럼 학교가 병영화되고 학교교육이 형해화된 상황에서 교과목 성적은 상대평가 방식으로 변경되었다. 그러나 동덕여고보·동덕고녀 교사들은 식민지 교육체제라는 한계 상황 속에서, 교사의 주관적 판단이 가능한 성행평가에서, 학생의 성품을 평가하기보다는 교과목에 대한 학생들의 호불호(好不好)나 졸업 후의 진로를 파악하는데 활용하였고, 학생들을 대체적으로 긍정적으로 평가 하여 상급학교 진학이나 취직에 유리하도록 하여, 일제의 파쇼적인 교육에 대응하였다. This article investigated the reality of education during the Japanese colonial era of Korea based on change in the school register form of Dongdeok Girls` High School between 1914 and 1945. School registers were under regulation of Joseon Education Ordinance, which came into effect in 1911. As a result, as the ordinance underwent four amendments, the goals and policy of colonial education as well as the school register form were modified accordingly. During the Dongdeok Girls` School (동덕여학교) period, i.e. the 1st Joseon Educaiton Ordinance period, Japanese was forcefully taught as a national language and Japanese geography also became a mandatory subject. However, the `guarantor system,` which claimed to protect and supervise students, was relatively weak and students did not receive physical examination, which was intended to manage students` bodies according to the national standard. Character evaluation, which is determined by the subjective judgment of the teacher, also gave positive feedback on the students, overall. Despite not being recognized as an official school, Dongdeok Girls` School made effort to ensure `relative autonomy` in their student management and evaluation, which was presumably only possible as it was a private school. However, in 1926, as the school was promoted to an official school, Dongdeok Normal Girls` Hjgh School(동덕여고보) became part of an official educational institution for female students and, therefore, fell under the interference and control of the Japanese and their colonial education system. This change brought reinforcement of student supervision through records of address change, household business, and socioeconomic background of the students, and guarantor/substitute guarantor system. Also, regarding curriculum, Korean was eliminated in the 3rd Joseon Education Ordinance, and, despite the female high school students` wish to study modern subjects, the ordinance reinforced practical handcraft education, setting the goal of female high school education during the 1920s and 1930s. Dongdeok Normal Girls` High School began to conduct physical examination in 1928, and, from 1934, the examination and measurement items were added and specialized, while emphasizing the importance of physical management according to the examination result in an attempt to manage the students` physical status according to a set of standards. Especially, during the 1930s, under the period of war time mobilization, the students were regarded as reserved military and labor force that could be called upon at any time. During the 4th Joseon Education Ordinance, which was enforced in 1943, regular school education was all but suspended as the students were used for labor, which was scored and recorded in the school register. As the schools became militarized and education weakened, academic performance was graded on a curve. However, despite the constraints under the colonial education system, teachers of Dongdeok Normal Girls` High School and Dongdeok Girls` High School used the `character evaluation` for determining students preference in school subjects and career goals, rather than for evaluating their characters and mostly gave positive evaluation for students so as to facilitate further education or employment of the students.

일제강점기 전주지역 초등학교 연구 - 사립 해성심상소학교를 중심으로 -

전병구 전북사학회 2016 전북사학 Vol.0 No.49

Now, Catholic school has two middle and two high schools in Jeolla-bukdo : Jeon-ju Seong-sim Girls’ Middle School, Jeon-ju Hae-seong MIddle School, Jeon-ju Hae-seong High School and Jeon-ju Seong-sim Girls’ High School. Opened in 1960, the Jeon-ju Hae-seong Middle School is now coed and Hae-seong High School, opened in 1963, accepts only boys. Among them, Jeon-ju Girls' Middle and High School located near Jeon-dong Cathedral were born to the Seong-sim Girls’ Academy in 1946: the former opened in 1952, the latter was founded in 1949. But according to school chronicle, Jeon-ju Seong-sim Girls’ Middle and High School began their history as school in 1891 and the names were changed into Hae-seong Girls’ Academy in 1926, and then Hae-seong Academy in 1930. Finally, it was approved to open under the name of Jeon-ju Hae-seong Elementary School on April.1.1938. However, it just saw the students graduating from the school only seven times because Japan forced the school to shut down in 1945. As indicated above, Jeon-ju Hae-seong Elementary school, which is today's Jeon-ju Seong-sim Girls' Middle and High School’s old form, was the only approved Catholic school in Jeon-ju city during Japanese colonial era. The Hae-seong elementary school register under the Japanese colony and its graduate register are currently kept in the history museum of Jeon-ju Seong-sim Girls’ High School. Here I want to look to the existence of Hae-seong elementary school with an analysis of the school register. The works of missionaries who came to Korea were in line with the policy of Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda of Vatican set by Paris Foreign Missions Society in France as gospel service instructions. One of missionary works was to open a school. Berneux bishop released pastoral letters which said missionaries should teach Korean children Hangeul in the early 1857. Since that time, Korean modern education began by French missionaries. Back then, all churches ran schools for doctrine education in France, and this kind of similar practice would have been done in Korea. As a result, some missionaries operated schools in Kong-so, a village where catholics lived even before the beginning of modern education led by the Korean government through Gab-o Reform. In Jeon-ju school establishments were operated by the Baudonet in 1890. He started modern education, helping local figures found schools, invited venerable teachers and opened a village school in order for villagers to renew awareness about the Catholic. In 1926, the missionary Lacrouts opened an institute for girls, and in 1930, the priest Kim-Yang-Hong founded Hae-seong Academy, where students could learn day and night. Since then, they made their best building facilities and raising funds. As a consequence they were allowed to open a school under the name of Hae-seong Sim-sang elementary school. However, the school was forced to shut down by Japan with the last seventh graduation. The liberation from Japan made it possible to take the school back but it was changed into secondary school. That’s the way in which Sung-sim girls’ middle and high school were born. But Hae-seong elementary school was planned to be one for girls since when the Father Baudonet intended to establish a school in Jeon-ju Cathedral. Following Baudonet, the father Lacroux, who came to work in Jeon-ju church, opened a girls' school with the same purpose of opening Sin-sung girls’ school in Je-ju Island. He built some buildings for teachers and the monastery in which the Father planned to invite Sister teachers and asked them to teach girls. But during the Japanese occupation, Jeon-ju Hae-seong Sim-sang elementary school stayed coed and after the liberation it changed into secondary school and then into Sung-sim girls’ institute and finally into Jeon-ju Seong-sim girls' high school, which was the Father Baudonet's wish for a long time. It took 55 years for his original plan to see the light. Looking through the history of Jeon-ju Seong-sim girls' middle and high school and the process of their establishment, the two schools, the only Catholic middle and high school in Jeon-ju city, started working first as village school for girls called 'Hak-dang' tried by the Father Baudonet, then Seo-dang and girls institute, Hae-seong Sim-sang elementary school and finally Hae-seong elementary school. It does not need to mention that the purpose of the Catholic Church running schools is related to mission work but some missionaries operated Kong-so schools in order to eradicate illiteracy before the Kab-o Reform through which Korea's modern education system started. It can be noted that the father Baudonet would realize back then that the Catholic Church needed modern education system rather than missionary works for Koreans. Also it is remarkable that they put the education for girls before anything else despite the strong Confucian mores dominated in Korea. The Catholic churches operated schools to get a good feeling from villagers when they settled down in some villages even after the religious persecution ending. Jeon-ju Hae-seong Sim-sang elementary school opened and cleared the way for the education in Jeon-ju area at the time when Sin-heung and Ki-jeon schools, two pioneering protestant schools in Jeon-ju, were closed down as a result of denying worshipping Sin-sa.

서귀농업중학교의 중,고 분리 과정에서의 갈등과 해결 방안

윤석찬(Suk Chan Yoon) 제주학회 2013 濟州島硏究 Vol.40 No.-

Jejudo Public Agricultural Vocational School which is the first secondary school at the south of Mt. Halla opened in 1936, and was raised into Seogwi Public Junior Middle School in 1946. It changed into 4-year-course Seogwi Agricultural Middle School in 1950, was divided into Seogwi Middle School and Seogwi Agricultural and Forestry High School in 1951 by secondly revised education law, and was succeeded by Seogwipo Middle School and Seogwipo Industrial and Science High School. When Seogwi Agricultural Middle School was divided into Seogwi Middle School and Seogwi Agricultural and Forestry High School in 1951, there was a conflict between two schools about administration of school property and equipment because the schools shared the premises. The problem was not solved, thus the schools required Jejudo to solve it quickly. Jejudo s General Affairs Bureau decided in December 1951 that high school was responsible for all basic property, school history and all books of graduates and had the right to administer them because high school was raised and reorganized from previous middle school according to partial amendment to education law. Therefore Seogwi Agricultural and Forestry High Schoo1 got to administer school registers, etc. According to the decision of Jejudo s General Affairs Bureau, Seogwi Middle School was not able to issue diploma for the first graduates to the fifth, that is to say, graduates from Seogwi Public Junior Middle Schoo1 and Seogwi Agricultural Middle School since Seogwi Agricultural and Forestry High Schoo1 had graduates school registers. The decision was done through agony of Seogwi Middle School, Seogwi Agricultural and Forestry High Schoo1 and Jejudo s General Affairs Bureau. However, it seems to be needed to review that high school was raised and reorganized from previous middle school according to partial amendment to education law which was ground of the decision The record that Seogwi Agricultural and Forestry High Schoo1 was raised and reorganized from Seogwi Agricultural Middle Schoo1 according to partial amendment to education law and Seogwi Agricultural and Forestry High Schoo1 established a middle school as an annex was found on Seonang 60-year history(1997) which was quoted from official documents of Jejudo s General Affairs Bureau on Dec. 10, 1951 and History of Jejudo Education(1979; 1999). However the quotation is on chronology of Jejudo Education which is the supplement of History of Jeju Education(1979; 1999), not on History of Jeju Education(1979; 1999). Furthermore, it is described on History of Jeju Education(1979) that Seogwi Agricultural and Forestry High Schoo1 was founded according to partial amendment to education law. These lead to confusion The Act for Existing Schools according to the Amendment to Education Law was proc1aimed in October 1951. It made 4-year-course middle school and 6-year-rourse middle school change into middle school or high school according to the revised education law by Oct. 31, 1951. Minister of education approved the reorganization of 8 public middle schools including Seogwi Agricultural Middle School by Munho 449 on Oct. 31,1951. Therefore, it is appropriate that Seogwi Agricultural Middle School was divided and reorganized into Seogwi Middle School and Seogwi Agricultural and Forestry High School rather than that Seogwi Agricultural Middle School was raised to Seogwi Agricultural and Forestry High School. It is not easy to judge whether Seogwi Agricultural Middle School was raised to Seogwi Agricultural and Forestry High School because there are little historical records. Presently, Seogwipo Middle School doesn t have school registers of the first graduates to the fifth due to the decision that Seogwi Agricultural Middle School was raised to Seogwi Agricultural and Forestry High School. 산남 중등교육의 시원이 된 제주도공립농업실수학교는 1936년 개교한 후, 1946년에 서귀공립초급중학교로 승격되었다. 서귀초급중학교는 1950년 4년제 서귀농업중학교로 개편 후, 1951년 제2차 개정교육법의 시행으로 서귀중학교와 서귀농림고등학교로 분리 개편되어, 현재의 서귀포중학교와 서귀포산업과학고등학교로 이어졌다. 1951년 서귀농업중학교의 서귀중학교와 서귀농림고등학교로 분리 당시I 양교의 교육활동이 협소한 동일 구내에서 이루어짐에 따라 ‘학교 재산 및 비품 관리’ 문제를 놓고 다툼이 발생하였다. 재산과 비품 처리 문제가 원만 히 해결되지 않자, 학교 당국에서는 제주도에 조속한 해결을 구하였다. 1951년 12월 제주도 총무국이 고등학교는 교육법의 일부 개정에 따라 종 래의 구 중학교가 승격 개편된 것이므로 기본 재산 일체, 학교 연혁, 졸업 생에 관한 제장부 등을 고등학교에서 책임지고 관리하라는 결정을 내림에 따래, 졸업생들의 학적부 등도 고등학교에서 관리하게 되었다. 총무국의 결정에 따라 서귀포중학교는 제1회부터 제5회까지의 졸업생, 다시 말해 서귀공립초급중학교와 서귀농업중학교의 졸업생들의 학적부를 서귀농림고등학교에서 보유하게 된 관계로, 이들에 대한 졸업증명을 발급 할 수 없게 되었다. 이러한 조치는 당시 서귀중학교, 서귀농림고등학교, 제주도당국이 고민하면서 내린 결정이겠지만, 이 결정의 근거가 된 “고등학교는 교육법 일부 개정에 따라 종래의 구 중학교가 승격 개편된 것’이라는 내용에 대해서는 검토가 필요해 보였다. “서귀농림고등학교가 교육법 일부 개정에 따라 종래의 서귀농업중학교가 승격 개편되면서 중학교를 병설했다. 는 기록은 『서농 60년사』(1997)에서 인용하여 제시한 1951년 12월 10일자 제주도 총무국의 공문 등과 『제주교 육사』(1979; 1999)에서 찾아 볼 수 있었다. 그런데 『제주교육사』(1979; 1999) 모두 부록인 「제주도교육연지」에만 이러한 언급을 하였지, 본문 어디에도 이 내용은 서술되어 있지 않았다. 오히려 『제주교육사』(1979)는 서귀농림고등학교가 교육법 개정에 따라 신설된 것으로 기술하는 등 서술의 흔선을 보여 주었다. 1951년 8월 ‘교육법 개정에 따르는 현존 학교에 관한 조치령’이 공포되었다. 이 조치령은 4년제 중학교 및 6년제 중학교는 1951년 8월 31일까지 개 정된 교육법에 따라 중학교 또는 고등학교로 개편하도록 하는 것이었다. 문교부장관은 1951년 8월 31일자로 「文普 제449호」를 통해 서귀농업중학 교를 포함한 제주도내 8개 공립 중등학교에 대한 개편을 인가하였다. 이러한 자료 분석을 통해, 1951년에 서귀농업중학교가 서귀농림고등학교 로 승격되었다기보다는 서귀중학교와 서귀농림고등학교로 분리 개편된 것 임을 확인할수 있었다. 1951년 서귀농업중학교가 서귀농림고등학교로 승격되었는지 여부를 소상 히 밝혀 줄 사료가 거의 없는 현 시점에서 확실한 판단을 내릴 수는 없지 만, 서귀농림고등학교로 승격된 것으로 보는 조치로 인해 현재의 서귀포중 학교는 제1회부터 제5회까지의 졸업생의 학적부를 보유하지 못하게 되었다. 서귀포중학교와 서귀포산업과학고등학교, 양교 모두 과거 제주도공립농 업실수학교에 뿌리를 둔 산남 중등교육의 시원을 연 학교들로서I 서귀공립 초급중학교와 서귀농업중학교 졸업생들의 학적부를 공동관리할 수 있는 방안등을 찾아야 하겠다. 서귀포중학교의 학교연혁은 1946년의 서귀공립초급중학교로부터 시작하 고 있다. 서귀농업중학교가 서귀농림고등학교로 승격되었다기보다는 중학 교와 고등학교로 분리 개편된 것이므로, 서귀포중학교의 연혁은 산남 중등 교육의 시원이 된 제주도공립농업실수학교로부터 시작해야 할 것이라고 생각한다.

‘대안학교 등록제’ 도입에 따른 변화와 기독교대안학교의 나아갈 방향

이종철,김지혜 기독교학문연구회 2024 신앙과 학문 Vol.29 No.1

본 연구의 목적은 ‘대안학교 등록제’ 도입에 따른 변화와 기독교대안학교의 나아갈 방향을 모색하는 것이다. 지난 2년간 234개의 학교가 등록을 했고, 이 중 114개가 기독교대안학교다. 많은 학교들이 등록을 마쳤으나, 여전히 미등록한 학교들과 등록이 제한된 학교들이 있어, 향후 이들에 대한 법적, 행정적 조치가 어떻게 될지 주목할 필요가 있다. 등록제의 유의미한 정착을 위해서는 대안교육기관 등록 심사과정에 대한 보완이 필요하며, 학력인정과 재정지원의 문제도 해결되어야 한다. 특히 재정 지원은 학교의 정체성과 자율성을 지키기 위해, 학교가 직접 받는 방식보다 바우처를 통해 학부모가 받는 방식을 고민해야 한다. 3번의 법제화로 복잡해진 대안학교 유형들을 통합하기 위한, 법의 정비와 관리 부서의 통합이 필요하며, 더 근본적으로는 초중등교육법 제13조의 개정을 통해 학부모의 교육 선택권을 폭넓게 보장할 필요가 있다. 공공의 장으로 나온 기독교대안학교들은 ‘기독성’ 뿐 아니라 ‘대안성’도 관심을 가져야 한다. 공교육의 선도재 역할을 감당하며, 교육의 공공성을 높일 필요가 있다. The purpose of this study is to explore changes resulting from the introduction of the ‘alternative school registration system’ and the future direction of Christian alternative schools. Over the past two years, 234 schools have registered, of which 114 are Christian alternative schools. Although many schools have completed registration, there are still unregistered schools and schools with limited registration, so it is necessary to pay attention to what legal and administrative measures will be taken against them in the future. In order to establish the registration system meaningfully, the alternative education institution registration screening process needs to be supplemented, and the issues of academic qualification recognition and financial support must also be resolved. In particular, in order to protect the school's identity and autonomy, financial support should be considered by parents through vouchers rather than directly by the school. In order to integrate the types of alternative schools that have become complex due to three rounds of legislation, it is necessary to reorganize the law and integrate management departments, and more fundamentally, there is a need to broadly guarantee parents' educational options through revision of Article 13 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. Christian alternative schools that have come out into the public arena must pay attention not only to ‘Christianity’ but also to ‘Alternativeness’. There is a need to play a leading role in public education and enhance the public nature of education.

일제강점기 경성공립농업학교 학생의 특성 연구-1945년 졸업생 학적부를 중심으로-

김명숙 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2017 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.46

This case study examines the characteristics of Kyungsung Public Agricultural School students during Japanese colonial rule by analyzing the school register of the students who graduated in 1945. Kyungsung Public Agricultural School offered public co-education between Korea and Japan and was established in 1918 to foster agricultural expertise based on theory and practical skills in Gyeonggi-do. It aimed to cultivate Korean elite agricultural talents who inherited the advanced agricultural technology of Japan and who contributed to colonial agricultural policy. Among faculty, 70% of the teachers, including the principal, were Japanese, while 80-85% of the students were Korean. Korean students were treated differently than Japanese students by a number of Japanese teachers who were protected by colonial rule. National conflicts were always inherent; however, the school’s Korean students were far superior to Japanese students in academic performance and practical achievement, and they monopolized many prizes, such as a honor awards, attendance prizes, and practical training prizes, as well as being class leaders. Kyungsung Public Agricultural School sought to be the leading agricultural school in the East by providing excellent curricula, teachers, and school facilities, which became the envy of students whose goals were to become elite agriculture experts. The parents of students at Kyungsung Public Agricultural School consisted of 58% farmers and 31.3% workers in modern capitalist occupations, such as public and private enterprises. In the case of farmers, worked small and medium-sized farms and were directly engaged in agricultural management rather than being large-scale landowners. Even the modern bourgeois class of 31.3 % hoped to foster their sons elite agricultural experts through modern agricultural education. In 1941, 88.3% of the students who enrolled faced fierce competition, and by 1945, 82.3% of them were employed. These students were considered the best agricultural elites, belonging to many district agricultural associations(郡農會), and leading agriculture production for war. The students of 1941 were did not graduate and were part of a five-year course, from which they were unable to complete their studies on war the end of Japanese imperialism. They were forcibly dispatched to official organizations to play a partial role in colonial-farm policy.

朝鮮藥學校로 보는 韓日共學의 실제와 졸업자의 사회 진출

장윤이 서울역사편찬원 2024 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.116

본 연구의 목적은 일제시기 조선약학교의 학생 구성과 사회 진출을 검토하여 민족 간의 복합성과 변화의 경향성을 포착하고, 식민시기를 폭넓게 이해하려는 것이다. 식민지 상황에서 한국인이 전문 직업인으로 성장하기 위한 기회는 극소수에게만 열려있었다. 총독부 교육체계 내에서 고등교육을 받은 한국인은 총독부가 인증하는 자격을 소지한 후 전문직으로서 우월한 사회적 지위를 획득해 엘리트 집단으로 자리 잡았다. 이들은 한국인 사회에서 여론을 형성하는 주도적인 역할을 할 뿐만 아니라 근대화와 제국주의 식민권력의 침투과정에서 다양한 형식으로 역할을 수행했다. 그러한 점에서 이들이 어디에서 어떤 일을 하는지 따져보는 것은 단순히 고등교육사 연구를 넘어 한국의 계층구조와 엘리트층 형성을 밝히는 과정이다. 이러한 문제의식에서 조선약학교와 식민시기 전문직업인으로서 약제사가 되기 위해 노력하고, 활동한 집단에 주목한다. 1918년 개교한 조선약학교는 식민지 교육체계 내의 ‘사립 각종학교’로 분류되고, 1930년에는 경성약학전문학교로 승격되어, 해방될 때까지 식민지의 유일한 약제사 양성기관으로 기능했다. 조선약학교 전체 졸업자는 354명(한국인 135명, 일본인 219명)이다. 이들은 전문교육을 받았고, 총독부가 인정하는 약제사 면허를 얻었다. 그리고 면허를 통해 상대적으로 높은 수입을 안정적으로 얻을 수 있었으며, 이를 배경으로 식민지 사회에서 활동했다. 본 연구는 그동안 학계에서 주목되지 못한 조선약학교의 세밀한 파악과 식민사회에서 전문가 집단으로 활동한 졸업자들의 취직, 동시에 민족 간의 차이와 차별을 면밀히 살피고자 하였다. 이를 위해 먼저, 조선약학교에 대한 전반적인 특성을 이해하기 위해 설립과정에서 있었던 한국인과 일본인의 협력, 사립 각종 학교로서 식민지 교육체계 내 편입된 후 학제의 변화 양상을 서술했다. 그리고 한일공학으로 운영되었던 조선약학교 내의 학생이동 양상을 학적부를 활용하여 검토하였다. 마지막으로 졸업자의 사회 진출을 미시적 분석을 시도했다. 이와 같이 종합적으로 파악하는 작업은 식민사회에서 활동한 전문가 집단의 인식을살필 수 있는 근거로 활용할 수 있으며, 제국주의 권력 안에서 한 구성원으로서 경쟁하며 살아간 식민지 엘리트의 일면을 살피는 것이다. This study aims to capture the complexity between different ethnic groups and the tendency of changes between them to broaden the understanding of the colonial period in Korea by reviewing the student organization at the Chosen Pharmacy School, and their advancement into society. Under the colonial situation, opportunities to grow into a professional worker were only available to an extremely small number of Koreans. The Koreans who received higher education within the educational system of the Japanese Government General of Korea obtained a qualification certified by the Japanese Government General of Korea and settled down as an elite group after gaining superior social status as a professional. These students not only took the lead in the formation of public opinions in the Korean community, but also performed roles in various forms in the process of modernization and imperialist colonial power. In this sense, one can shed light on Korea's class structure and the formation of elite groups beyond the simple research of higher education history by looking into what work they did and where. Conceived by this problematic consciousness, this study focuses on a group that made efforts and engaged in activities to become pharmacists during the colonial period in addition to attending Chosen Pharmacy School. Founded in 1918, the school was classified under private miscellaneous schools within the colonial educational system. It was upgraded to the Specialized Pharmacy School of Gyeongseong in 1930 and functioned as the colony's only institution to cultivate pharmacists until Joseon's liberation. The school produced a total of 354 graduates (135 were Korean, and 219 were Japanese). These students received a professional education and obtained a pharmacist license recognized by the Japanese Government General of Korea. They were able to earn a relatively high and stable income thanks to this license, and they also engaged in activities in the colonial society with this background. This study closely examines the Chosen Pharmacy School, which had not yet attracted attention from academic circles, and looks into the employment of its graduates who served the colonial society as a group of professionals; in addition, the study explores the differences and discriminations between ethnic groups. The study first traced the cooperation between Koreans and Japanese in the establishment process of the school and the changing patterns of its system after its incorporation into the colonial educational system under the category of private miscellaneous schools to understand its overall characteristics. The study then reviewed the school register to look for patterns of student migration within the school as it was run as a joint school between Korea and Japan. Finally, the study attempted a microscopic analysis of its graduates' advancement into society. This total examination provides some grounds to examine the perceptions of a professional group that was active in colonial society and offer a peek at some aspects of the colonial elites that completed and lived as members within the imperial power.

학적부를 통해 본 일제강점기 동덕여고 여학생의 특성 연구

김명숙 ( Kim Myoung Sook ) 한국여성사학회 2017 여성과 역사 Vol.0 No.26

본고는 일제강점기 동덕여고 학적부(1926-1945년)를 분석하여, 동덕여고의 학생 구성, 학부모의 사회경제적 배경,졸업생 진로에 초점을 맞추어, 동덕여고 여학생의 특성을 고찰한 사례 연구이다. 동덕여고는 국권회복에 기여할 수 있는 여성인재의 육성을 목표로 순수 조선인 독지가들의 후원으로 설립된 민족주의 교풍의 사립학교였다. 현재 동덕여고에는 1914-1945년까지 재학했던 동덕여고 학생들의 학적부가 거의 완전한 형태로 보존되어 있는데,이는 일제강점기 조선인 여학생 집단의 민족적·계급적·성적 특성이 잘 드러나는 사례라는 점에서 연구의 의의가 있다. 일제강점기의 `여학생`이란 당시 여자중등교육의 기회를 부여받았던 1% 미만의 조선인 여성 엘리트 집단으로, 이른바 `신여성`으로 일컬어지던 근대의 상징이었다. 그러나 동덕여고 여학생들은 입학 단계에서부터 나이가 평균 2-4세 정도 많은 학생들이 81.9%나 될 정도로 법적 학령(學齡)에 준하는 교육기회를 부여받지 못하였다. 여성교육을 구국운동의 일환으로 생각했던 동덕여고에서는 평균 5-7세나 많은 만학도, 결혼한 기혼여성에게도 가능한 학업의 기회를 부여하였고,심지어 다른 학교에서 항일학생운동을 하다가 퇴학당한 학생들에게도 편·입학의 기회를 부여하였다. 출신지역별 특성을 보면,경성부 출신이 평균 44.1%로 높은 비중을 차지하는 가운데,지방출신 학생들이 보통학교부터 `경성조기유학`을 하였음이 확인된다. 또한 공립보통학교 출신이 사립보통학교 출신보다 많아 일제강점기가 `공립만능시대`였음을 확인할 수 있었다. 그러나 1933년 이후로는 교육환경 개선을 위한 학교 당국의 노력과 함께 점점 치열해지는 입시경쟁 속에서 서북지방까지 동덕여고 진학생이 확대되고 있었으며,지방출신 학생들은 경성과 지방의 문화교류의 매개자로서 역할을 하였다. 동덕여고 여학생의 학부모는 농업종사자가 33.7%인 반면,공무·자유업과 상업·광공업 등 자본주의적 근대직업 종사자가 63.8%로 2배 정도 많아, 농업 종사자가 1930년대 83.1%, 1940년대 74.4%였던 조선사회의 직업 구성과 매우 대조적이었다. 자산규모면에서도 동덕여고 학부모들은 1만원 이상의 자산을 소유한 중류 이상의 유산자가 77.8%나 되었다. 즉,동덕여고 여학생의 2/3정도는 중류 이상의 자산을 소유하고 자본주의적 근대직업에 종사하면서 여성교육에 개방적·적극적이었던 부모의 영향으로,일제강점기에 1% 미만의 조선인 여학생들만이 누릴 수 있었던 여자중등교육의 수혜자가 될 수 있었다. 그러나 동덕여고 졸업생들은 식민지 말기로 갈수록 심해지는 취업난,상급학교 진학에서 여학생에 대한 기회 불균등, 조혼을 부추기는 사회분위기 속에서 졸업생의 평균 70.1%가 가사에 종사하였다. 반면 동덕여고 여학생의 70% 이상이 취직과 진학을 통한 전문직 여성으로서의 진출을 희망하였으나,취업 14.3%, 국내외 상급학교 진학 13.9%로 졸업생들이 마주한 식민지 현실은 여의치 않았다. 이는 일제강점기 여고의 교육목표를 현모양처 양성을 위한 신부양성소적 성격의 종결교육기관으로 설정했던 식민지배자의 의도가 식민지 전 기간을 통하여 강화·고착되어 나갔음을 의미하는 것이기도 하다. 그러나 비록 일제강점기의 여고가 여학생들의 희망을 담보하지 못하고,여전히 종결교육기관으로서의 성격이 강하였지만,만학도들의 진취성에서 보듯이,상급학교 진학과 취직을 통한 `근대적 욕망`을 실현하려는 여학생 계층의 선구적 역할과 가능성에 주목해야 할 것이다. This article is a case study of the characteristics of female students at Dongduk Girls, High School during the Japanese colonial period( 1926-1945) focusing on pa-rents} socioeconomic background, and alumni`s career after analyzing the school register. Dongduk Girls` High School was a private school established by Korean bene- factors, support, aiming at fostering capable women who could contribute to the restoration of sovereignty; the school spirit was decidedly nationalist. Hie school register of students enrolled in Dongduk Girls` High School from 1914 to 1945 is retained almost intact in Dongduk Girls` High School. This study is significant in that it analyses the characteristics of nation, social class, and school record in Korean female students during the Japanese colonial period- `Female students, during the Japanese colonial period were of the top 1% Korean female elite to whom the opportunity of female secondary education was given at that time, and were the symbol of the modem age, dubbed `new women.` Female students at Dongduk Girls> High School were not given educational opportunities according to compulsory school age to the extent that students older by an average of 2-4 years from the admission stage accounted for 81.9%. However, Dongduk Girls` High School saw female education as part of the save-the-nation movement and did it^ best to give study opportunities to older students as well as married students. In addition they gave school transfer opportunities even to students expelled from other schools who had carried out anti-Japanese student activities When these characteristics are examined according to students) birthplace, students from Gyeongseongbu(京城府) accounted for 44.1% of the school population which was the highest, while students from other provinces `moved to Gyeongseong to study at: an early age(京城早期留學)` from elementary school. The number of students from public elementary schools was higher than that of private elementary school. So, it was possible to verify that the Japanese colonial period was the (age of the public school(公立萬能時代)`. However, due to the school administration`s effort to improve educational environment and the growing competition over school entrance tests, the range of provinces from which students entered Dongduk Girls` High School extended up to the Northwest region. And students from the provinces played a role as intermediaries of cultural exchange between the capital Gyeongseong and the provinces. With regard to parents of female students at Dongduk Girls` High School, people engaged in agriculture accounted for 33.7%. On the other hand, people engaged in modem bourgeois occupations such as commerce, mining and manufacturing industries and public service, or free-lance professionals accounted for 63.8%. These figures are the opposite of percentage of occupations in Korean society in the 1930s-1940s when people engaged in agriculture accounted for 83.1%-74.4%. In terms of assets, among parents of students at Dongduk Girls High School, bourgeois families with assets of KRW 10,000 or more accounted for 77.8%. In other words, about 2/3 of female students at Dongduk Girls` High school were beneficiaries of female secondary education that only top 1% Korean female students could get during the Japanese colonial period due to the wealth of their parents who were engaged in modem capitalist occupations, and were open to and supportive of the education of women.

기독교 대안학교 설립과 운영 방안

조인진 ( Injin Cho ) 한국교회교육·복지실천학회 2022 교회교육·복지실천 연구 Vol.4 No.2

In discussions of finding the next generation education that will overcome the intensified educational malaise, limitation of church Christian education, and private Christian schools in Korea, this study attempts to find an alternative solution in the Christian alternative schools. The author reviewed the factors that must be considered whilst establishing and operating a Christian alternative school; what type of Christian alternative school to establish, the legal grounds for it, and the classification in accordance with its character. Christian alternative schools continue to be found but are closing down every year due to operational difficulties. In order to successfully operate a Christian alternative school, it is essential to have the expertise in implementation of curriculum, members of school faculty and staff, and financial management. The remaining task for the broader Christian alternative school community is to pursue the bilateral autonomy to secure the identity as a Christian school and as the public educational institute. In the meantime, legal and institutional supplementation that allows state financial support to the Christian alternative schools must be promoted as the state’s responsibility to education. It is hoped that many autonomous and public Christian alternative schools will be established in order for the Christian education demanders to choose from a pool of high-quality Christian alternative schools.

과학고등학교의 사회통합전형 학생선발에 대한 고찰

이영주,최진수 한국영재학회 2022 영재교육연구 Vol.32 No.3

Science high schools are special purposes high schools by the government. There are 20 science high schools which have been regarded as the most competitive schools. The affirmative action policies in these school admissions were instituted in 2010. Based on the policies, over 20% of the student body should be from low socioeconomic groups. Affirmative action is intended to promote opportunities for defined minority groups within a society to provide equal access to that of the majority population. It is often instituted for government and educational organizations to ensure that certain designated groups can participate in all activities. The purpose of this study was to provide policy implications for affirmative action in science high school admissions. We reviewed previous studies about the educational effects of affirmative action on economically and socially disadvantaged groups In addition, we gathered student selection results and investigated the school application process. Based on the results, we provided policy implications for affirmative action in science high school admissions.