이슬람의 시각으로 본 프랑스 히잡 논쟁

황병하 ( Byung Ha Hwang ) 한국이슬람학회 2010 한국이슬람학회논총 Vol.20 No.1

This study is designed to understand three major topics of the French Islam on the Islamic point of view. The first one is what is the reality of Hijab arguments in 1989, 2003 and 2005. The second one is why the French hate Islam and Hijab. The third one is what is the French laicite and its limitations on the Islamic point of view. In September 1989, the first Hijab affairs happened in France. From the Islamic point of view, Hijab is a kind of fashion and a personal religious behavior and obligation. In other words, it is not a religious sign. Because the decision to wear Hijab is from a result of a personal commitment or tendency rather than an intention to signal Islamic principles to others. So many Muslims in France regard the Hijab affair as a political problem. This is the reason why the French Islam challenges to the French government and society. The original Hijab affair of 1989 is a touchstone for all kinds of Hijab affairs. In 1999, the French mass-media exaggerated the situation of Islam in France, and said the laicite was deemed to be under threat from Islam. However, the threat had not yet been identified so clearly. In 2004, the proposed law against religious signs in public schools went to the National Assembly, and the French government passed the law prohibiting from public schools any clothing that clearly indicated a pupil`s religious affiliation. Why the French government does so hate Hijab? And what is the relation between the State and Religion in France? And what is the laicite and 1905`s law, how the French Muslims challenge for the laicite? These are the first steps to understand Hijab affairs and French Islam correctly. In Chapter 2, I described the European Islamphobia in order to explain the history of Europeans` hatred against Islam. In Chapter 3, how the French society acknowledges the French Islam was presented. In Chapter 4, what do the French think about Hijab, and what is the response of French Muslims against it was described. Many of the French have had a negative opinion against Islam since 1989 Hijab affair. In Chapter 5, what is the laicite, and the adaptation of laicite on Hijab, and the Islamic challenge were presented. The laicite has its limitations to be applicable to the French Islam. In Chapter 6, why the French government is so eager to control and rule the French Islam was described. In conclusion, the French government has tried so eagerly to control the French Islamic organizations, but no concrete results have been appeared yet. This is the limitations of the laicite by French government and the Islamic challenge against it.

히잡을 둘러싼 인식 차이와 경합: 인도네시아 여대생의 사례를 중심으로

김형준 서울대학교 비교문화연구소 2018 비교문화연구 Vol.24 No.1

The purpose of this paper is to examine attitudes of Muslim women towards those with different hijab styles and to explore the modes of exegesis they employ to support their views. The main informants of this study are college girls in Yogyakarta, Central Java, who have been most exposed to the recent popularization of hijab fashion. The informants are sorted into three groups, those donning long and large hijab, those wearing short and small hijab, and those not wearing hijab. It is argued that the Islamic discourse on hijab is not dominated by a single, authoritative interpretation, but is characterized by a coexistence of competing paradigms. By highlighting the fact that those wearing hijab support liberal interpretations while those not wearing hijab apply conservative and male–oriented interpretations, this study suggests an ideological and practical disjuncture in hijab discourse and behavior. 이 글의 목적은 상이한 히잡 스타일을 취하는 무슬림 여성이 서로에 대해 어 떤 태도를 취하며 자신의 입장을 뒷받침하기 위해 어떤 교리 해석을 적용하는 가를 검토하는 것이다. 이 글의 연구 대상은 인도네시아 여대생이며, 연구는 인 도네시아 자바섬 중부 죡자까르따(Yogyakarta)에서 행해졌다. 세 종류의 히잡 스타일을 대표하는 집단, 즉 몸매의 노출이 최소화된 히잡 착용 집단, 몸매의 노출이 일정정도 용인되며 다양한 패션 스타일을 추구하는 집단, 히잡 미착용 집단에 속하는 각기 세 명의 여성을 인터뷰 대상자로 선정했다. 이들에 대한 연 구를 통해 히잡 관련 담론이 하나의 지배적 시각에 의해 주도되기보다는 경쟁 적 시각의 대립과 경합을 특징으로 하고 있음을 주장할 것이다. 히잡 착용 여성 이 자유주의적(liberal) 종교해석을 지지하기도 하고 히잡 미착용 여성이 보수 적이고 남성 중심적인 히잡 해석을 차용하기도 한다는 사실을 통해 히잡 관련 행동과 담론에 있어 이념적, 실천적 불일치가 나타나고 있음을 지적할 것이다.

‘히자버’와 ‘질붑

김형준(Kim, Hyung-Jun) 서울대학교 비교문화연구소 2017 비교문화연구 Vol.23 No.1

이슬람에서 여성의 신체, 특히 머리와 목 부위를 가리기 위한 복장인 히잡은 다의적이고 중층적인 의미의 복합체로서 상이한 종교적, 정치적 지향을 지닌 집단 간 경합의 대상이었다. 최근 인도네시아에서는 히잡 착용에 대한 남성의 대응 양상의 변화 그리고 그것이 무슬림 여성의 복장에 미칠 영향을 확인할 수 있는 상황이 우연한 계기를 통해 가시화되었다. ‘히자버’라는 신조어가 만들어져서 패션으로서의 히잡을 지칭하기 위해 사용되었고, 몸매가 드러나는 옷과 히잡을 함께 입는 패션을 지칭하기 위해 신조어 ‘질붑’이 등장했다. 이 글의 목적은 이러한 신조어의 등장에 따라 인도네시아에서 전개된 여성 복장과 관련된 논란 과정을 검토하는 것이다. 초점 맞추어질 문제는 질붑에 대한 보수적 무슬림 남성의 태도와 대응으로서, 이전까지 심각한 고려 대상이 아니었던 여성의 복장이 이들에 의해 주도되는 이슬람 담론에 포함되고, 이를 대상으로 한 개입과 통제의 시도가 표출되었음이 분석될 것이다. Hijab refers to Muslim women’s costume covering the upper part of body, including hair and neck. As a complex of diverse and multi-layered meanings, hijab has been an object of competition and negotiation among Islamic groups of different religious and political outlooks. Recently in Indonesia, two new words were coined to designate different styles of wearing hijab, providing a chance to examine reactions of conservative Muslims to female costumes. One is a combined word of hijab and ‘er(s)’, ‘hijaber(s)’, designating Muslim women who support hijab as a fashion. The other is ‘jilboob(s)’, a combination of ‘jilbab’, a different expression of hijab, and ’boob(s)’, an English word. Jilboob(s) refers to a mode of donning hijab with clothes displaying bodily contours. The purpose of this paper is to examine controversies over women"s clothing in Indonesia with the emergence of the new words. The focus is on the attitudes and reactions of conservative Muslims to hijaber and jilboob. It will be argued that women’s clothing, which has not been considered seriously before, is incorporated into Islamic discourse led by Muslim men and that their desires to intervene and control women’s affairs are expressed and enforced. In addition, how hijabers’ activities, which preceded jilboob, have had impacts on Islamic discourse on women’s clothing is also examined. The discussion may deepen our understandings of the ways competition and negotiations between Muslim men and women over the issue of women’s clothing can be deployed and of the changes in the religious and social environments where the hijab issue is situated.

Women as Subject of Defiance and Everyday Politics of Hijab as Dress Code in Modern Iran

Gi Yeon Koo 숙명여자대학교 아시아여성연구원 2014 Asian Women Vol.30 No.4

In this article I delve into the cultural meanings of the hijab in urban Iranian society by examining the ways in which Iranian Muslim women use it. I discuss the hijab as symbol of social conflict rather than repression. Based on eighteen months of fieldwork in Teheran, including participant observation and in-depth interviews, I examine the Iranian women’s subjective choices and narratives regarding the hijab. My data show that the hijab has become controversial as the government uses it as a tool to control and restrict the Muslim younger generations. The political significance of social identity is manifest in an oppressive dress code and state mandated use of the hijab intended to mask Iranian women in their social surroundings. My research has two goals: (1) to examine the subjective act of wearing certain kinds of hijabas symbolic performances and (2) to grasp the political meaning of the ‘green hijab’ as a symbol of resistance during the Green Movement in 2009. I argue that the issues surrounding the hijab in Iranian society are no longer exclusively concerned with gender oppression, but reflect a more complex cultural and political edifice in modern Iran. By analyzing women’s narratives, I suggest that the Islamic government uses women’s hijab to control the individual, while at the same time, Iranian women use the hijab as a political metaphor of resistance against the ruling government.

Women as Subject of Defiance and Everyday Politics of Hijab as Dress Code in Modern Iran

구기연 숙명여자대학교 아시아여성연구원 2014 Asian Women Vol.30 No.4

In this article I delve into the cultural meanings of the hijab in urban Iranian society by examining the ways in which Iranian Muslim women use it. I discuss the hijab as symbol of social conflict rather than repression. Based on eighteen months of fieldwork in Teheran, including participant observation and in-depth interviews, I examine the Iranian women’s subjective choices and narratives regarding the hijab. My data show that the hijab has become controversial as the government uses it as a tool to control and restrict the Muslim younger generations. The political significance of social identity is manifest in an oppressive dress code and state mandated use of the hijab intended to mask Iranian women in their social surroundings. My research has two goals: (1) to examine the subjective act of wearing certain kinds of hijabas symbolic performances and (2) to grasp the political meaning of the ‘green hijab’ as a symbol of resistance during the Green Movement in 2009. I argue that the issues surrounding the hijab in Iranian society are no longer exclusively concerned with gender oppression, but reflect a more complex cultural and political edifice in modern Iran. By analyzing women’s narratives, I suggest that the Islamic government uses women’s hijab to control the individual, while at the same time, Iranian women use the hijab as a political metaphor of resistance against the ruling government.

터키에서 정치 이슬람과 히잡 착용 관계 연구 : 에르도안 대통령 선출 이후, 여성운동가들의 의견을 중심으로

한하은(Han, Ha-Eun) 한국중동학회 2021 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.41 No.3

Due to the long term ruling by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan from AKP, a pro-Islamic political party, the Turkish society became conservative and the population of hijab-worn women increased significantly. However, the ban on the hijab wearing in public places which originated from the secular constitution, rather prevented hijab-wearing women from education opportunities and led to an impediment to women’s entry into society. Consequently, a critical public opinion was enormously obtained that the social status of women deteriorated and a social conservatism rapidly developed. Taking a big step from the past when people viewed hijab as an icon of Islamism and Secularism conflict, now, women in various fields including the military are free to wear hijabs while working as a result of endeavor and agreement of society in order to liberalize the right to wear hijab in the public. The united determination and actions by Islam feminists and secular ones together who justified advancement of Turkish women regardless of their Turkish society, which is separated by Secularism and Islamism, a forward step towards democracy was taken. Nevertheless, female activists and average citizens as well need to see to it that the hijab, simply an Islamic garment cannot be exploited as a political issue either by Islamists or by Secularists and thus to enhance democracy in Turkey. Besides, it is needless to say that the freedom to wear hijab itself does not guarantee the augmentation of the Turkish women’s rights.

테헤란 스트리트에 나타난 패션 아이템으로서의 히잡 연구

김현서,김현주,나현신 한국패션비즈니스학회 2020 패션 비즈니스 Vol.24 No.2

Hijab as a symbol of women’s oppression due to the opening and reform of Islamic State group, is becoming more diverse as younger generation begins to dress more freely than ever before, spreading the perception that it is a fashion item. In response, this research conducted a theoretical review about the history of hijab, various forms of hijab, and characteristics of hijab using relevant literature, media reports, and fashion media articles. As an empirical study, image-oriented photo data shared by Tehran Street Fashion from 2015 to November 2019 were analyzed separately by fashion majors into color, pattern, and hijab-making forms. According to the analysis, six different fashion images were categorized as romantic feminine, modern chic, natural elegant, classic formal, sporty casual and gorgeous ethnic. For Muslim women in the past, hijab was worn as a repressive and closed sense by the religious system. However, in modern times, it is a way to express one’s style and ideas as a fashion item. It is also and a means to express one’s thoughts and beliefs. Through aesthetic consideration of Hijab as a fashion item, it was found that it was a medium for freedom of expression and a medium for beauty and individuality.

Differentialism and the Hijab: Framing Gender, Ethnic and Religious Differences in Germany, France, and Sweden

Francis W. Otieno,이광원,권경득 한국이민정책학회 2022 한국이민정책학회보 Vol.5 No.2

While some countries might have similar views on the meaning of hijab, there have been raging debates on some of the policy measures taken to regulate face veiling. Countries such as France have issued a ban on the wearing of hijab in public institutions, in Germany the decision rests with municipalities or states, and Sweden has little public debate with no prohibitive regulations. This study comparatively examined the issues surrounding the debates on hijab in Germany, France, and Sweden, and the resultant policy outcomes. By framing the debates around the differences and similarities in gender, ethnic or migrant integration, and religious factors, we argue that the debates on hijab and its regulations are influenced by the national models of these factors. The ethno-cultural and multicultural models are accommodative of hijab, unlike the assimilationist model that requires complete absorption to the dominant culture. This study asserts that there are possibilities of convergence of thoughts on how these institutional models can minimize conflicts in multicultural societies where hijab-wearing women are active participants. Thus, the study contributes to our understanding the implications for ethnically and religiously diverse societies and their governance.

개헌논의와 종교의 자유 - 독일에서의 ‘종교 위험’ 논의를 중심으로 -

심이석 ( Shim Ee-seok ) 한국교회법학회 2018 교회와 법 Vol.5 No.1

종교의 자유를 보장하기 위해서는 필수적으로 종교적·세계관적 중립성을 지닌 국가를 전제로 한다. 교적·세계관적 중립성을 지닌 국가에서 종교의 자유는 광범위하게 보장되어야 한다. 자연적으로 발생하는 종교의 다양성과 종교의 위험은 현대 국가에게 어려운 역할을 맡기고 있다. 종교적 근본주의는 종교를 공적영역으로부터 축출하여 사적 영역의 문제로 만든다. 종교를 공적 영역으로부터 축출하는 것은 종교의 자유의 내용을 제약하게 만든다. 최근 국가내의 계속적인 문화적 ‘다원화’로 인하여, 종교적 영역에 새로운 갈등상황이 발생하고 있다. 즉, 종교간 및 국가와 종교간의 갈등 상황은 국가가 과거 종교영역에 전통적으로 적용하여 왔던 정교분리의 방식적 사고에 한계를 인식케 하였다. 이러한 상황변화는 법학계에게 종교에 대한 세밀한 법적 고찰을 필요로 하게 하였다. 유럽에서 히잡 논쟁은 정치권과 독일연방헌법재판소에 의해 그 문제 의식이 유발되었고, 그로 인해 입법자에게 일정한 활동을 요구하기에 이르렀다. 히잡 논쟁의 중점에는 히잡 착용자의 종교의 자유라는 기본권문제 뿐만 아니라, 국가가 이러한 종교의 자유행사에 대해 어떠한 태도를 취해야 하는지의 미국 헌법상 원칙인 ‘정교분리원칙’ 내지 독일기본법상 원칙인 ‘국가의 종교적 중립성원칙’ 문제와 맞물려 있다. 그런데 정교분리원칙이나 국가의 종교적 중립성 원칙은 성문헌법상 원칙이라고 하기 보다는, 다양한 헌법조항의 해석학적 통찰의 문제로서 인식되는 것을 발견할 수 있다. 이하에서는 한국교회에 있어서 종교의 자유와 그 내용, 종교적 다양성과 종교의 위험에 대하여 살펴보고, 종교적 자유의 위험에 의해 제기된 근본적인 문제, 자유의 보호와 제한의 강제력을 가지는 법질서의 규범을 어떻게 정당화하느냐 하는 것을 독일에서의 논의를 중심으로 다루고자 합니다. 종교의 자유의 보호영역과 위험방지의 기준을 어떻게 어디서 찾아야 하느냐는 불가피한 문제입니다. 마지막으로 대통령의 개헌안의 근본 의도에 많은 기독교인들의 우려와 비판이 제기되고 있는 바, 이에 대한 한국교회의 입장을 밝혀 보고자 한다. Um die Religionsfreiheit zu gewährleisten, wird davon ausgegangen, dass ein Land religiös und weltlich neutral ist. Die Religionsfreiheit sollte in Ländern mit Lehr- und Weltanschauungsneutralität weitgehend gewährleistet sein. Die Vielfalt der naturlich vorkommenden Religionen und die Gefahren der Religion hinterlassen in den modernen Ländern eine schwierige Rolle.117) Der religiöse Fundamentalismus verdrängt die Religion aus dem öffentlichen Bereich und macht sie zu einer Angelegenheit des privaten Bereichs. Die Vertreibung der Religion aus dem öffentlichen Raum schränkt den Inhalt der Religionsfreiheit ein. Aufgrund der fortschreitenden kulturellen "Diversifizierung" innerhalb des Landes sind neue Konflikte im religiösen Bereich aufgetreten. Mit anderen Worten, die Konfliktsituation zwischen den Religionen und zwischen Staaten und Religionen hat die Nation auf die Grenzen des Denkens der Ausarbeitung aufmerksam gemacht, die in der Vergangenheit traditionell angewendet wurden. Diese Änderung der Situation erforderte von der Rechtsgemeinschaft eine detaillierte rechtliche Überprufung der Religion. In Europa wurde die Entfuhrungsdebatte von politischen Kreisen und dem Bundesverfassungsgericht der Bundesrepublik Deutschland ausgelöst, was dazu fuhrte, dass der Gesetzgeber bestimmte Aktivitäten forderte. Der Schwerpunkt der Hijab-Debatte liegt nicht nur auf den Grundrechten der Religionsfreiheit von Hijab-Trägern, sondern auch auf dem verfassungsmäßigen Trennungsprinzip der US-Verfassungsgrundsätze der staatlichen Haltung zur freien Religionsausubung oder auf den Grundsätzen des deutschen nationalen Rechts. Ist verbunden mit der religiösen Neutralität von Das Prinzip der Religionstrennung oder das Prinzip der Religionsneutralität des Staates kann jedoch eher als eine Frage der hermeneutischen Einsicht in verschiedene Verfassungsklauseln denn als das Prinzip des biblischen Gesetzes angesehen werden. Im Folgenden werden wir die Religionsfreiheit und ihre Inhalte, die religiöse Vielfalt und die Gefahren der Religion in der koreanischen Kirche untersuchen. Ich werde mich auf die Diskussion in Deutschland konzentrieren. Es ist eine unvermeidliche Frage, wie und wo der Schutz der Religionsfreiheit und die Kriterien fur die Risikoprävention zu finden sind. Schließlich wurde die Besorgnis und Kritik vieler Christen in der grundsätzlichen Absicht der Verfassungsänderung des Präsidenten zum Ausdruck gebracht.

공화주의적 통합과 프랑스 민주주의

홍태영 ( Tai Young Hong ) 서강대학교 사회과학연구소 2010 社會科學硏究 Vol.18 No.2

이 연구는 1980년대 이후 프랑스 사회의 커다란 사회적 문제가 되고 있는 이슬람 이민자들의 사회적 통합의 문제를 다룬다. 프랑스 내에 거주하는 이슬람교도들이 가지고 있는 복합적인 정체성 그리고 80년대 이후 사회경제적 상황이 결합되면서 1980년대 이후 몇 차례 `히잡`의 착용이 사회의 커다란 쟁점이 되었다. 이 문제들은 현 시점에서 프랑스 민주주의 자체에 대한 근본적인 재검토 특히 프랑스 민주주의를 지탱해 온 공화주의 원칙에 대한 재검토의 필요성을 제기하였다. 특히 라이시테의 문제는 프랑스의 특수성을 보이는 것이며, 또한 라이시테의 역사를 추적하는 것은 프랑스 민주주의의 이상과 실천이 보여주는 변동을 추적하는 것과 같다. 프랑스에서 다문화주의적 입장에 대해 비판하는 공화주의자들은 "문화적 차이"라고 불리는 것에 대한 지나친 강조는 결국 공화국 자체에 대한 부정으로 이어진다고 우려한다. 반면에 다문화주의자들은 문화에 무감한 보편주의가 현존하는 지배구조를 영속화하려는 이데올로기적 신화로서 작동하고 있으며, 오히려 민주주의를 위협하고 있다고 비판한다. 현시점에서 국민국가적 틀을 통해 발전해 온 프랑스 민주주의의 한계를 제기하고 있으며, 그 전환 즉 민주주의의 국민국가적 경계를 넘는 해결책의 모색이 필요하다. This study examines the problem of social integration of the islamic immigres which is raised in the 80`s in the French society. The wearing of hijab-islamic head scarf-has become a great social issue, in uniting the problems of multiple identities of the islamic and the socio-economic situations after 1980`s. These problems raise necessities to re-examine the French democracy in itself, and especially the republican principle of social integration. In particular, history of laicite shows that of transformation of French democracy in its ideal and reality. The French republicans, who criticize the multiculturalism, worry about possibilities of negation of democracy by emphasis of cultural differences. Multiculturalists criticize the republican ideology which is blind of cultures in the name of universalism and menace the French democracy. Actually, the limits of democracy which is developed in the cadre of nation-state is revealed and it is necessary to search solutions of democratic crisis beyond nation-state.