국기(國旗) 제정과정에서 나타나는 식민지 인도의 국가 정체성 형성과정에 대한 고찰 1905-1947

신민하 가천대학교 아시아문화연구소 2019 아시아문화연구 Vol.50 No.-

This paper focused on the important historical events related to the establishment of the national flag of India during the period from 1905 to 1947. The Indian national flag, adopted by the Constitutional Assembly of India in July 1947, has its origins on the flag designed by Gandhi in 1921 and officially adopted by the Indian National Congress in 1931. The tricolor of 1921, consisted of the same proportions of colors symbolizing the two religions as part of efforts to mediate Hindu and Muslim conflicts, and was widely accepted among people of India as a national symbol by devising the spinning-wheel on the flag. In particular, this flag was spread nationwide through the Flag Satyagraha which was carried out in the Nagpur region in 1923. The most striking feature of the process of establishing the national flag of India from 1921 to 1947 was the involvement of a handful of elites, such as nationalist leaders Gandhi and Nehru. They tried to solve the problems facing India through the national flag, including the Hindu-Muslim religious conflict, the most important problem facing India at that time. On the one hand, such an attempt was in itself revealing the dilemma faced by the Indian nationalist movement. In other words, the most important issue in the process of achieving India's independence was the question of how to control the conflict between the two major religions, Hindu and Muslim, and the continuing controversy over the design and symbols of the national flag over other religions. In sum, it can be said that the process of deciding the national flag of India was to seek out the national identity of secularism for the united independent nation. 본 연구에서는 1905년부터 1947년 독립에 이르는 기간 동안 인도의 국기 제정과 관련된 중요한 역사적 사건들을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 1947년 7월 인도 제헌의회에서 채택되어 오늘날까지 사용되고 있는 인도 국기는 1921년 간디가 주도적으로 고안하고, 1931년 인도국민회의가 공식적으로 채택한 깃발에 그 기원을 두고 있다. 1921년 간디가 고안한 삼색기는 힌두와 무슬림의 갈등을 중재하기 위한 노력의 일환으로 두 종교를 상징하는 색깔이 같은 비율로 구성되었으며, 물레를 그려 넣음으로써 계층을 초월한 통합의 상징물로 널리 보급되었다. 특히 1923년에는 나그뿌르 지역에서 진행된 국기 사뜨야그라하를 통하여 간디가 고안한 국기는 전국적으로 확산되는 계기를 마련하였다. 1921년 이후부터 1947년까지 인도 국기 제정과정을 두고 볼 때 가장 두드러지는 특징은 민족주의운동 지도자들인 간디, 네루와 같은 소수의 엘리트들이 국기 제정과정 전반에 주도적으로 관여하고 있다는 점이다. 인도 민족주의운동 지도자들은 국기 제정과정을 통해 신생 독립국 인도의 정체성을 드러내고자 시도하였는데, 그들이 가장 열망하고 있었던 신국가의 정체성은 세속주의 국가였던 것으로 볼 수 있다. 즉, 당시 인도 민족주의운동 지도자들은 다언어, 다민족, 다종교로 구성된 인도를 단일한 공동체로 환원시키는데 열중하고 있었고, 당시 인도 사회가 내포하고 있던 가장 큰 문제인 커뮤널리즘적 긴장을 국기 제정에 대한 국민적 합의와 동의를 통해 해소하고 상징화 하고자 하였다. 결국 인도 국기가 제정되는 과정은 국가통합을 위해 세속주의라는 국가 정체성을 찾아가는 과정이었다고 말할 수 있다.

1920년대 조선공산당의 민족개념과 ‘민족해방운동’의 성격

이희을 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2024 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.88

조선공산당의 민족해방운동은 1920년대 이전 식민지 조선에서 전개되었던 민족운동의 성격과 본질적으로 달랐다. 기존 연구는 민족해방운동을 대한제국 시기부터 시작된 독립지향 민족운동의 성격으로써 파악한 바 있다. 그런데 1920년대 식민지 조선의 사회주의 계열, 특히 공산주의세력은 코민테른에서 비롯한 마르크스레닌주의의 역사적 맥락을 가진 상태에서 자신들의 활동을 ‘민족해방운동’으로 표현했다. 따라서 이들의 민족개념과 활동전술은 마르크스레닌주의와 호환했고, 식민지 조선 내 민족운동세력의 종족문화적 민족개념 및 민족운동 방향과 달랐다. 조선공산당은 ‘조선민족’의 형성 원인을 식민지 자본주의 체제 내 일제의 정치경제적 압박 결과로 파악했고, 이로써 형성된 민족운동을 공산주의운동의 대열에 편입시켜 민족해방운동으로 전환시키고자 했다. 비록 민족협동전선 운영 방향을 놓고 조선공산당 내 ML파와 반ML파간의 내분이 일어나기도 했지만, 기본적으로 조선공산당 민족해방운동의 이론적 배경은 레닌·스탈린의 Nation 및 National movement 이론, 조직적 배경은 코민테른의 지시 및 공인이었다. 따라서 조선공산당에게 독립지향 민족운동세력은 정치적 목표 달성을 위한 이용 대상이었고, 종족문화적 민족개념 및 이에 기초한 민족운동 혹은 독립운동은 ‘부르주아민주주의운동’과 동일한 것으로 극복 대상이었다. 이는 조선공산당 및 공산주의세력이 식민지 조선 내 민족주의 조류에 입각한 독립운동의 역사적 맥락과 별개의 특성을 드러낸다. The Chosun Communist Party's National Liberation Movement was fundamentally different from the national movement that developed in colonial Korea before the 1920s. Former researches have identified the national liberation movement as a characteristic of the national and independence movements that began during the Empire of Korea. However, the socialist faction in colonial Korea in the 1920s, especially the communist groups, expressed their political activities as a ‘national liberation movement’ within the historical context of Marxism-Leninism. Therefore, it is difficult to evaluate the characteristic of the National Liberation Movement within the historical context of the independence movement that originated from the rise of ethnic-nationalism during the Korean Empire. Chosun Communist Party understood the ‘Chosun nation’ as beings formed by the political and economic pressure of Japan within the colonial capitalist system, and attempted to transform their national movement into a communist-centered National Liberation Movement. However, the National Liberation Movement could not progress due to the conflict between ML(Marx-Lenin) faction and the anti-ML faction within Chosun Communist Party over the direction and operation of the National Cooperation Front. The interesting point is that despite such conflict, the perception of the National Liberation Movement on both sides was basically the same. This is because Chosun Communist Party and various communist groups within it were strongly influenced by the Comintern's theoretical and organizational influence. The nation and national movement theories of Lenin, Stalin, and the Comintern were the theoretical background of the National Liberation Movement of Chosun Communist Party, and the instructions and the recognition of Comintern were the organizational background of Chosun Communist Party. Therefore, for Chosun Communist Party, the independence-oriented national movement forces were an object of use to achieve political goals, and the ethnic and cultural concept of nation and the national or independence movement based on it were the same as the ‘bourgeois democratic movement’ and were an object of overcome.

국립박물관과 국가정체성 - 국립중앙박물관과 대한민국역사박물관을 중심으로 -

박윤옥(Yoon Ok Park) 한국박물관학회 2022 博物館學報 Vol.- No.43

이 글은 우리나라의 역사와 문화를 대변하는 국립박물관의 전시를 통해 국가정체성을 어떻게 표현하는지 살펴보고자 한다. 식민 지배를 겪은 ‘신생 독립 국가’로서, 한국의 문화 정체성은 고통스러운 식민주의 경험에 이어 급격한 사회, 경제, 정치, 문화 제도의 변화를 겪었을 뿐만 아니라, 정치적 이념으로 인한 남북 국토분단은 국민 화합에 거대한 공백을 초래하고, 일관성 있는 국가정체성을 확립하는데 어려움을 가져왔다. 제국주의에 의해 어지럽게 왜곡된 신생 국가들의 역사와 문화는 그들의 민족적 기원에 국가의 기반을 두고 연속감을 주장하고자 한다. 하지만 국립박물관들이 과연 국가의 문화정체성을 제대로 나타내는가에 대해서는 질문을 가져야 한다. 그들이 항상 나라의 현 상황과 보통사람들의 삶을 반영하는가를 물어봐야 한다. 국립중앙박물관은 국가의 문화와 예술 표현을 통해 영광스러운 과거에 초점을 맞추고 있으며, 대한민국역사박물관은 과거의 아픈 근대사는 스치듯 지나가고 오늘날과 같은 경제 번영을 얼마나 빠른 시일 내에 이룩했는지 뽐내고 있는 것으로 보인다. 국가적 차원에서 볼 때 국립박물관은 소속감과 안전감을 줄 수 있지만, 그렇다고 언제나 국민들이 정말로 보고 싶고 알고 싶어 하는 것을 보여주는 일은 쉽지 않다. 또한 한 나라 안에서 살아가는 다양한 사람들을 모두 반영하는 것은 아니다. 이 점은 특히 포스트모더니티(후기 자본주의 사회가 갖고 있는 역사적인 조건)와 국경을 넘는 이주로 인해 계속해서 문화다양성과 문화변용이 늘어가는 현 세계에서는 수용할만하다. 다문화시대에 모두가 문화민주화/문화민주주의를 논하지만, 우리가 누구인가를 확인하는 일은 중요한 문제이다. 국립박물관들은 갈수록 모든 면에서 다양해지는 사회에서 사람들이 어떻게 하면 중심을 잡고 함께 조화롭게 살아갈 수 있는지 토론할 수 있는 플랫폼이 되어야 할 것이다. 그들은 민주적이고 포용적인 과정으로 공유된 정체성을 규정하고 발전시켜야 할 필요가 있다. This paper is to explore how national identity is presented through exhibitions in national museums which present the history and culture of Korea. As a ‘newly-independent’ country, Korean cultural identity has witnessed not only a radical change in social, economic, political and cultural frameworks following a painful colonial experience, but also a huge vacuum in national unity cause by the division of the South and North, which made it difficult to establish a coherent national identity. In new nations, their histories and cultures disturbed and distorted by imperial forces have led them to find the basis of nation in their ethnic roots, attempting to assert a sense of continuity. Yet, it must be always questioned as to whether national museums express the cultural identity of a nation: whether they always reflect the current state of the nation and the lives of ordinary people. The National Museum of Korea focuses on the glorious past through the national culture and arts, while the National Museum of Korean Contemporary History seems to show off how quickly the painful modern history of the past has passed and the economic prosperity of today has been achieved in such as short time. of They may serve to provide a sense of belonging and security at national level, but may not always reflect what their people really want to see and know. Rarely do they reflect the diversity of people living in any one country. This is especially true in today’s world, where postmodernity and migration have increasingly led to both cultural diversity and acculturation. In the era of cultural diversity, everyone discusses cultural democratization/cultural democracy, but it is important issue to identify who we are. National museums should be a platform where people can talk about how to stay focused and live harmoniously together in aincreasingly diverse society in every way. They need to define and develop a shared identity as a democratic and invlusive process.

학술논문 : 국가안보체제 확립 방안 -국가안보 기본법이 필요하다-

손수태 ( Soo Tae Sohn ) 한국군사학회 2015 군사논단 Vol.84 No.-

This study is to analyze Korea``s National Security System and suggest an alternative to it. Korea has some vulnerabilities that divide public opinion triggered by inter-Korean conflicts and leadership changes in relation to political tendencies. In order to buildup of national power, South Korea must upgrade the national security law and system and, therefore improve efficient control tower and mechanism. South Korea conducts the tasks on the Organization of National Armed Forces, the Conscription System, National Mobilization, running Intelligence Agencies and National Security Tasks legislated by each department. It is necessary to make a ``National Security Basic Law`` controlled by national security agency. It can enact or dispose a law. The working-level departments in the National Security Agency which are supported and strengthened by ``National Security Basic Law`` can execute control tower roles designated by ``National Security Basic Law``. National Security System secures nation``s legitimacy and national identity. It is provided by an institutional strategies and supported by leadership of National Assembly and the President. The government makes persistent efforts to strengthen national security consciousness and national unity.

대학생의 안보의식과 영향요인에 관한 연구

이동수(Lee, Tong Soo),전상조(Jeon, Sang Jo) 계명대학교 사회과학연구소 2014 한국사회과학연구 Vol.33 No.2

This study defines the factors that affect the sense of national security amongst college students and verifies how and how much those factors influence the students’ sense of national security. The factors that affect the sense of national security were organized in seven categories: the national system, social stability, national defense capability, pride in society and culture, cyber threats, international relations, and threats from North Korea. Those categories above except wariness of cyber threats appeared to be meaningful in affecting the students’ sense of national security. And external threats such as provocations of North Korea are directly related to and appear to have the greatest impact on national security. There were found to be meaningful differences in perception of national security by gender, grade, region of birth, income level, fulfillment of military duty, education of national security and history. There are various potential measures that can be applied to improve college students’ sense of national security. First and foremost, students must become clearly aware of North Korean threats and the national security environment. In order to achieve such ideal, national security issues should be publicized in a more active manner, and simultaneously develope educational programs to provide proper information to students. It is also necessary for students to have pride and faith in ou nation’s identity and political ideals. Such faithful attitude can be nurtured through defense capability and Korea-US alliance. As a result, it is significant for the state to win trust and support from its’ citizens to fuel the growth of defense capability. Finally, the importance of cooperation with surrounding nations should not be overlooked.

연구논문 : 고려시대 명산대천과 제장(祭場) -신라에서 고려로 산천제의 변화를 중심으로-

김아네스 ( Agnes Kim ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2013 역사학연구 Vol.50 No.-

이 글은 고려시대 명산대천 제사를 신라의 산천제와 비교하여 그 변화 요인과 의미에 관하여 알아보았다. 고려 초 산천제를 정비하면서 신라의 제사를 계승한 것과 폐지한 것이 있었다. 왕조의 교체와 함께 수도를 새롭게 정하고 북방으로 강역을 넓히면서 국가제사를 올리는 산천 제장의 편제에 변화가 나타났다. 이러한 변화를 네 가지 유형으로 나누어 볼 수 있다. 첫째 유형은 신라의 산천 제장을 고려에서 계승하여 치제한 것이다. 이들 산천은 나라의 요충으로 영험한 신령이 깃들어 지역과 나라를 수호할 것으로 믿어졌다. 둘째 유형은 신라의 산천제를 계속하면서 제장을 옮긴 경우이다. 동해, 남해, 서해의 제장은, 개경을 중심으로 한 영토관념을 반영하여 동·남·서쪽 바닷가 소재 군현으로 이전하였다. 셋째 유형은 신라의 산천제로 고려에서 제사하지 않은 것이다. 신라의 왕실 수호 신격이었던 삼산의 제사를 고려에서는 폐지하였다. 넷째 유형은 고려에서 국가 제장을 신설한 산천이다. 개경 일대와 서해도의 산천제는 거의 대부분 고려에서 신설하였다. 각 방면을 대표하는 지방행정의 중심지에 위치한 산천도 국가 제장이 되었다. 고려 초 명산대천 제사는 태조 때부터 시작하였다. 성종은 산천의 제사체계를 크게 정비하였다. 나라의 제장을 정하고 제사의례를 통일하였다. 현종 때에는 영토의 동·남·서쪽 방면의 한계를 상징하는 해신의 제장을 정비하여 국왕의 통치권이 미치는 영역을 확인하였다. 왕은 명산대천에 祭告使를 파견하여 각지의 통치영역에 깃든 산천 신을 섬기었다. 산천제를 올려서 나라의 수호와 백성의 생활을 안정시키고자 하였다. 나라의 산천제는 신명을 섬기어 나라의 안정과 질서를 이루기 위한 상징적 통치 행위라고 할 수 있다. This paper compares Goryeo`s national ritual sites in great mountains and streams with those of Silla. Goryeo dynasty revamped rituals in great mountains and streams during the early years adopting some of the existing rituals while abolishing others. The new dynasty selected a new capital and expanded national boundary northward. At the same time, the nation redesigned the national ritual sites. Four types of changes can be classified. The first type was the ritual sites from Silla that continued to be used in Goryeo. The ritual sites were in important places and it was believed that powerful spirits in the location would protect the nation. The second type was rituals from Silla, but in different locations. Reflecting national boundaries, the rituals were moves to prefectures locates close to seashores in East, South, and North Sea. The third type includes Silla`s rituals that were no longer held in Goryeo. Rituals held in Three mountains, the national guardians, were no longer observed in Goryeo. The forth type was the mountains and streams newed selected for rituals during Goryeo. Most of the national rituals at Gaegyeong and West Sea Province were installed by Goryeo dynasty. Mountains and streams located in major local administrative hubs were also selected as national ritual sites. The national rites held in the great mountains and streams began during King Taejo`s reign. King Seongjong drastically revamped ritual systems in mountains and streams. He designated the national ritual sites and standardized ritual ceremonies. King Hyeonjong organized ritual sites of sea gods which symbolize the national boundaries, and confirmed the boundaries within the king`s reign. Kings dispatches official for the rituals to the great mountains and streams, and worshiped the gods in the mountains and streams every spring and fall. Rituals in mountains and streams were held in an effort to protect the nation and stabilize the livelihood of the people. National rituals held in mountains and streams can be understood as symbolic act of reign in order to maintain the stability in the nation.

민족 영화 담론, 그 의미와 이슈들

주유신 한양대학교 현대영화연구소 2012 현대영화연구 Vol.8 No.2

The more full-fledged and profound discourses on the national cinema in South Korea must be needed, because a current transnational reality led by capitalism makes it more difficult for us to answer what role cinema plays in the construction of the cultural boundary and national identity. I will thus critically examine how to define the term “national cinema” after an introduction of the discourses on national cinema in the western film theory and construct a subject in national cinemas, as well as the dynamics between Hollywood cinema as the global dominant one in a transnational age and other national cinemas and the relationship of national cinema and transnational one. I hope such an approach would contribute to the productive discussion on national cinema including the identity of Korean cinema. Under the influence of anti-essentialism with regard to the national since the late 1980s, the historical conceptualization and critical study on national cinema have been more accomplished. During the period, the issues such as the role of a nation-state in both film production and reception and the relationship between cinema and ideology necessary for a nation-state’s building and maintenance were raised, and the discussion was consequently focused on what role cinema plays in the construction of a nation, national identity and national culture. In order to escape from being trapped in the limited conceptualization in terms of a nation and productively approach national cinema, the concept ‘the national’ has been highlighted. That was the result that a nation-state and national identity were reconceptualized in a way of the constructive, the non-essentialist and the contradictory by anti-essentialists. The question on national cinema has been shifted from ‘what is the relationship between cinema and nation?’ to ‘how is the national in cinema constructed?’, just as the problematic from ‘what is a nation?’ to ‘how is a nation constructed?’. In a phenomena of a globalization, both transnational power and sub-national, local power are strengthened and the cultural hybridity of a nation-state is highly recognized, while the sovereignty of a nation-state is weakened. What influence would such a change give on cinema’s construction of the national and cultural boundaries as well as the concept of a nation or a state? What would happen to the location of an address when cinema is regularly produced, circulated and consumed across the national boundaries?I here attempt to explore the transition in terms of three frameworks, the relationship between Hollywood cinema as the most representative transnational one and other national cinemas, the third cinema, and trans-Asian cinema.

국제투자규범에서 국가안보에 대한 규제

김여선 서울시립대학교 서울시립대학교 법학연구소 2018 서울법학 Vol.26 No.2

A host country regulates M&A-type investment by foreigners for national security. This case is called Review System of National Security. This review system is based on domestic law. Foreign Investment and National Security Act of the USA is a good example. This system has been most actively applied in the USA, Australia, and Germany. In China, M&A across borders has been main target of regulation due to Chinese policy of foreign investment. China also plans to execute Review System of National Security through legislation. Focus of national security has been mainly on defense and protection of core technologies of a nation. However, it has been recently extended unlimitedly into environment, labor, food, purchase of real asset, and so on. Thus, regulation of foreigners’ investment for national safety more likely to function as a protection mechanism for core technologies of domestic industry and the right of management. There is high possibility that the target of the review of national security is expanded from M&A-type investment into green field investment. This trend is witnessed in the USA in the legislation of Foreign Investment Risk Review Modernization Act, 2017 (FIRRMA) that strengthens the power of Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States(CFIUS). The origin of Review System of National Security is as the follows. First, excluding the review of national security from the coverage of IIA (International Investment Agreement). Second, the article of General Treaty Exception in IIA. Third, the article of Essential Security Interests in IIA. Review System of National Security has been applied as the execution of national sovereign power based on IIA. However, it could be covered by IIA/ISDS since it is possible to review national security through the whole process of M&A-type investment. Investor can voluntarily apply for the review process to avoid uncertainty of M&A-type investment. Completed M&A-type investment can be cancelled through the review of national security. This case can have the same effect as the restoration of M&A-type investment or transfer of business. This means that Review System of National Security can have retroactive effects. Because completed M&A-type investment is already established in host county, the established one should be protected by local law. For Ralls Corp. v. CFIUS case in the USA, US Court of Appeals judged violation of due process of law and deprive of property rights according to deprive of property rights. This case can be a violation of Fair & Equitable Treatment, Expropriation and National Treatment in IIA. Korean Review System of National Security is based on Act of Foreigner Investment Promotion and Act on Prevention of Divulgence and Protection of Industrial Technology. The issues of a single legislation, range of national security, transparency of process still remain as main concern. Of course, no Review System of National Security has been applied in Korea. However, these issues should be complemented as we expect to witness increasing number of M&A-type investment on Korean companies in coming years. 수용국은 국가안보를 이유로 인수ㆍ합병 방식의 외국인투자를 규제한다. 이를 국가안보 심사제도라고 한다. 국가안보 심사제도는 국내법에 기반한다. 대표적으로 미국의 외국인투자에 관한 국가안보법이 있다. 국가안보 심사제도를 가장 활발하게 운용하는 국가들은 미국, 호주 그리고 독일 등이 있다. 중국의 해외투자정책에 따른 국경간 인수ㆍ합병 거래가 집중적 규제대상이 되고 있다. 중국도 입법을 통하여 이를 본격적으로 운용할 예정으로 있다. 국가안보에 의한 외국인 투자규제는 국방과 국가핵심기술의 보호에 있었다. 미국은 외국인투자위원회의 권한을 강화하는 Foreign Investment Risk Review Modernization Act, 2017 법안을 제출하고 국가안보의 심사범위를 확대하고 있다. 법안을 보면 환경, 노동, 식량과 부동산 매입에까지 무제한 확장되고 있다. 국가안보 심사의 대상이 인수ㆍ합병 방식 투자에서 신설투자 방식으로 확대 적용될 가능성이 크다. 국가안보를 이유로 하는 외국인투자의 규제는 ‘자국 산업의 핵심기술과 경영권 방어를 위한 투자 보호주의’ 기능을 할 가능성이 크다. 국가안보 심사제도의 국제투자법 근거는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 국제투자협정의 적용범위에서 국가안보 심사를 배제하는 방안이 있다. 둘째, 국제투자협정에 존재하는 일반예외조항을 근거로 하고 있다. 셋째, 국제투자협정의 필수적 안보이익 조항을 근거로 제시한다. 국가안보 심사제도는 국제투자협정에 근거한 주권적 행위로서 운용되어 왔다. 하지만 국가안보 심사절차는 IIA/ISDS대상이 될 가능성도 존재한다. 왜냐하면 인수ㆍ합병 거래는 시작부터 완료시점까지 모두 국가안보 심사과정에 놓여있다. 투자자는 인수ㆍ합병 거래의 불확실성 제거를 위하여 사전에 자발적 심사를 신청한다. 완료된 인수ㆍ합병 투자도 국가안보 심사에서 취소될 가능성이 있다. 이는 완료된 인수ㆍ합병형 투자의 원상회복 혹은 사업양도 등과 같은 효과가 발생된다. 국가안보 심사의 결과는 소급효가 있다는 것이다. 완료된 인수ㆍ합병 투자는 이미 수용국에서 투자설립이 완료되었기 때문에 수용국 국내법 보호를 받아야 한다. 미국 연방고등법원은 Ralls Corp. v. CFIUS 사건에서 국가안보 심사과정에서 적법절차 위반과 재산권을 박탈한 수용으로 판결하였다. 이것은 국제투자협정에서 공정ㆍ공평대우 조항, 수용조항 그리고 내국민대우 조항 위반 가능성이 있다. 우리나라의 국가안보 심사제도는 외국인투자촉진법과 산업기술 유출방지 및 보호에 관한 법률에 근거한다. 단일입법과 국가안보의 적용범위 그리고 절차적 투명성의 문제가 있다. 과거에 국가안보와 관련된 외국인투자의 단일한 규제입법의 시도가 있었다. 절차적 투명성 문제를 해결하기 위한 입법 과제도 남겨두고 있다. 그리고 국가안보에 관한 심사기준을 좀 더 폭넓게 운용할 필요도 있다. 물론 현재까지 우리나라는 국가안보 심사제도를 활용하거나 적용한 적은 없다. 하지만 향후 우리나라 기업에 대한 인수ㆍ합병 투자가 본격화되면 이러한 문제는 보완되어야 할 것이다.

터키민족문학의 발달과 터키민족의 정체성 모색

이난아 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2002 지중해지역연구 Vol.4 No.2

When a country is experiencing changes by both its internal and external factors, the society is forced to face various kinds of problems such as political and social tensions, confrontations and conflicts among different social classes, and stagnation of cultural areas. In circumstances like that, as a way of seeking general understanding of people's lives and retrieval of its homogeneity, national literature theory has emerged and various discussions on the theory have been held. Considering that literature represents an aspect of human mentality that reflects the reality of the society, it is natural that an attempt has been made to take advantage of the influence of nationalism, which was the mainstream of the time. Turkish national literature theory has shown the reality of Turkish people and literary self-introspection on the historical background. If national literature is the one with its own historical and cultural background based on the peculiar traditions, Turkish national of the people in literature. Since the contents of the literature was focused on the lives of ordinary Turkish people, the national literature was able to be on its way to develop, and the leading writers of the time wrote and did research based on Turkish nationalism. Turkish nationalism shows an example that when nationalism is adopted in literature, it helps establish the identity of the people, evoke sympathy among the people, and unite and educate the people. The characteristics of national literature, which are inspiring the national consciousness and popularizing the national sentiments, can hold potentials for national development. All in all, Turkish national literature helped establish Turkish people's identity and strengthen national sympathy. Its success led a way for the development of Turkish literature by achieving the literary popularization.

특집논문 : 민족 영화 담론, 그 의미와 이슈들

주유신 ( You Shin Joo ) 한양대학교 현대영화연구소 2012 현대영화연구 Vol.8 No.2

The more full-fledged and profound discourses on the national cinema in South Korea must be needed, because a current transnational reality led by capitalism makes it more difficult for us to answer what role cinema plays in the construction of the cultural boundary and national identity. I will thus critically examine how to define the term “national cinema” after an introduction of the discourses on national cinema in the western film theory and construct a subject in national cinemas, as well as the dynamics between Hollywood cinema as the global dominant one in a transnational age and other national cinemas and the relationship of national cinema and transnational one. I hope such an approach would contribute to the productive discussion on national cinema including the identity of Korean cinema. Under the influence of anti-essentialism with regard to the national since the late 1980s, the historical conceptualization and critical study on national cinema have been more accomplished. During the period, the issues such as the role of a nation-state in both film production and reception and the relationship between cinema and ideology necessary for a nation-state`s building and maintenance were raised, and the discussion was consequently focused on what role cinema plays in the construction of a nation, national identity and national culture. In order to escape from being trapped in the limited conceptualization in terms of a nation and productively approach national cinema, the concept ``the national`` has been highlighted. That was the result that a nation-state and national identity were reconceptualized in a way of the constructive, the non-essentialist and the contradictory by anti-essentialists. The question on national cinema has been shifted from ``what is the relationship between cinema and nation?`` to ``how is the national in cinema constructed?``, just as the problematic from ``what is a nation?`` to ``how is a nation constructed?``. In a phenomena of a globalization, both transnational power and sub-national, local power are strengthened and the cultural hybridity of a nation-state is highly recognized, while the sovereignty of a nation-state is weakened. What influence would such a change give on cinema`s construction of the national and cultural boundaries as well as the concept of a nation or a state? What would happen to the location of an address when cinema is regularly produced, circulated and consumed across the national boundaries? I here attempt to explore the transition in terms of three frameworks, the relationship between Hollywood cinema as the most representative transnational one and other national cinemas, the third cinema, and trans-Asian cinema.