Korean Modal V-(u)l swu/li iss/eps and Polarity Licensing

Daeho Chung(정대호) 한국생성문법학회 2007 생성문법연구 Vol.17 No.4

  Polarity licensing in the context of Korean modal CAN, i.e. V-(u)l swu iss/eps and V-(u)l li eps, is affected by the modal interpretation (root vs. epistemic). Ha (2007) tries to account for the constrained NPI distribution by analyzing root CAN as a possessive existential construction with a control structure, while epistemic CAN as an absolute existential construction with a raising structure. He crucially assumes that the adnominal clause in root CAN is an aspectual phrase, while that in epistemic CAN is a full-fledged CP, hence affecting the clause-mate condition. This paper shows that Ha"s (2007) generalization and his account in terms of the structural assimilation and of the projectional size are to be rectified, although his control vs. non-control dichotomy is basically correct. This paper argues for an alternative structural analysis, which also relies on a control vs. non-control dichotomy, but is simpler and free of the problems that Ha"s (2007) analysis faces. NPIs are claimed to be licensed at Neg-SPEC even in the modal context, with the help of the "surprising constituent" formation and the clause-crossing scrambling.

절의 외곽구조와 국어의 문장

오충연 국어국문학회 2017 국어국문학 Vol.0 No.181

In this paper, I argued the element that is included in a sentence only, but not in a clause. The element exists outside of a clause as the construction of subject- predication. Sentence is a completed system for message transfer. Sentence has a grammatical element that is absent in a clause. I named it Transmittal Mood. In the previous researches, it was treated as the main clause phenomena, but it was not recognized as a universal property of sentence. The elements is a kind of Mood that contains the final intention of speaker and the treatment for hearer. It is Mood as a manner for message transfer of sentence. I argued the possibility of the universality as the head of a whole sentence, by examining Korean and English sentence. 문장은 하나의 완결된 전달체로서 주술구성 이상의 문법요소를 가지고 있다. 모문의 구성에서만 존재하는 국어의 文末의 어미는 대표적인 예이다. 국어의 문말 요소들은 전통적인 범주로 서법에 해당한다. 이는 진술 내용에 대한 화자의 관점, 문종을 가르는 종결법, 그리고 청자에 대한 대우 등의 서법적 의의를 갖기 때문이다. 본고에서는 모문에서만 나타나는 요소를 구문론적 범주로 가정하여 ‘전달적 서법’이라 명명하고, 이들이 언어 보편성을 가지고 있는지를 검토하였다. 이에 따라 국어와 같은 핵후치 언어에서는 문말에 이들 요소가 존재하며, 영어와 같은 핵선치 언어에서는 문두에 존재하고 있음을 구체적 양상을 통해 살펴보았다. 이로써, 문장은 절과 차별화된 구조를 가지고 있으며 외적 확장을 허용하지 않는 닫힌 구조이므로, 기존의 변형론적 관점에서 제안된 순환적인 확장 생성 원리가 재고되어야 함을 제기하였다.

An Elliptical Coordination Analysis of the Right Dislocated Construction in Korean

정대호 대한언어학회 2009 언어학 Vol.17 No.4

The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal. 17(4). 1-23. This paper concerns itself with the syntax of the so-called right dislocated construction (RDC) in Korean. Taking the RDC as a crucial piece of evidence, J-S Lee (2007a,b, 2009) claims that Korean conforms to Kayne's (1994) universal word order (SVO) hypothesis. His claim sustains only when the RDC is analyzed as a mono-clause such that the post-verbal elements in the RDC belong to the propositional domain of the preceding predicate. Such a mono-clausal analysis hardly accounts for various properties that the RDC displays, including the fact that the RDC is a root phenomenon. The Korean RDC rather seems to be more readily accounted for by a bi-sentential analysis, as argued for the Japanese counterpart in the literature (Kuno 1978, Tanaka 2001, etc.). Some revision of the bi-sentential analysis is in order, however, because the RDC behaves like a mono-sentential, though not mono-clausal, structure. To account for both the mono-sentential properties and root properties at the same time, the current work proposes an elliptical coordination analysis, wherein two (or more) matrix clauses are coordinated and ellipsis has applied to the non-initial clauses.

한자 접미사의 판별과 국어사전 기술

송정근(Song Jung keun) 한국언어문학회 2014 한국언어문학 Vol.91 No.-

The purpose of this thesis is to describe the characteristics of Sino-Korean suffix. One syllable Sino-Korean can be function largely as noun, bound noun, root and suffix. To differentiate Sino-Korean suffix from noun and bound noun, the combinability with syntactic structure like clause or phrase and modification of adjective clause are suggested. And this papers show that the changeability of meanings and part of speech can be the criteria to distinguish suffix from root. In dictionary making such a distinction should be reflected properly because there are many homonym in one syllable Sino-Korean.

한국어 근문과 내포문 불화의 한 종류

김용하(Yong-Ha Kim) 현대문법학회 2021 현대문법연구 Vol.112 No.-

In this paper, we try to deal with the mismatch between root and non-root clauses due the evidentiality marker –te- in Korean. As Kim (1981) claims, -te- plays the role of allowing the sentient to avoid his or her responsibility for the reported proposition. Whereas, as has been claimed by previous researchers, -te- is not the sentience head of the SenP. Rather, we assume that –te- is a modal affix selected by the sentience head with the retrospective feature. Thus, -te- does not directly interfere with the problematic mismatch between root and non-root clauses with respect to the person restrictions witnessed in –te- sentences. After all, our conclusion in this paper is that the mismatch between root and non-root clauses with respect to –te- is a phenomenon in which the sentient as an anaphor has different antecedent or controller in various syntactic contexts.

Pseudo-root Imperatives and Speech Act Projections

박종언 서강대학교 언어정보연구소 2022 언어와 정보 사회 Vol.47 No.-

This paper aims to offer a syntactic account for how the clause type and illocutionary force of fragmentary imperatives (e.g., Tancang ttena-tolok. ‘Leave right away.’), which I call ‘pseudo-root imperatives,’ are determined, and why the attachment of the addressee-oriented honorific marker -yo is banned. Building on Hong’s (2018) view on clause typing markers, I argue that fragmentary imperatives are base-generated root clauses directly selected by the head of a Speech Act Phrase (SAP), and that their clause type and illocutionary force are indicated by the prosody under the head of SAP with different syntactico-pragmatic features depending on the context. I also suggest that the unavailability of the marker -yo is due to the mismatch between the honorific feature of the addressee and the status feature of the head of SAP (cf. Portner, Pak and Zanuttini 2019).

Two Types of Rs in Korean: Evidence from Epistemic Predicates

허세문(Semoon Hoe),정한별(Han-Byul Chung),박동우(Dongwoo Park) 한국생성문법학회 2021 생성문법연구 Vol.31 No.1

This paper argues, from the perspective of labeling, that the epistemic predicates kolyeha- and kancwuha- taking small clause complements headed by -(u)lo have different verbal domain structures, in that the verbal domain with kolyeha- can have either a proleptic object or a raised object, while that with kancwuha- can only have a raised object. Contra Chomsky (2015), we argue that this results from the difference in the strength of the root based on the (un)availability of genitival nominalization containing those verbal noun Rs kancwu is a weak R, while kolye is a strong R. Using this modified labeling theory, we account for disparities between the verbal noun kolye and the verbal noun kancwu in scrambling and ellipsis, despite the fact that these two Rs convey the same semantic meaning as epistemic verbs.

On Polarity Licensing in the -ul swu iss Construction

정대호 한국생성문법학회 2017 생성문법연구 Vol.27 No.3

Polarity licensing has been a central topic for the syntactic structure of the -ul swu iss modal construction in Korean since Choe (1988) first raised the issue. To deal with this issue, various theories have been proposed in the literature (Choe 1988, Ha 2005, 2007, Chung 2006, 2007, Kim 2014, 2015, Tchoe 2015, among others). This article evaluates the theoretical and empirical mileage those theories cover, specially examining how they account for the apparent violation of the clause mate condition in polarity licensing and the semantic restrictions that the modal construction displays. It will be shown that no theories thus far advanced are able to perfectly accomodate the polarity licensing in the modal construction, soliciting further research for a more complete theory.

On Polarity Licensing in the -ul swu iss Construction

Daeho Chung 한국생성문법학회 2017 생성문법연구 Vol.27 No.3

Chung, Daeho. 2017. On Polarity Licensing in the -ul swu iss Construction. Studies in Generative Grammar, 27-3, 457-483. Polarity licensing has been a central topic for the syntactic structure of the -ul swu iss modal construction in Korean since Choe (1988) first raised the issue. To deal with this issue, various theories have been proposed in the literature (Choe 1988, Ha 2005, 2007, Chung 2006, 2007, Kim 2014, 2015, Tchoe 2015, among others). This article evaluates the theoretical and empirical mileage those theories cover, specially examining how they account for the apparent violation of the clause mate condition in polarity licensing and the semantic restrictions that the modal construction displays. It will be shown that no theories thus far advanced are able to perfectly accomodate the polarity licensing in the modal construction, soliciting further research for a more complete theory.

An Elliptical Coordination Analysis of the Right Dislocated Construction in Korean

Dae Ho Chung 대한언어학회 2009 언어학 Vol.17 No.4