조선후기 綸音의 傳達過程

신명호(Shin, Myung-Ho) 동북아시아문화학회 2017 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.52

in late joseon dynasty, king’s words were made in order to persuade general people. when king’s words were made, king used to order how to proclaim his words. and king’s order used to be given to king’s secretary. because king’s secretary was in charge in king’s order. usually, king’s secretary accepted a king’s direct order or a king’s indirect order. a king’s direct order was called ha-gyo(下敎). the other hand a king’s indirect order was called jeon-gyo(傳敎), usually, jeon-gyo(傳敎) was delivered by eunuch to a king’s secretary. when king’s secretary accept, wether king’s direct order or a king’s indirect order, a responsible secretary wrote a king’s words by secretary (有旨). and the responsible secretary delivered a king’s words by secretary(有旨) together with king’s words to a province governor. but sometimes king’s order was delivered to cabinet through seong-gyo(承傳) from king’s secretary. when cabinet accept seong-gyo(承傳), cabinet wrote a order by superior boss. the responsible cabinet menber delivered a order by superior boss to a province governor. when a province governor accepted a king’s words by secretary(有旨) together with king’s words, he wrote a order by superior boss to his county governor. and when a county governor accepted a order by superior boss, he wrote a direction by superior boss to his village foremen. when a village foremen accepted a direction by superior boss, finally he proclaimed king’s words to village people.

순조대 초반 勸農策의 시행과 量田 추진

염정섭 역사교육학회 2013 역사교육논집 Vol.50 No.-

This essay aims to describe the front and the rear circumstances in King's order of agriculture promotion, the dispatch of secret royal inspector, Yangjeon(Land Survey) plans and propels. King Sunjo(純祖), the king after King Jeongjo(正祖) was only 11 years old when he first became the king. He didn't miss the King's order of agriculture promotion, which became King's routine agriculture promotion. Emulating Jungjo, he also poclaimed King's order of agriculture promotion, which written by himself. Also he emphasized agriculture promotion, at every place of receptioning with officers. In 1808, at the age of 19, Sunjo struggled to take the lead of government administration by his own will. Sunjo's struggle for the government administration also took place in enforcement of agriculture promotion. In 1809 march, Sunjo unprecedently poclaimed King's order of agriculture promotion, which made governor of a county investigate people's difficulty and hardship. King Sunjo modeled King Jungjo's order of agriculture promotion which made governor of a county investigate people's difficulty and hardship. at 1798. Sunjo mobilized governor of a county to apprehend Joseon's state and make solutions for them. King Sunjo accepted dispatch of secret royal inspector to many districts as one of the policy for agriculture promotion. King Sunjo sent secret royal inspectors to all around the country to inquire people's difficulty and hardship in 1808. The regulation imposed to secret royal inspector, which called 'Jaegeosamok', contained many parts of policy for agriculture promotion. Most of the duty of the secret royal inspector was whether governor of a county carried policy for agriculture promotion or not. The most tipical point of policy for agriculture promotion during the Sunjo's reign was the part of founding and propel of Yangjeon(Land Survey). As the 19th century beginned, the controversy about the Yangjeon(Land Survey)‘s necessity rose. From the year 1811 there was opinion that the Yangjeon(Land Survey) is necessary. Opinion pro and cons Yangjeon rose and argued, at last the propel of Yangjeon was decided at 1819. As the work to enforce Yangjeon was progressing, in August 1820 Jeolla district governor Yi, Seogu's cons proposal Yangjeon, which was admitted by the government and the propel of Yangjeon stopped. The goal of Yangjeon work at those times was centered to equality of imposition of tax. They tried to eliminate the factors that made inequality in imposition of tax, and they was also aimed to clear the corruption of landed gentry and make profits go to the nation and the commoners.

순조대 초반 권농책(勸農策)의 시행과 양전(量田) 추진

염정섭 ( Jeong Sup Yeom ) 역사교육학회 2013 역사교육논집 Vol.50 No.-

This essay aims to describe the front and the rear circumstances in King`s order of agriculture promotion, the dispatch of secret royal inspector, Yangjeon(Land Survey) plans and propels. King Sunjo(純祖), the king after King Jeongjo(正祖) was only 11 years old when he first became the king. He didn`t miss the King`s order of agriculture promotion, which became King`s routine agriculture promotion. Emulating Jungjo, he also poclaimed King`s order of agriculture promotion, which written by himself. Also he emphasized agriculture promotion, at every place of receptioning with officers. In 1808, at the age of 19, Sunjo struggled to take the lead of government administration by his own will. Sunjo`s struggle for the government administration also took place in enforcement of agriculture promotion. In 1809 march, Sunjo unprecedently poclaimed King`s order of agriculture promotion, which made governor of a county investigate people`s difficulty and hardship. King Sunjo modeled King Jungjo`s order of agriculture promotion which made governor of a county investigate people`s difficulty and hardship. at 1798. Sunjo mobilized governor of a county to apprehend Joseon`s state and make solutions for them. King Sunjo accepted dispatch of secret royal inspector to many districts as one of the policy for agriculture promotion. King Sunjo sent secret royal inspectors to all around the country to inquire people`s difficulty and hardship in 1808. The regulation imposed to secret royal inspector, which called ``Jaegeosamok``, contained many parts of policy for agriculture promotion. Most of the duty of the secret royal inspector was whether governor of a county carried policy for agriculture promotion or not. The most tipical point of policy for agriculture promotion during the Sunjo`s reign was the part of founding and propel of Yangjeon (Land Survey). As the 19th century beginned, the controversy about the Yangjeon(Land Survey)`s necessity rose. From the year 1811 there was opinion that the Yangjeon (Land Survey) is necessary. Opinion pro and cons Yangjeon rose and argued, at last the propel of Yangjeon was decided at 1819. As the work to enforce Yangjeon was progressing, in August 1820 Jeolla district governor Yi, Seogu`s cons proposal Yangjeon, which was admitted by the government and the propel of Yangjeon stopped. The goal of Yangjeon work at those times was centered to equality of imposition of tax. They tried to eliminate the factors that made inequality in imposition of tax, and they was also aimed to clear the corruption of landed gentry and make profits go to the nation and the commoners.

廣開土王陵碑文의 構造

沈浩澤(Sim Ho-taek) 대동한문학회 2007 大東漢文學 Vol.26 No.-

  본고는 광개토대왕비문에 대한 새로운 측면으로서의 全文의 구조를 밝히려 한 논문이다. 광개토대왕비문에 대한 기존 연구의 주류가 勳績(또는 守墓人)을 중심으로 하였다면, 본고는 〈비문〉의 삼 개 부분 중 기왕에 간과되었던 제1부의 의미를 재인식하고 이를 토대로 하여 전문의 구조를 규명하려 하였다.<BR>  이를 위하여 일차적으로 비문의 외형적 체제를 분석하였다. 체제를 분석함에 있어서는 기존의 연구가 勳績을 중심으로 하여 전체를 자의적 연역적으로 파악해 왔음에 비하여 본고는 篇法 章法 文體 등 객관적 귀납적 방법을 취하였다. 그 결과 다섯 개의 有意味 단락을 추출하고, 이들 단락을 상호간의 관계 규명을 통해 세 章으로 범주화하였으며, 다시 이들 세 章의 관계 규명을 통해 하나의 大 主題에 도달하였는데, 그 대 주제는 광개토대왕이라는 인물이었다. 이는 훈적 중심의 역사 기술체와 다른 인물 중심의 비문체의 변별점임을 말해 준다.<BR>  광개토왕이라는 인물을 중심으로 하여 새롭게 이해된 비문적 체제의 실상을, 제1부는 先王部, 제2부는 太王部(또는 영락대왕부), 제3부는 守墓部로 명명할 수 있다. 이를 先王의 創基, 永樂大王의 廣開土境, 後王의 守墓로 그 성격 지울 수 있다. 이를 좀더 구체화하면 다음과 같다.<BR>  기존에 서문으로 간주되어 왔으나 본고에서 새롭게 밝혀진 先王部는 영락대왕에게는 정신적 기반이 된다. 이 부분은 광개토대왕릉비문 뿐 아니라 정신사적으로 주목을 요하는 대목이라 하겠다.<BR>  기존에 훈적으로만 이해했던 太王部 역시 태왕이란 주체와 훈적이란 행위로 구분된다. 태왕의 형상은 역사적으로 先王의 17세손이자 대외적으로는 영락대왕을 정신을 바탕으로 하여 시조왕의 ‘創基’를 계승 발전시키는 차원에서의 ‘廣開’이며, 동시에 고구려의 대내외적 中興 帝王의 모습이었다. 삼국사기의 광개토왕상과는 크게 다르다.<BR>  守墓部의 내용은 수묘에 대한 광개토대왕의 敎令을 後王의 처지에서 보완한 것이었으며, 〈비문〉의 심층적 맥락에서는 선왕의 행적을 보존 계승 발전시키는 의미를 갖는다고 할 것이다.<BR>  〈비문〉의 전체적 構圖는 광개토대왕 즉 광개토경이라는 공간적 개념의 대 주제를 X축으로 하는 한편, 선왕에서, 영락대왕으로, 다시 후왕으로 이어지는 시간적 개념을 Y축으로 하여 이루었고, 文體는 史傳體와 敎令體, 그리고 騈儷體와 국어체까지를 두루 구사하였다.<BR>  〈비문〉의 樣式은 漢代의 墓碑的 요소와 秦代의 事蹟碑的 요소에 고구려의 守墓碑的 요소를 융합함으로써 5세기 고구려 비문 양식의 독특한 면모를 보였다.<BR>  광개토대왕릉비문의 이러한 성격은 5세기 고구려의 碑誌文을 대표함은 물론 7세기 원효의 논변성 불교 산문과 함께 삼국시대 산문의 양대 主峰을 형성하면서 한국한문학사와 정신사의 한 큰 ‘據點’이 될 것이다.   This is a study on finding out the structure of the full text from a new aspect of the Great King Gwanggaeto’s tomb epitaph. Whereas the mainstream of existing researches on the Great King Gwanggaeto’s tomb epitaph was based on contributions and achievements(or the tomb guardian) this study re-recognizes the first chapter among the three parts of the 〈epitaph〉 which has been overlooked in the past and based on such re-recognition attempts to identify the structure of the epitaph<BR>  For this, firstly, the exterior system of the epitaph was analyzed. In analyzing the system, whilst existing structures arbitrarily and deductively understood the whole based on the contributions and achievements this study takes an objective inductive method such as categorizing, chaptering and literary style etc. As a result, five meaningful paragraphs were extracted and through identifying the mutual relationship of these paragraphs it was classified into three chapters. By identifying the relations of these three chapters a big subject was attained. The big subject was a person referred to as the Great King Gwanggaeto. This shows that it is a history description based on person different from the type of history description based on contributions and achievements, a distinctive style of epitaph.<BR>  The real facts of epitaph structure understood in a new way based on a person, the Great King Gwanggaeto, can be named in the following way, namely the first chapter the previous king section, second chapter the great king section (or Younglak great king section) and third chapter tomb guarding section. These can be characterized by tomb creation of the previous king, Younglak great king’s Gwanggaeto’s land and tomb guarding of the later king. This can be specified as follows.<BR>  Although the first section was considered as a preface in the past, the previous king section newly found forms the mental basis to the Great King Younglak. This is an area which requires attention not only for the Great King Gwanggato’s tomb epitaph but also spiritually.<BR>  The great king section which was previously understood only as contributions and achievements is divided into subject namely the great king and activity namely contributions and achievements. The features of the great king were the 17th prince historically, Gwanggae externally in terms of succeeding and developing tomb creation of the founder king based on the spirit of the Great King Younglak and at the same time king of restoration of Goguryeo nationally and internationally. The Samguksagi is very different from the features of King Gwanggaeto.<BR>  The contents of tomb guarding section is a section which supplements the King Gwanggaeto’s order on tomb guarding from the later king’s situation and it has the meaning of succeeding and developing the achievements of the previous king when seen from the perspective of a deeper context of the 〈epitaph〉.<BR>  The overall composition of the 〈epitaph〉 has the big subject of a spacial concept namely the big subject Gwanggaeto’s land as its x axis and on the other hand a time concept namely the succession from previous king to the Great King Younglak and to the later king as its y axix. In the writing style, various styles such as history and biography, king"s order, parallel and Korean.<BR>  The form of the 〈epitaph〉 shows an unique feature of 5th century Goguryeo epitaph by combining the element of China Han era’s tombstone, China Jin era’s evidence tombstone and Goguryoe’s tomb guarding.<BR>  Such characteristics of the Great King Gwanggaeto’s tomb epitaph represents the engraved epitaph of 5th century Goguryeo and also forms the two main mountains of prose with the argumentative Buddhism prose of Wonhyo in the Samguk era. This will become a big base to the Korean literature history and spiritual history.

朝鮮後期 正祖代의 政局과 市廛政策 -貢市人詢瘼을 중심으로

김정자 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2013 한국학논총 Vol.39 No.-

Examined in this article are not only the changes in the political climate (as well as the changes in political factions) that continued during the reigns of King Yeongjo(英祖) and Jeongjo(正祖), but also certain problems that involved the market merchants at the time. Among such problems, especially examined here are the problems that occurred between the Official marketplace of the Capital city(市廛[=京市]) and other local markets(場市[=鄕市]) in the Songpa, Nu'weon and Su'weon areas. Also examined is the question of which entity had the ultimate authority to ban other stores with similar items from being opened, and what was the ordinary range of such authority. And the discussion will also cover the "Tong'gong" orders issued at the time, and also the issue of 'reforming(釐正).'Since the latter half of King Yeongjo's reign, and through the early days of King Jeongjo's reign, there was a discussion to either shut down or leave opened the 'Songpa local market.' The discussion was led by no other than the King and the Crown prince. The Songpa local market survived the debate, and the Crown prince wanted to reduce the monopolistic authority inside the market (which we usually call as the 'Geum-Nan'jeon-gweon' authority that banned other new stores from opening), but then the so-called "Tragedy of the Im'o year(in which Crown prince Sado was killed by his own father Yeongjo)" happened. In 1764(40th year of Yeongjo's reign) and 1768(Yeongjo's 44th year), Tong'gong orders called the 'Gabshin-year Tong'gong' and 'Muja-year Tong'gong' were issued by the Buk'han-dang and Nam'han-dang parties respectively. Later, similar market policies led by Hong Guk-yeong and Seo Myeong-seon continued to be implemented in the early days of King Jeongjo's reign. In the middle period of Jeongjo's reign, the Hong Guk'yeong faction politically fell, and the Nam'dang sect of the Westerners party's "Juniors" faction("So'ron") and the Dong'dang sect of the same party's "Elders" faction("No'ron") came to lead the government. In 1782(6th year of Jeongjo's reign), due to the drafting of civilians for the Gyeong'mo-gung construction, a conflict broke out between the "Yeo'gaek Ju'in" figure of Gyeong'mo-gung(the "Dong'chon Yeo'gaek") and the Nu'weon-jeom store["Dong'buk Yeo'gaek"]. In 1784(8th year of King Jeongjo's reign), in response to the "Coins draught"("Jeon'hwang, 錢荒") phenomenon, the policy of 'Loaning to Gong'in figures and merchants("貢市人散貸策")' was implemented, and in 1785(Jeongjo's 9th year) additional coins were created('鑄錢'). In 1786(Jeongjo's 10th year) the Byeong'o-year Tong'gong order (which was very similar to the Gabshin-year Tong'gong) was issued, and in 1787(Jeongjo's 11th year) the Jeongmi-year Order("Pan'ha") was issued as well. Meanwhile, in 1786 when the 'Byeong'o-year Loss(喪變)’ occurred, the So'ron faction's Dong'dang sect and the meritorious figures in the military were expelled from the government. In the latter half of King Jeongjo's reign, all the parties: No'ron, So'ron and Nam'in(the Southerners) parties created an environment which we now call ‘Sam'sang Bo'hab(三相保合).’ In 1789(13th year of Jeongjo's reign) Hyeon'ryung-weon was created at Su'weon, and in 1790(14th year) a Su'weon marketplace was established too. This led to a conflict between the market place in the Capital and the local markets in Songpa, Nu'weon and Su'weon. In 1791(15th year of Jeongjo's reign) the monopolistic authority of powerful stores (with the exception of the Six Major Stores) were abolished by the Shin'hae-year Tong'gong order. In 1794(18th year of Jeongjo's reign), one "Jubi" was extracted from the Fishery and Blue Textile stores, and instead a Textile store was inserted, by the Gab'in-year Tong'gong order. Through the "Gong/Shi'in Sun'mak" practice, implemented in the latter half of King Yeongjo's reign and continued during King Jeongjo's reign as well, the conflicts between the official Centra... 본고는 영·정조년간의 정치세력·정국의 변화와 함께, 시전정책의 하나였던 貢市人詢瘼 중 市廛상인들의 폐막을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 특히 서울 市廛[=京市]과 송파·누원·수원 場市[=鄕市]간의 문제, 금난전권 행사 주체와 범위문제, 통공의 시행과 釐正의 문제를 주목하였다. 영조 후반에서 정조 초의 시기에는 영조와 왕세자를 중심으로 한 송파 장시의 폐지와 유지 논의가 있었고, 송파 場市[=鄕市]는 유지되었다. 이후 왕세자는 금난전권을 축소·완화하려 했으나, ‘임오화변’이 발발하였다. 영조 40년(1764)과 44년(1768)에는 북한당과 남한당에 의해 ‘갑신통공’·‘무자통공’이 시행되었다. 이후 ‘갑신통공’ 위주의 시전정책이 시행되었고, 정조 초반 홍국영·서명선에 의해 주도되었다. 정조 중반의 시기에는 홍국영세력이 몰락하고, 소론 남당계와 노론 동당계가 정국을 운영하였다. 정조 6년(1782) 경모궁 모민책으로 경모궁 여객주인[=동촌여객]과 누원점[=동북여객]의 대립이 발생했다. 정조 8년(1784) 錢荒의 폐단을 釐正하기 위해, 貢市人散貸策을 시행했고, 정조 9년(1785)에는 鑄錢을 시행했다. 정조 10년(1786)에는 ‘갑신통공’과 유사한 ‘병오통공’을 시행했고, 정조 11년(1786)에는 ‘정미판하’를 시행했다. 더불어 정조 10년(1786) ‘병오년의 喪變’으로 시전정책의 주도권을 행사하던 소론 동당계와 훈신 무장세력이 정계에서 축출되었다. 정조 후반의 시기에는 노·소론·남인의 ‘三相保合’ 정국을 이루었다. 정조 13년(1789) 수원에 현륭원을 천봉하였고, 정조 14년(1790) 수원에 시전을 설치하였다. 이 때문에 서울·수원市廛과 송파·누원·수원 場市[=鄕市]의 대립이 발생하였고, 정조 15년(1791) 6의전 외 일반시전의 금난전권을 혁파하는 ‘신해통공’을 실시하였다. 정조 18년(1794) 6의전 안에서 어물전과 청포전의 1주비를 빼고, 포전을 넣는 ‘갑인통공’을 실시하였다. 영조 후반 정조년간에 시행된 공시인순막을 통한 시전정책의 시행으로 市廛[=京市]과 場市[=鄕市]간의 대립이 해소되었고, 금난전권 행사를 축소·완화하는 통공정책이 나올 수 있었던 것이다. 이로써 정조는 정치적으로는 노론·소론·남인의 준론세력이 ‘同寅協恭’하는 탕평정치를 지향하였고, 사회적으로는 정부와 모든 백성[=都城民과 鄕民]이 직접적인 대화와 소통을 하는 大同사회의 이상을 구현하려했던 일련의 조치와 함께, 경제적으로는 시전과 장시에 관한 재정적 주도권을 호조와 한성부로 일원화하고자 노력했던 것이다.

『고려사』 식화지(食貨志) 외관록(外官祿) 규정의 기준 시점과 성립 배경

윤경진(Yoon Kyeong-jin) 한국역사연구회 2010 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.78

Assessed and determined in this article, is why a specific time period was selected to be described as the era that witnessed the supposed completion of the Local officials' Salary system, and why was the documentation of the "We'gwan-rok(外官祿 : Salaries for the Local Officials)" entry of the Economy Section(食貨志) inside 『History of the Goryeo Dynasty(高麗史)』 was actually fabricated. It seems like a political consideration was involved in the documentation process, as a specific order of the government which was issued during a specific time period was described as issued at an entirely different date. The reason for that will be examined here. The "We'gwan-rok(外官祿)" entry is composed of two sets of regulations("Kings' orders"). One set is allegedly from the era of King Munjong's reign(文宗朝, Munjong's orders), while the other is supposed to be from the era of King Injong's reign(仁宗朝, Injong's orders). Yet both sets of records are actually based upon one source of information, a text that was created in the 2nd year of King Myeongjong's reign. This text also has a supplemental section(追記) which covered facts that occurred until the early days of King Shinjong's reign. The so-called "Munjong's orders" portion seems to have been based upon the main body of the said Myeongjong text, and the "Injong's orders" portion seems to have been based upon the supplemental section. And in the meantime, regarding the Gyeonggi Capital region(京畿) and the Western Gyeonggi region(西京畿), the establishment of such units themselves is thoroughly highlighted and emphasized. This seems because the officials who were behind the Salary system Reform project during King Gong'yang-wang's reign needed to establish a concept of "The Institutions of the Munjong's days('文宗舊制'), in order to propel their plans toward substantial reforms. They claimed that the dynasty's salary system had already been firmly established during the reign of King Munjong(and had to be resurrected), and in order to supply their argument with a proof, they actually fabricated the so-called "Munjong's orders," and created the "Injong's orders" as well, based upon the above-mentioned records.

正祖의 當代 臣僚 文集 命刊에 대한 연구 - 『雷淵集』, 『江漢集』, 『保晩齋集』, 『樊巖集』을 중심으로 -

양기정 한국서지학회 2016 서지학연구 Vol.66 No.-

This study investigated the background and the process of King Jeongjo’s publishing his official’s collections of work, especially on Nam Yu-Yong’s Noeyeonjip, Hwang Gyeong-Won’s Ganghanjip, Seo Myeong-Eung’s Bomanjaejip and Chae Jae-Gong’s Beonamjip, all of which were ordered to be published by King Jeongjo. All of them had taught Jeongjo as a royal tutor while Jeongjo was a prince. Three of them had represented national literature as the Head of the Royal Academy. One of them had help Jeongjo make a significant contribution to state affairs as a prime minister. The tradition that officially publish one’s collections of work, who served as a royal tutor and the Head of the Royal Academy, was derived from Nam Yu-Yong’s Noeyeonjip, and was passed down to Hwang Gyeong-Won’s Ganghanjip and Seo Myeong-Eung’s Bomanjaejip. Works of Nam Yu-Yong and Hwang Gyeong-Won were so elegant and sincere that there was a lot of accord with Jeongjo’s policy trying to restore people’s style of writing fallen into decadence. Seo Myeong-Eung immensely helped Jeongjo with his academic talent when Jeongjo compiled and published various books so as to consolidate the foundation of the throne at the initiatory stage of Guyjanggak. Jeongjo was so impressed by Chae Jae-Gong’s consistent protection for Prince Sado, who was Jeongjo’s father, that he especially selected Chae Jae-Gong as a prime minister. Chae Jae-Gong successfully assisted Jeongjo’s policy in various categories. It took about 3years for Noeyeonjip and Ganghanjip to be published from Jeongjo’ order. On the contrary, Bomanjaejip and Beonamjip were privately published after Jeongjo passed away. The publication of Bomanjaejip and Beonamjip took a long time due to the political obstacles that occurred shortly after Jeongjo passed away. In case of Noeyeonjip and Ganghanjip, Jeongjo read both of them and ordered to publish after the writers passed away. Bomanjaejip and Beonamjip, on the other hand, were read and given a panegyrical poem by Jeongjo during writer’s life time. Jeongjo ordered to publish Bomanjaejip and Beonamjip as soon as the writers passed away. Ganghanjip had a lot of content that were strongly opposing Qing. Jeongjo was concerned that Ganghanjip might have bring about diplomatic conflicts between Joseon and Qing, so he did not write prefaces for Ganghanjip. Since Bomanjaejip and Beonamjip could not be published during Joseon’s life time, there are no Jeongjo’s prefaces, only panegyrical poems written by Jeongjo. Nam Yu-Yong’s descendants wanted to print only 40-50 sets for private use at the time of printing Noeyeonjip, because they were not afford enough. On that basis, it can be assumed that more than 50 sets for private use were generally printed at least when a collection of work was published under the orders of King during the Joseon dynasty. According to Jeongjo’s memorandum, 23 sets for official use were generally printed at the time of printing Ganghanjip. It can also assume how many sets of collection of work for official use were generally printed. 본 논문은 조선 正祖 시대 신료인 南有容의 『雷淵集』, 黃景源의 『江漢集』, 徐命膺의 『保晩齋集』, 蔡濟恭의 『樊巖集』에 대해 정조가 간행을 명한 배경과 그 경과에 대해 연구한 것이다. 정조는 賓客을 지내고 文衡을 역임하였으면서 문장과 학술이 뛰어나거나, 자신이 정책을 수행하는데 지대한 공적을 세운 신료의 문집을 간행해주도록 명을 내렸다. 정조가 빈객을 지내고 문형을 역임한 신료의 문집을 간행해주도록 명한 전통은 남유용의 『뇌연집』에서부터 시작되어 황경원의 『강한집』, 서명응의 『보만재집』으로 이어졌다. 남유용과 황경원의 문장은 敦厚하고 古雅하여 정조의 ‘文體反正’ 정책에 부합하는 것이었고, 서명응은 다양한 서적을 편찬했던 정조의 학술 정책에 지대한 기여를 하였으며, 채제공은 思悼世子의 보호에 적극적으로 활약하여 정조의 신임을 얻고 영의정에 올라 정조가 추진하던 정책들을 성공적으로 보좌하였다. 『뇌연집』과 『강한집』은 간행의 명이 내린 뒤에 간행을 위한 준비 작업으로서 편집과 교정에 대략 3년 정도의 시간이 소요되었다. 『보만재집』과 『번암집』은 모두 정조 사후에 저자의 후손이나 본인이 정치적인 문제에 연루되어 오랫동안 간행되지 못하다가 정치적 문제가 해결된 뒤에 간행되었다. 『뇌연집』과 『강한집』은 저자의 사후에 정조가 遺稿를 乙覽하고 간행하도록 명한 경우이고, 『보만재집』과 『번암집』은 저자의 생전에 詩文稿를 을람한 뒤에 御製詩를 내리고 사후에 간행해주도록 명한 경우다. 排淸文字가 다수 수록된 『강한집』은 중국에 유입될 경우 외교문제로 비화될 우려가 있어 御製序가 수록되지 않았다. 『보만재집』과 『번암집』은 정조 생전에 간행되지 못한 까닭에 御製序는 수록되어 있지 않고 御製詩만 수록되어 있다. 『뇌연집』의 사례를 볼 때, 국가에서 문집을 간행해 줄 때에 私件은 본가에서 비용을 부담하며, 그 수량은 일반적으로 최소한 50件 이상이었을 것으로 추정된다. 公件의 수량은 『강한집』을 인출할 때 정조가 내린 備忘記를 통해 짐작할 수 있는데, 이에 따르면 『강한집』의 公件은 총 23件이 인출되었다.

조선초기 인사정책을 통해서 본 군신관계

이주희(Lee Hee Ju) 한국동양정치사상사학회 2006 한국동양정치사상사연구 Vol.5 No.2

본 논문은 조선초기 임면과정에서 통치층간에 갈등을 보인 ‘가누(家累)’현상을 분석하고 인사에 있어서 통치층의 에토스와 정치문화의 특수성을 살펴보며, 이것이 통치층간의 권력구조를 어떤 방향으로 규정지어 가는가를 파악함을 목적으로 하였다. 조선의 정치사회가 유교국가체제를 지향함에 따라, 통치이데올로기로서의 유교이념도 그 기능이 강화되어 갔고, 이러한 과정 속에서 임명대상자의 도덕적 흠결 외에 ‘가누’가 인사에 중요하게 반영되었다. 임면때 ‘가누’의 반영은 조선초기 유교정치체제의 구축과정에서 발생된 것이지만, 인재등용의 유교원리와 상이성을 보이고 있다. 또한 이것은 유교문명의 발생지인 중국과도 다른 양상을 보이는 것으로, 조선에 있어서 독자적인 인사정책의 준거틀의 하나로 작용하였다. 인사에서 ‘가누’의 적용여부에 관한 논란은 주로 대간들이 수표형식을 통하여 관리의 자격을 검증할 때 통치층간에 갈등으로 나타나는데, 임명권자인 군주는 대체로 유교권리의 현재론(賢才論), 군은(君恩)ㆍ군효(君孝)ㆍ군명(君命) 등을 내세워 임명권에 대한 제한을 견제하였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 ‘가누’의 적용은 조선의 유교국가체제로의 진행과 맞물려 하나의 정치문화의 형태로 그 정당성을 구축해 가고 있었다. 경국대전의 구축기인 성종대에 이르면, 군주의 임명권 강화의 명분이 되었던 제반요인(군은ㆍ군효ㆍ군명)도 도리의 차원에서 재해석됨으로서, 임명권의 제약을 받게 된다. 이는 유교국가체제로 진행됨에 따라 군주의 행위도 유교이념에 견제를 받게 되며, 권력구조의 측면에서도 ‘군신의 합’에 근거하여 전제통치로 가기 힘든 정치문화와 무관하지 않다. 따라서 군주의 고유한 권한으로서의 인사권의 성격은 점차 약해지고, 성종대에 이르면 통치층이 함께 공유하는 공기(公器)로 규정되는 등 그 의미의 변화를 보이고 있다. 인사에 있어서 ‘가누’의 적용은 통치층의 사풍(士風)이나 윤리를 더욱 강화하고자 하는 통치과정에서 생겨난 것이지만, 오히려 유교원리의 현재론과 배치되어 조선사회의 편협적인 임명구조를 형성하게 되었다. 이로 인하여 인재를 구하는 데 어려움이 초래되어, 최고통치자의 국정운영의 효율성을 떨어뜨리게 하였으며, 동시에 신분 유동성의 고착화를 가져와 조선사회를 경직시키는데 중요한 요인으로 작용하였다고 볼 수 있다. 본 논문에서는 이를 위하여 그 연구대상을 조선건국부터 성조대까지로 하였으며, 「조선왕조실록」을 통한 사례를 중심으로 분석하였다. The purpose of this study is to scrutinize the effect of power relationship between a king and statesmen by analyzing their 'family defects' that result in the conflict in practicing appointment and dismissal among rulers in early Chosun Dynasty. As Chosun Dynasty headed for confucius society, the influence of confucianism, that is ruling ideology, became stronger. Accordingly statesman's 'family defects' were considered important as well as each individual's in selecting talented men. This phenomenon in Chosun Dynasty was very unique and even not found in China and the consideration of statesmen's 'family defects' in process of appointment and dismissal became a criterion on personnel policy. When a statesman claimed other statesman's 'family defect' in the process of appointment and dismissal, a king disregarded it based on confucianism. This practice was constructed in a part of political atmosphere as confucianism became more influential on Chosun Dynasty. Thus, during the king Sungjong period, the appointing power of a king weakened according to confucius ideology. This means that a king should also follow confucius ideology and hardly a dictator from a viewpoint of the king-statesmen alliance based on Justice(Kunsinuhap: 君臣義合). In the king Sungjong period, a king's appointing power was practiced as a consensus among the king himself and statesmen. Narrow-minded selection structure was formed although statesman's 'family defect' strengthened the spirit of scholars and their morals. It became hard to locate talented men and as a result, king's governing was ineffective. Also, it hardened class mobility and resulted in strictness of Chosun society.

조선 왕실의 기양의례

김효경(Kim, Hyo-Gyoung) 한국역사민속학회 2009 역사민속학 Vol.- No.30

이 연구는 왕실에서 운이 좋지 않거나 액이 닥치거나 괴이한 일이 발생했을 때에 이를 극복하기 위해 행한 移御를 통해 왕실의례 생활의 한 측면을 살피고자 한다. 어느 시대나 막론하고 운이 좋지 않거나 액이 닥치거나 괴이한 일이 발생했을 때에 다양한 행위를 통해 위기를 벗어나고자 한다. 조선 왕실에서는 왕실 구성원의 거처를 바꿈으로써 문제를 해결하려했다. 이것이 ‘移御’이다. 왕을 비롯하여 왕실 가족 구성원의 안위는 국가의 안위와 더불어 무엇보다 중시된다. 때문에 이어는 당시 왕실에서 꺼리던 다양한 원인이 이유가 되어 베풀어졌다. 이어의 이유는 사나운 運數, 감기로부터 전염병에 이르기까지 사소하거나 중증의 疾病, 궁궐 안에서의 왕실 가족원의 죽음, 變故 등이다. 개인의 사나운 운수나 공간이 지닌 불미스러움이 빌미가 되어 탈이 날 수 있다는 관념은 시대가 갖고 있는 한계이다. 그 탈은 질병이나 죽음으로 이어지기에 반드시 극복해야 했다. 관상감이 택한 길한 날짜와 방위로 이어하지만 이어를 행할 때는 세 단계로 나누어 의례를 베풀었다. 이들 의례는 낯선 곳의 생활이 지닌 불완전성을 극복하기 위해 매 순간마다 위험을 막는 것이다. 이것이 비록 국가 祀典에는 수록되지 않았지만 祈禳과 관련한 의례가 辨祀로 처리되어 있는 것으로 보아 비유교적인 의례가 활용될 수 있는 여지가 있다. 실제 이어와 관련한 의례는 유교식 의례가 아닌 古例에 의거한 다양한 의례들이 사용되었다. 中宗 대에 이르면 유교적 이념인 德만이 재변을 이겨낼 수 있다는 名分論이 강화되면서 위기론의 입장에서 베풀어진 이러한 의례들은 모두 淫祀로 거부되기 시작한다. 그러나 숙종 대까지는 수시로 되풀이되어 행해졌다. 결국 위기론의 입장이 강조되면서 관련 의례는 소멸되었지만 이어는 국말까지 존속되었다. 이어가 조선전기로부터 국말까지 줄곧 유지되었던 것은 그것이 지닌 효험과 관련 깊다. 해당 공간이 지닌 위험이나 불운으로부터 벗어나 길하고, 깨끗한 공간으로 옮기는 것 자체가 심리적으로 편안해지는 계기가 된다. 더불어 다양한 원칙과 규제로써는 해결될 수 없는 삶의 영역에서 야기되는 불확실하고 불완전한 삶을 질서정연한 삶으로 바꾸는 의례로 이어는 필요한 것이었다. This study is about one side of royal rituals, 移御 (moving King’s dwelling place) which is for overcoming disaster, misfortune or strange affairs. People would get out of crisis through various actions when unlucky or bad things happen regardless of periods. Therefore, royal family tried to solve the problem with changing dwelling place in royal family of Joseon Dynasty. It is called 移御 (moving King’s dwelling place). Security of royal family member including king is important with national security. Therefore, 移御 (moving King"s dwelling place) was happened because of various reasons which were avoided the royal family at that time. The reasons of 移御 (moving King’s dwelling place) are epidemic which is from small to serious, death of royal family member in the palace or accident. The conception, personal tough fortune could come out a trouble, is limit in the idealistic times. As the trouble was followed at disease or death, so it had to certainly overcome. The government office where took care of astronomy and geography set good time and direction for 移御 (moving King’s dwelling place), and the ritual was given as three steps. Those rituals are to overcome incompleteness that life of strange place and to prevent risk in every moment. Even though this ritual was not in the national dictionary, ritual which is related to Affliction was treated Byeonsa (special ritual), so it could apply as confusional ritual. Actually, ritual which is related to 移御 (moving King’s dwelling place) was used various rituals on the basis of Gorye (Ritual which came down from the past), not from confusional ritual. Up to era of King Jungjong (中宗), 名分論(moral obligation) that virtue could get over from accident by disaster was strengthened, so it was refused all of those rituals as 淫祀 (Umsa, Ritual for bad spirit). However, it was often held repletely until era of King Sokjong. After all, ritual which is related to 名分論(moral obligation) while crisis was more emphasized, but 移御 (moving King’s dwelling place) was continued until the end of country. The reason why 移御 (moving King"s dwelling place) could be continued from the early to the end of Joseon Dynasty was that it has deep connection with its efficacy. Moving the place from danger or bad luck to good and clean is chance to feel comfortable psychologically. 移御 (moving King’s dwelling place) was necessary as the ritual which incomplete and uncertain life that couldn’t solve in the area of life changes the life of apple-pie order.

몽오 김종수의 정조 묘정 배향과 출향, 복향의 의미

임혜련 한국역사연구회 2023 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.130

Examined in this article is a person named Kim Jong-su, who was named as a meritorious vassal for King Jeongjo(正祖, 1776-1800) and also enshrined in Joseon’s Dynastic shrine, the Jongmyo(宗廟). Quite noticeably, Kim Jong-su was the only case in Joseon history whose tablet was enshrined(Bae’hyang, 配享), then dismissed from the Shrine(Chul’hyang, 黜享) only to be re-enshrined (Bog’hyang, 復享) later. How all these incidents occurred, and what were the reasons behind them, are examined in this article. There was a Gongshin-dang(功臣堂) chamber inside the Jongmyo shrine, where posthumous tablets of meritorious vassals (with their names written on them) who performed admirably and contributed significantly to the governance of a king would be enshrined. Who should be enshrined in such a glorious fashion were decided right before the king that vassal had served was to be enshrined in Jongmyo(Bu’myo, 祔廟), after a Hwegweon round of deliberation. It was a political process, and reasons for selecting a specific individual were documented in the ‘Bae’hyang Gongshin Gyoseo(配享功臣敎書, Royal order to enshrine a meritorious vassal). Kim Jong–su was selected as a Bae’hyang Gongshin for King Jeongjo, and was enshrined as such in 1802. He was chosen because of many reasons: First, he had a long-standing relationship with Jeongjo since the king’s Crown-prince days. Secondly, he compiled a book named Myeong’ui-rok(明義錄) and lived righteously all his life. And thirdly, at the time the Byeokpa(僻派) faction happened to be in control of the government. However, after the Byeong’in(丙寅)-year purge, during which members of the Byeokpa faction were expelled from the government, and also due to implications of the criminal case of Yi Gyeong-shin, Kim Jong-su’s tablet was decided to be taken out of the Jongmyo shrine in 1807. The reason for the dismissal of Kim’s tablet was that Kim Jong-su was the leader of the Byeokpa faction which had earlier contributed to the death of the late Crown prince Sado(father of King Jeongjo no less), and also because he was named as the indivdiual who had been pulling strings from behind of Kim Gwi-ju and Kim Han-rok, who had once denounced Jeongjo’s legitimate claim to the throne With the Shipa(時派) faction newly in power, his tablet was finally removed, while his titles were stripped as well. Then, after King Gojong was enthroned, royal family members and the Byeokpa members who were on the criminal list received amnesty in 1864, and Kim Jong-su was amongst those who were pardoned. His title was reinstated, with his tablet again enshrined in Jongmyo as King Jeongjo’s Bae’hyang Gongshin. This was a result of a political decision made by Dowager Queen Shinjeong and Heungseon Dae’weon-gun, who was the father of Gojong.