閨房歌辭와 婦謠의 비교 연구

이현수 한국고시가문학회 2004 한국시가문화연구 Vol.0 No.13

The content of significant changed-aspects of ritual common sacrifice performed in Jeon-nam Province is as follows: (1) The date of the sacrifice is being changed from the day before January 15th to January 15th and the time of the sacrifice is being changed from night to dame of from midnight to early evening. (2) The location of the sacrifice is being changed from the mid-slope or the top of a mountain to a place located on a plain or in the center of a village and the places at which the sacrificial ritual is conducted are being reduced from many to a few. (3) The condition of selecting a priest is being alleviated and, as some villages don't have any volunteers, the head of a village or director is charged with conducting the ritual. The number of priests is decreasing and is now 2~3 as compared with 5~6 in the past. (4) The offering of the sacrifice is being simplified. Nowadays, there are few villages that conduct a garden festival(madangbapgi) as a means of financing the sacrifice. Consequently, the cost of the sacrifice is deducted from village funds. (5) The combination of Corfucian sacrifice and a festive sacrifice is the most general style used in a sacrifice. There is hardly any superstitious sacrifices remaining. There are, however, a few combinations of a Confucian sacrifice and superstitious sacrifice. There are some major reasons for the change of ritual common sacrifice. First, the weakening of faith as the heart of the community. Second, the effect of economic ideas of efficiency and waste control. Third, the weening of community consciousness considering the public and the individual. Fourth, a decrease in the rural population. My research in this area will be limited to the above at this time although I plan additional research with another thesis on Korean village sacrifice in relation to various nation-wide data.

전남지방 당산제의 변모양상 연구

이현수(Lee Hyun-soo) 한국민속학회 2003 韓國民俗學 Vol.38 No.1

The content of significant changed-aspects of ritual common sacrifice performed in Jeon-nam Province is as follows : (1) The date of the sacrifice is being changed from the day before January 15th to January 15th and the time of the sacrifice is being changed from night to daytime of from midnight to early evening. (2) The location of the sacrifice is being changed from the mid-slope or the top of a mountain to a place located on a plain or in the center of a village and the places at which the sacrificial ritual is conducted are being reduced from many to a few. (3) The condition of selecting a priest is being alleviated and, as some villages don't have any volunteers, the head of a village or director is charged with conducing the ritual. The number of priests is decreasing and is now 2~3 as compared with 5~6 in the past. (4) The offering of the sacrifice is being simplified. Nowadays, there are few villages that conduct a garden festival(madangbapgi) as a means of financing the sacrifice. Consequently, the cost of the sacrifice is deducted from village funds. (5) The combination of Confucian sacrifice and a festive sacrifice is the most general style used in a sacrifice. There is hardly any superstitious sacrifices remaining. There are, however, a few combinations of a Confucian sacrifice and superstitious sacrifice. There are some major reasons for the change of ritual common sacrifice. First, the weakening of faith as the heart of the community. Second, the effect of economic ideas of efficiency and waste control. Third, the weakening of community consciousness considering the public and the individual. Fourth, a decrease in the rural population. My research in this area will be limited to the above at this time although I plan additional research with another thesis on Korean village sacrifice in relation to various nation-wide data.

현행 중국 제공악무(祭孔樂舞)의 무일(舞佾)에 대한 논의

이성결 ( Li Xingjie ),김기화 ( Kim Ki-hwa ) 한국무용연구학회 2018 한국무용연구 Vol.36 No.3

본 연구는 2009년 이후 현재까지 봉행되는 중국 제공대전 가제의 복원 악무에 대해 논의 하였다. 2009년 복원된 가제의 제공악무는 명대의 『반궁예악소(泮宮禮樂疏)』에 근거하였다. 복원된 악무는 비교적 사료에 근거하여 복원이 잘 이루어졌지만 일무의 무일형식에 있어서는 사료와 다른 상이점이 발견되었다. 따라서 본 연구는 현행 제공대전 가제의 무일형식에 대한 연구를 통해 무일형식(舞佾形式)에 대한 개선점을 제시하였다. 현재 제공악무의 무일은 1957년에 복원된 청대 『성문악지』의 무일형식으로 두예설(杜預說)에 근거한 6열 6항 36인의 육일무이다. 본 연구에서는 명대와 청대의 제공악무 무일에 대한 사료를 제시하여 두 왕조의 사료에서 비교적 일관된 흐름을 발견하였다. 명대의 사료인『명사』와 『반궁예악소』에서는 복건설에 근거한 6열 8항 48인의 육일무가 기록되었고, 청대의 사료에서는 개국 초 명대의 전통을 수용하고 있었으나 강희대제 29년 이후 부터는 두예설에 근거한 무일형식이 일관되게 지켜졌다. 따라서 1957년 청조의 법통을 이어가는 두예설의 육일무를 제공대전에 사용하는 것은 바람직하지 않다. 이에 명대의 문헌 『반궁예악소』를 근거로 복원된 현행 제공대전 제공악무의 무일은 복건설에 근거한 6열 8항 48인의 육일무로 재 복원 되어야 함을 제안한다. In this study we have discussed the restoration of music and dance of the home ritual sacrifice of Confucius festival, in China, which has been carried out from 2009 to the present. The restoration of the music and dance in the Confucius sacrifice ritual at home, was based on the Commentary on Ritual Music of the Institution of Higher Education (泮宮禮樂疏) of the Ming Dynasty. Music and dance were restored relatively well on the basis of historical data. However, differences were found with historical data concerning the form of the row dance. Therefore, this study suggests improvements in the form of the row dance (舞佾形式) through an examination of the current home sacrifice ritual of the Confucius festival. Therefore, at the Confucius festival, it is not desirable to use the six-row dance following Du Yu’s theory as in 1957, which succeeds the tradition of the Qing Dynasty. Consequently we suggest that the current row dance in Confucius sacrifice ritual’s music and dance should be restored again on the basis of the Ming literature, Commentary on Ritual Music of the Institution of Higher Education and form a six-row dance composed of 48 people forming 6 rows and 8 columns based on the theory of Fu Qian.

지리산권 지역축제의 유형과 특성 고찰

서정호 순천대학교 남도문화연구소 2013 南道文化硏究 Vol.0 No.25

지리산권에서는 매년 50여 개 이상의 지역축제가 개최되고 있다. 이 연구는 지역축제의 개념, 기능, 효력 등에 관한 선행연구자의 문헌 검토와 지리산권의 축제현장을 방문하여 목적과 명칭 그리고 연혁과 유래, 프로그램 등의 조사를 통하여 지리산권의 지역축제별 특성에 따라 유형을 분류하였다. 왜냐하면 유사한 축제의 난립과 시민 참여의 부족 그리고 획일화 된 프로그램 등의 문제가 발생함으로써 이러한 지역축제들의 개선과 지역특 성에 근거한 지역축제를 육성과 발전이 필요하기 때문이다. 연구 및 조사 결과, 지리산권의 지역축제의 특성에 따른 유형은 산신숭배형, 마을수호형, 인물과 장소의 전승 형, 특산물의 관광자원화 및 홍보형, 계절별 자연경관 활용형, 민간주도형 등 6종류로 분류할 수 있었다. 이 중 가장 많은 축제는 특산물의 관광자원화 및 홍보형과 계절별 자연경관활용형으로 이러한 유형의 지역축제는 농 어촌지역 어디에서나 흔히 개최되는 축제이다. 비록 그 수가 많지는 않지만 지리산권의 지역축제 중 지리산산 신 숭배형과 민간주도형은 지리산권에서 독창적으로 개최되는 축제이다. 지리산문화제를 제외하면 대부분의 축제는 제의형식을 취하므로 지역축제 또는 축제의 개념에 부합하는 축제이며, 특산물, 인물, 자연경관 등을 주제 또는 소재로 하는 나머지 축제 역시 지리산권 고유의 축제자원을 활용하고 있다. 그러나 이들 전부를 지 리산권의 대표축제로 육성·발전시키기에는 그 수가 너무 많다. 따라서 동일문화권에 속하는 지리산권의 축제 는 유사 축제의 통폐합과 정비 또는 민간 위주의 축제로 전환함으로써 지역별 특성을 살린 축제로서 지역축제 의 개념, 기능, 효과 등 근본에 충실함으로써 지역축제 고유의 순기능을 달성함이 바람직하다. The local festivals at Jiri mountain region hold up ​​more than 50 each annually. This study considered the types and characteristics of the local festivals in Jiri mountain region through research literature regarding or site survey on concept, functions, effects and characteristics of festival and local festivals. Because, it has been raised problems such as scrambling of similar festival, lack of citizen participation and uniformed programs etc. about rural areas, so we should foster and develop local festivals based on regional characteristics improving. The way of fostering festivals have been proposed as improvements. As result of study and survey, there were six kinds of types such as worship of the mountain gods, patron for village, tradition of symbolic personages and place, making of tourism resources and promote about specialties, utilizing of seasonal natural landscape and spreading of private festival etc. in Jiri mountain region. Worship mountain gods being held as sansinje(sacrifice to god of mountain) and patron of village being held as dangsanje(sacrifice of dangsan), especially sansinje type as worship of the mountain gods and spreading type of private festival is unique characteristic of local festivals in Jiri mountain region. In addition, the theme of local festival coincided with characteristics of Jiri mountain region such personages and place, tourism resources and specialties, seasonal natural landscape etc.. But similar festivals are being held too much in Jiri mountain belonging same cultural area. Therefore, such festivals should be abolished or integrated and will be converted civilian-oriented festival.

Bull Sacrifice and Communal Meal - Kesketsi : Pilgrimage at a Greek Saint’s Feast

Evy Johanne Haland 부산외국어대학교 지중해지역원 2022 The Mediterranean Review Vol.15 No.2

The liturgical festival dedicated to Agios (Saint) Charalampos, the protector of the farmers, is celebrated in the mating season of the horses, so that the saint may provide for their fecundity. Since he is expected to ensure an abundant harvest, he is also celebrated later during the year with a popular festival in the village of Agia Paraskeuē on the island of Lesbos, where the bull sacrifice constitutes the climax of the festival. The sacrifice is performed on the summit of Tauros, the Mountain of the Bull, after the blessing of the animal by the priest. The bull is cut up and left to cook all night. The next day the priest will bless the traditional dish kesketsi, cooked from the sacrificed bull, which is consumed by all the festival participants who also share another communal meal Charlamelia, at the conclusion of the festival. The article presents the festival and explores the importance of the communal meal, kesketsi, a custom which is also crucial at several saints’ feasts on the island. Communal meals cooked from sacrificial bulls or sheep dedicated to different saints are also important in other places in Greece and the eastern Mediterranean. The custom has important parallels in the wider Greek context, ancient and modern.

고대 중국의 겨울 생활상 : 축제, 별자리, 신화 - 동아시아 전통 문화의 본질에 대한 성찰 -

김현자 ( Kim¸ Hyun-ja ) 서울대학교 종교문제연구소 2020 종교와 문화 Vol.0 No.39

This paper is intended to reflect on the essence of Confucianism by inquiring into hibernal rites and festivals of ancient China. Although this study limits itself to winter rituals, since these rituals were meant to harmonize the natural order of Heaven, earth, and man, they show us the essence of Confucian ritual culture, which emphasized conduct that is attuned to time and place. In ancient China, the winter began when the Son of Heaven went to the north of the capital and held a ceremony to welcome winter in the first week of the first winter month, thus spreading the hibernal air across the world. The various offerings and festivals that took place during the rest of winter were rituals of gratitude to all beings in the universe, people and their ancestors, for their efforts toward agriculture. At the same time, these were rites of regeneration in which people and ancestors alike were sent back to their homes to recuperate and thus prepare for the next year. Through the rite of the winter solstice and purification, the Son of Heaven awakened the life force that was enveloped by darkness. At the end of winter, an exorcist (Fangxiangshi 方相氏) wearing an inside-out bearskin on which four golden eyes were painted went around the houses dancing a bear dance to expel the cold energy and prepare for spring.

고대 그리스의 운동경기와 희생제의

김복희 ( Bok Hee Kim ) 한국체육사학회 2010 체육사학회지 Vol.15 No.1

『규원사화』에 보이는 天祭의 형식

임채우(Lim, Chaewoo) 한국동양철학회 2010 동양철학 Vol.0 No.34

『규원사화』는 조선 숙종 때인 1675년에 저술된 역사.사상서로 단군시대의 고대사를 담고 있는 여러 사서들 중에서도 가장 오래된 전적이며 고대사상을 연구하는 중요한 근거자료를 제공해준다. 이 『규원사화』의 ｢단군기｣에는 47대 단군왕조의 임금에 대해 소개하면서 제천의례에 관한 여러 내용들을 비교적 상세하게 기록하고 있다. 단군에 관한 최초의 기록인 『삼국유사』에는 桓因의 서자 桓雄에서 단군으로 이어지는 내용만 전하고 있을 뿐 단군이 제천의례를 드렸다는 기록은 없다. 그래서 『규원사화』에서 언급된 단군시대의 제천의례에 대한 기록은 우리 고유 천제에 관한 가장 체계적인 기록이라고 할 수 있다. 이 뒤로 1920,30년대에 등장한 『제왕연대력』이나 『東國史略』 『조선역사』 등에서는 단군의 천제에 대한 기록이 있긴 하지만 단편적일 뿐이다. 오히려 이들보다 3백년이전에 쓰여진 『규원사화』가 더욱 상세한 기록을 남기고 있다. 여기에서는 매년 10월에 백두산 마리산 태백산 등지에서 三神에 대한 천제를 거행했으며, 그 천제의 기원과 의미 형식과 절차 등에 대해 상세한 기록을 남기고 있어서 고대 고조선시대의 천제의 자세한 형식과 의미를 파악하는데 대단히 중요한 자료를 제공해주며, 이를 통해 우리는 고대 천제에 대한 전체적이고도 구체적인 내용을 알 수 있게 되었다. 이후로 우리의 천제는 고구려의 동맹 부여의 영고 동예의 무천 등으로 계승되었으나, 통일신라 이후로 중국의 예법을 따르면서 천제의 전통은 단절되고 말았다. 그러나 『규원사화』를 통해 밝혀진 천제의 기록을 토대로 우리의 천제의 원형을 추정할 수 있게 되었고, 앞으로 우리 고유의 천제를 복원하는 중요한 근거자료로 활용할 수 있을 것이다. Kyuwonsahwa (揆園史話) is a the longest text of history and thoughts written in 1675 in the king Sookjong of the Joseon dynasty, which describes ancient Korean history of the Dangun(檀君) period, and provides important grounds for research into ancient thoughts. Dangun rulers from the 1st Dangun to the 47thDangun one are cited in the Chronicle of Danguns(檀君記) of the Kyuwosahwa. In the book are forms of heaven worship rituals described in detail. Samgukyusa(三國遺事), the first record which dealt with the Danguns, includes only descriptions about Dangun rulers from Hwanung (桓雄), a son of Hwanin (桓因: the Lord of Heaven), to Dangun(檀君), but no record revealed that heaven worship rituals were performed by Dangun rulers. Accordingly, it can be concluded that the original record concerning Korean indigenous heaven worship rituals is the one described in the chronicle of Danguns of Kyuwosahwa. Then, records on the heaven worship rituals of the Dangun period, described in several history books, such as Jewang yeondaeryeok (帝王年代曆: of Korean Rulers), Dongguksaryak (東國史略: book of Goryeo period), or Joseonryoksa (朝鮮歷史), which appeared in 1920s to 1930s turned out only fragmentary data. However, Kyuwonsahwa (揆園史話), which was written about 300 years earlier than these books, describes in minute detail the heaven worship rituals of the Dangun period. That is to say, Kyuwonsahwa (揆園史話) recorded the full particulars of rites to three gods (三神: heaven god, earth god, human god) performed in Mt. Baekdu, Mr. Mari, Mt. Taebaek, and so on, every October, origins, meanings, forms, procedures, and so on, which are greatly precious data in understanding forms and meanings of the ancient heaven worship rituals of the period of Gojeoseon(古朝鮮: ancient Joseon to distinguish it from the later Joseon dynasty), thereby allowing us to understand the whole and specific details regarding the Korean ancient heaven worship rituals. Korean ancient heaven worship rituals were inherited ever after in forms of harvest festivals, that is, Koguryo’s Dongmaeng, Buyeo’s Younggo, and Dongye’s Mucheon. Since the Unified Silla, traditions of the Korean indigenous heaven worship rituals were unfortunately repudiated under the influence of China’s festive rules and manners. Now, it is possible to estimate the prototypes of the Korean indigenous heaven worship rituals based on the records on the Korean ancient heaven worship rituals, as revealed in Kyuwonsahwa, and they can be utilized as essentially valuable data in restoring forms of the Korean indigenous heaven worship rituals.

唐代 南郊祀의 皇帝 親祀와 그 정치적 효과

金智淑(Kim Ji-sook) 중국고중세사학회 2004 중국고중세사연구 Vol.12 No.-

This is the study on the symbolic meaning of the southern suburbs rituals in each phase and their political effects that can be brought by being presided by the emperor himself in T'ang Dynasty. First, recognizing that Emperor's performing of sacrifice at round altar on the winter solstice(皇帝冬至祀?丘) which is the most excellent one in K'ai-yuan-li(開元禮) of the prototype of all ritual codes represents the suburban rituals, I analyzed major phases of that. About two months prior to this ritual, preparations were made in cooperation with all the ministries according to the emperor's edict. There are eight phases starting from choice of an auspicious day(擇日) and observance of the seclusion regulations(齋戒) and establishment of ritual positions(陳設), inspection of the sacrificial victims and vessels(省牲器), the imperial carriage leaves palace(?駕出宮), presentation of jade and silk(尊玉帛), offerings of cooked food(進熟), finally the return of the imperial carriage to the palace(?駕還宮). According to the historical materials that describe the size and the numbers of the people including officials ninth-ranking above and the escorting guards, it is estimated that more than 67,000 were mobilized to make that preparation. Gathering of almost 200,000 people including citizens of Chang'an as well as domestic and foreign guests on the very ritual day deserves a enough publicity about the state affairs. Sacrificial victims and the vessels are inspected and examined through some very special procedures. The imperial carriage arrives at the detached palace after several strict procedures revealing sanctity. Presentation of jade and silk and offerings of cooked food are two main phases through which the emperor identifies himself as son of Heaven(天子) and as a servant of Hao-t'ian-shang-ti(昊天上帝), which confirms that he should govern the country as a delegate of Heaven. That makes him have strong authority as an emperor. Furthermore, handing sacrificial flesh during offering procedure signifies that he delegates all the people on earth with whom he enjoys and celebrates the rituals. In some cases, some political intentions used to be revealed by letting a person who was in the center of a certain political purpose perform the secondary offering (亞獻) or make a public announcement of the intention in the last general amnesty letters(大赦文). The southern suburban rituals that include such symbolic meanings, however, had mostly been performed by the organs concerned. Total 34 times of the rituals of the emperor's own performing have been recorded throughout T'ang Dynasty, which means that the ritual which was presided by the emperor happened on very special occasions. The most common occasion was when an emperor informed of Heaven of his enthronement. His justification as an emperor was authorized by performing those rituals in the time when there was a notion that an emperor was upon receipt of the mandate of Heaven. In late period of T'ang Dynasty those rituals had been changed into a different form, which was patternized as three-day flamboyant enthronement ceremony in an order of t'ai-ching-gong(太淸宮), royal ancestral temple(太廟), southern suburbs (南郊). This form was connected with the worship of Lao-tsu(老子) that prevailed in T'ang Dynasty. Suppressions of abroad area, installation of Crown Prince and auspicious omen are the other special occasions. Those rituals are closely linked with the inclination of the emperor and his supportive officials. They had purposely used those rituals perceiving what kind of effect they could get. Lastly, by considering those historic materials emperors and their officials had left at that time, the journal of En-nin(圓仁) who could see the situation through foreigner's eyes and the poem of Han-yu(韓愈) who described the whole scenery of suburban rituals, it was possible to see how an emperor and officials recognized those rituals and how those rituals had influence on average people and those who lived in neighboring countr