17~18세기 구황 서적 편찬의 전개와 변화

염정섭 ( Yeom Jeong-sup ) 한국사상사학회 2021 韓國思想史學 Vol.- No.69

17세기 구황 서적 편찬에서 주목되는 것은 1636년 이식과 최명길 등이 증보한 『고사촬요』이다. 이 『고사촬요』 「구황방」의 각 조목 가운데 조선 구황방 편찬 정리작업의 변화 양상을 그대로 보여주고 것이 들어 있다. 그것은 바로 구황을 위해서 탐색, 습득 등의 채취하는 방식이 아니라 종자를 획득하고 이를 파종하여 기르는 재배법을 기재한 조목인데, 「구황방」의 맨 마지막 조목인 ‘종우법(토란 재배법)’이 그것이다. 이후 채소 대부분이 구황식물의 의미를 갖게 되는 단계로 나아가게 되었다. 1660년에 이르러 서원현감이던 신속은 『구황촬요』를 새로 간행하면서 「구황보유방(救荒補遺方)」을 붙여 『신간구황촬요(新刊救荒撮要)』를 편찬 간행하였다. 「잡물식법(雜物食法)」과 「벽곡절식방(辟穀絶食方)」이라는 항목 아래 여러 가지 구황식물을 식용하는 방법을 기재하고 있다. 18세기에 이르러 홍만선(洪萬選)이 편찬한 『산림경제(山林經濟)』는 구황과 관련된 많은 구황방(救荒方)을 수록하고 있었다. 구황방의 수집과 정리가 구황서라는 전문분야의 서적 편찬으로만 이루어지는 것이 아니라는 점을 분명하게 보여주었다 『산림경제』 이후 종합농서의 주요한 항목으로 ‘구황편’이 설정되어 편입되었다. 『산림경제』의 구황(救荒)과 치포(治圃)는 구황에 활용하는 구황식물의 상당 부분이 채소재배라는 일상적인 채소농사의 범위에 속한다는 점을 잘 보여주고 있다. 구황식물과 채소로서의 성격을 각각 떼어 「구황」, 「치포」로 나누어 서술하는 방식을 취하고 있었다. 유중림(柳重臨)이 편찬한 『증보산림경제』는 『산림경제』 「구황(救荒)」 항목을 바탕으로 몇가지를 보완, 증보한 것이었다. 18세기 후반에 서명응이 편찬한 『고사신서(攷事新書)』는 대부분의 내용이 『산림경제』 「구황」의 그것을 그대로 옮긴 것이었다. 그런데 서명응의 『본사(本史)』는 농서의 구성체제에서 사서(史書)의 기전체(紀傳體) 형식으로 도입한 것이었다. 그 가운데 「황정지(荒政志)」는 구황방에 해당하는 것을 모두 모아놓는 방식이 아니라 각 구황방과 연관된 초목(草木)을 설명하는 부분에서 구황과 관련된 것을 설명하는 방식을 취하고 있었다. 구황방과 초목의 재배법을 연결시키는 내용 체제를 구성하고 있었다. 이는 결국 구황식물 확보방법이 채취에서 재배로 나아가고 있음을 잘 보여주는 것이었다. What is noteworthy as the compilation of books about famine relief on the 17th century is Gosachwalyo(『고사촬요(攷事撮要)』) compiled by Yi Sik(이식, 李植) and Choi Myung-gil(최명길, 崔鳴吉) in 1636. Among the items in this book, the changes in the compilation book about famine relief are shown as they are. It is not a method of searching and collecting for the sake of about famine relief, but a section describing the cultivation method of acquiring seeds and sowing them and raising them. Since then, most of the vegetables have moved on to the stage where they have the meaning of famine relief plants. By 1660, the Seowon Prefectural Officer(서원현감, 西原縣監) Sin Sok(신속, 申洬) newly published Singan-Guhwangchwalyo(신간구황촬요, 新刊救荒撮要), describing how to eat various famine relief plants. In the 18th century, Sanlimgyeongje(산림경제, 山林經濟) compiled by Hong Man-seon(홍만선, 洪萬選), contained many nethods of famine relief related to the famine relief. It clearly showed that the collection and arrangement of the famine relief methos were not made only by compilation of books in the specialized field of famine relief. After that book the category of famine relief was established and incorporated as a major item of book of farming method. The Guhwang(구황, 救荒) and Chipo(치포, 治圃) of Sanlimgyeongje show that much of the famine relief plants used in famine relief within the range of everyday vegetable farming, Most of the contents of the Gosasinseo(고사신서, 攷事新書) compiled by Seo Myeong-eung(서명응, 徐命膺) in the late 18th century were translated into Sanlimgyeongje compiled by Hong Man-seon. However, Seo Myeong-eung's Bonsa(본사, 本史) was introduced in the form of Gijeonche(기전체, 紀傳體). In addition, Hwangjeongji(황정지, 荒政志) was not a method of collecting all that corresponds to the famine relief method, but a method of explaining what is related to the famine relief in the part of explaining the vegetation related to each famine relief.

1540∼1541년 기근과 『충주구황절요(忠州救荒切要)』의 간행

문광균 ( Moon Kwangkyun ) 한국고문서학회 2020 古文書硏究 Vol.57 No.-

『충주구황절요』는 1541년(중종 36) 간행된 구황지침서이다. 이 문서는 충주목사 안위와 판관 홍윤창의 주도 아래 만들어졌다. 총 27개조로 구성된 이 절목에는 진휼곡 마련 방법, 절식 방법, 유기아 구호방법, 재지사족의 역할, 진휼실무자에 대한 처벌조항에 대한 지침들이 수록되었다. 당시 중앙정부는 1540∼1541년 발생한 자연재해와 그에 따른 기근을 극복하고자 진휼청을 설치하여 「진휼청절목」을 각 지방에 내려 보냈다. 안위와 홍윤창은 진휼청이 내려 보낸 「진휼청절목」을 보완하면서도 충주 백성들이 굶주림에서 벗어날 수 있도록 『충주구황절요』를 간행하였다. 이 자료는 충주 뿐 아니라 지방 백성들이 활용할 수 있는 구체적인 구황 방법을 제시하고 있어 16세기 지방군현의 진휼실상을 엿볼 수 있다는 점에서 중요한 의미를 지닌다. 『충주구황절요』에서는 구황정책 중 가장 중요한 사안인 진휼곡 마련이 결송작지(決訟作紙), 주고(酒庫) 혁파, 반강제적인 사족의 곡물 대여 등의 방법을 통해 이루어지고 있었음을 엿볼 수 있다. 이는 중종대 진휼 정책이 수령과 사족의 협조 아래 지방군현 차원에서 독립적으로 이루어지고 있었음을 의미한다. 이러한 정책은 충주목사 안위가 후한 인사평가를 받았던 것에서 알 수 있듯이 당대 긍정적으로 평가되었다. 하지만 양란 이후인 17세기 이후로부터 중앙정부는 사족에 대한 반강제적인 곡물 대여인 권분(勸分)을 금지하는 한편 국가차원의 진휼곡 조성, 수령의 자비곡 의무화, 대규모 진휼곡 설치 등을 통해 진휼재원을 마련하였다. 이를 통해 볼 때 『충주구황절요』는 국가 차원에서 진휼곡을 마련하여 기민을 구제하던 이전 시기 지방군현에서 자발적으로 곡물을 마련하고, 기민을 구제하기 위하여 여러 방안을 정리한 구황서라고 볼 수 있다. 『Chungjuguhwangjeolyo (Essentials of Famine Relief in Chungju)』 is a guidebook to famine relief published on October in the 36th year of the reign of Jungjong of Joseon (1541). This material was made, led by Chungju Magistrate Ahn, Wi and Hong, Yunchang. How to methods to reserve relief grain, fasting methods, famine relief methods, provincial noble families’ roles, and guidelines on penalty clauses of persons in charge of relief were included in these regulations that consist of total 27 sections. The central government then installed Bureau of Relief and sent 「Regulations of Bureau of Relief」 to each region to overcome natural disasters from 1540 to 1541 and the consequent famine. Ahn, Wi and Hong, Yunchang supplemented 「Regulations of Bureau of Relief」 and published 『Chungjuguhwangjeolyo』 to make the people in Chungju immediately escape from starvation. This material is meaningful in that the specific methods to make the people in the local areas as well as Chungju immediately utilize them. Plans for securing relief grain done in local areas of counties and prefectures during the early days of the Joseon Dynasty can be examined in 「Chungjuguhwangjeolyo」. The preparation of famine relief, the most important issue in the famine relief policies, was done by borrowing grain owned by scholar families from them forcibly with actions including legal expenses (決訟作紙) and the abolition of alcohol storages (酒庫). And this policy was recognized as the positive national affairs in those days as evidenced by Chungju Magistrate Ahn, Wi who got a high score in performance rating. However, the central government prohibited Kwonbun (勸分), borrowing grain from scholar families forcibly, and secured finances of relief by preparing relief grain at the national level, making grain prepared by magistrates for themselves mandatory, and the installation of large-scale relief grain since the 17th century after the both wars. Considering this, it is thought that the preparation of relief grain at the local magistrates’ level in counties and prefectures was changed to that at the national level after the period passed.

동위(董煟)의 『구황활민서(救荒活民書)』와 구황책(救荒策)

李錫炫 ( Lee¸ Sukhyun ) 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2020 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.61

This paper is a review of the famine relief policy of “Jiuhuanghuominshu救荒活民書” compiled by Dongwei during the South Song period. Dongwei served as regional officials in various regions to relieve the famine. Through this experience, Dongwei felt the need for systematic relief and compiled the “Jiuhuanghuominshu”. This book is composed of three volumes and 拾遺. The first book is an example of the major famine relief from ancient times to the Song Dynasty, and the second book presented his own countermeasures and methodology for the relief of the famine. It consists of books and related discussions. The 拾遺 consisted of various discussions on famine relief and laws and regulations. The system of “Jiuhuanghuominshu” became a model for the compilation of professional “Huangzhengshu荒政書” in China afterwards, and it was introduced into Joseon朝鮮 and used to relieve famine. Dongwei suggested five core policies of “famine relief救荒”: ‘常平倉’, ‘義倉’, ‘勸分’, ‘禁遏糴’ and ‘抑價有禁.’ Among them, ‘常平’ and ‘義倉’ are systems that prepare for disasters such as famine. ‘常平’ was originally a function of price control, but it relieved alertness by releasing grain during famine. The ‘義倉’, which is led by the private sector to store grain, was evaluated as a ‘良法’ that can relieve people suffering from starvation in the right place. ‘勸分’ is a way to relieve famine by increasing the private food supply by encouraging wealthy people who can afford to supply grain at an appropriate price. ‘禁遏糴’ means prohibiting interfering with local food exports during famine. This is to prevent the famine from worsening due to a kind of local egoism. ‘抑價有禁’ means that in a famine situation, grain prices in the market should not be suppressed or food prices should not be controlled at low prices. In other words, profits through appropriate prices must be guaranteed to induce local merchants to come and supply grain. In addition, ‘檢旱’ emphasizes the proper reporting of the famine damage by local authorities. ‘減租’ means that tax cuts should be given to farmers who suffered famine. ‘貸種’ means that hungry farmers should not be urged to lend and repay food. ‘恤農’ means that farmers should be treated preferentially over non-farmers, such as 遊手, when giving preference. ‘遣使’ emphasizes that local leaders should take responsibility and implement oral measures. ‘弛禁’ is to reduce the amount of money in the field. ‘治盜’ emphasizes strict response to thieves during famine. Besides, it is ‘捕蝗’, a corporation that catches grasshoppers. ‘通融有無’ is made in the same way as 借貸內庫 and 賑 濟賑糶賑貸. ‘鬻爵’ and ‘度僧’ should be implemented only in an emergency while paying attention to side effects. In short, the characteristics of the famine relief plan shown in Dongwei’s “Jiuhuanghuominshu” is based on the traditional concept of ‘恤農’. In addition, it emphasizes the responsibility of local government officials. In addition, there is no fixed way to relieve famine, and it is said that it should be adapted to the condition of each region. Along with this, it values the self-regulated market ideology in famine relief policies such as ‘禁遏糴’ and ‘不抑價’. The same is true of the argument that the supply of grain will be smooth only when appropriate prices are guaranteed to wealthy people during the ‘勸分’.

17세기 江南의 災害와 救荒論

김문기(Kim Moonkee) 부산경남사학회 2009 역사와 경계 Vol.73 No.-

Recently, Geoffrey Parker has shed new light on the collapse of the system of the nation in Asia, Europe, and the Americas especially in the mid-17th century, and he indicated Ming-Ch'ing transition in China as an typical case of that collapse. That transition was a part of the “global crisis” in the Little Ice Age. This paper looked into the historical meaning of the theory of famine relief in the 17th century in this view. The period of late Ming and early Ch'ing was so much important in term of the development of the theory. Numerous famine-policy books and theories of famine relief made their appearances in the late Ming. Most books of famine policy before then mainly supplemented Dongwei's Jiuhuanghuominshu(救荒活民書) in the Song Dynasty, but now new theories were sophisticated on the basis of real experience against actual disasters. So much appearance of the theory of famine relief in Jiangnan especially in the late Ming was closely connected with the climatic change in the Little Ice Age. Most books in Ming were published after 1580, when the Little Ice Age started in earnest. Various theories of famine relief were almost the same. Because gentries and intellectuals in Jiangnan coped with the political and economic crisis from the climatic change positively, as a result, those changes in publications and theories were possible. An interesting point is that theories of famine relief were presented mostly in the late Ming, but the number of them was reduced greatly in the early Ch'ing. The difference between Ming and Ch'ing was related with political capability to deal with famine. In the late Ming, as nation finance was exhausted and Wanli-Emperor neglected political affairs, famine policy system broke down virtually. In addition, because the northeast Jurchen invaded and uprisings of the peasants were spreaded widely, the government could not carry out famine policy. Gentries and intellectuals in Jiangnan had to stabilize local communities by playing leading roles for famine relief action in cooperation with local governments in the crisis of disasters in the Little Ice Age and the fall of the dynasty In the Ch'ing Dynasty, the national government recovered its leading capacity and overcame disasters taking effective famine relief measures. So gentries and intellectuals who had taken the lead in famine relief action remained in secondary assistants. Their role was reduced because of efficient management of national famine relief policy. The difference of the theories between Ming and Ch’ing reflected this historical situations. So the theories then were good examples to explain the reason of the failure of Ming and the success of Ch’ing in the period of a climatic change, the Little Ice Age.

[특집논문]『진자미전래상급용하구별책』의 내용과 자료적 가치

이욱 조선시대사학회 2021 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.- No.97

이 글은 최근에 발굴된 『진자미전래상급용하구별책』의 내용과 자료 가치를 서술하기 위해 작성되었다. 『구별책』 1877년 순천에서 시행했던 진휼의 재원과 과정을 상세하게 기록하였다. 이 자료를 통해 이 시기 진휼의 재원 확보 방식, 재원의 운송, 진휼의 시행, 진휼 과정에서 소요되는 제반 잡비 등 진휼의 구체적인 실상을 파악할 수 있다. 이 자료는 큰 규모의 흉년에도 불구하고 전라도와 순천부에서 비교적 성공적으로 진휼 정책을 시행했음을 보여주고 있다. 그 성공 배경은 재원으로 활용할 수 있는 사창곡이 있었기 때문이었다. 아울러 능력있는 지방관, 그리고 사족과 향리들의 적극적인 협조도 또 다른 성공 배경이었음도 알 수 있다. 『구별책』은 연구상의 공백으로 남아있는 사창제 실시 이후의 진휼 정책에 대해 살필 수 있는 중요한 자료이다. 진휼의 구체적인 실상을 밝힐 수 있고, 진휼과 사창의 관계를 알 수 있는 자료이다. 이와 함께 순천 지역 유력 사족과 향리의 존재 형태를 살필 수 있는 단서를 제공하기도 한다. 그런 점에서 또다른 자료가치를 갖는다고 할 수 있다. 이번 자료 발굴을 계기로 다른 지역에 묻혀있는 비슷한 자료들이 새로 발굴되어 더 많은 연구의 진척이 있기를 기대한다. This article was written to describe the contents and value of the recently discovered 『Jinja Mijeon Raesang geup Yongha Gubyeolchaik(The Book of Income and expenditure of rice and money for famine relief)』. The Book is a detailed description of the financial resources and progress of famine relief system(賑恤制), which was implemented in Suncheon in 1877. It shows the details of the famine relief system’s process, such as the method of securing financial resources, transportation of financial resources, implementation of famine relief, and various miscellaneous expenses incurred in the famine relief system process. This data shows that Jeolla-do and Suncheon-bu responded appropriately to the given conditions in the face of a large scale of bad harvests. And in the background, there was a brothel that could be used as a financial resource. In addition, the active cooperation of competent local officials and local officials was another reason for the success. The Book is an important historical sources to look at Famine relief system(賑恤制) after the implementation of the Sachang system(社倉制), which remains a gap in research. This material reveals the specific facts of Famine relief system and shows the relationship between Famine relief system and Sachang system. In addition, it provides a clue to the existence of local Confucian scholars and Hyang-ri(a local official) in Suncheon. In that sense, it has the another value of historical material. With this discovery, it is hoped that similar materials undiscovered in other provinces will be newly excavated and further research will be made.

『진자미전래상급용하구별책』의 내용과 자료적 가치

이욱 ( Lee Uk ) 조선시대사학회 2021 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.97 No.0

This article was written to describe the contents and value of the recently discovered 『Jinja Mijeon Raesang geup Yongha Gubyeolchaik(The Book of Income and expenditure of rice and money for famine relief)』. The Book is a detailed description of the financial resources and progress of famine relief system(賑恤制), which was implemented in Suncheon in 1877. It shows the details of the famine relief system’s process, such as the method of securing financial resources, transportation of financial resources, implementation of famine relief, and various miscellaneous expenses incurred in the famine relief system process. This data shows that Jeolla-do and Suncheon-bu responded appropriately to the given conditions in the face of a large scale of bad harvests. And in the background, there was a brothel that could be used as a financial resource. In addition, the active cooperation of competent local officials and local officials was another reason for the success. The Book is an important historical sources to look at Famine relief system (賑恤制) after the implementation of the Sachang system(社倉制), which remains a gap in research. This material reveals the specific facts of Famine relief system and shows the relationship between Famine relief system and Sachang system. In addition, it provides a clue to the existence of local Confucian scholars and Hyang-ri(a local official) in Suncheon. In that sense, it has the another value of historical material. With this discovery, it is hoped that similar materials undiscovered in other provinces will be newly excavated and further research will be made.

1794년 전라도지역의 기근과 환곡의 활용

문용식(Moon, Yong-Sik) 역사실학회 2016 역사와실학 Vol.61 No.-

18세기 후반의 조선에서는 흉년이 들었을 때에 굶주린 사람에게 무상으로 곡물을 지급하는 방식과 암행어사를 통한 지방관의 진휼 시행에 대한 감찰규정이 확립되었다. 또한 진휼이 끝난 뒤에 남기는 기록이 정비되었다. 1794년은 정조 연간 가장 큰 기근이 든 해이다. 굶주린 사람에게 무상으로 곡물을 지급하는 일은 흉년이 든 다음해 1월부터 시작된다. 1795년에 전국적으로 6개 도에서 진휼을 시행하여 연인원 558만여 명의 기민(飢民)이 기록되었다. 전라도지역은 피해가 가장 커서 전체 기민의 절반 이상인 302만 9천여 명의 기록을 남기고 있다. 전라도의 진휼에 사용된 곡식 약 11만 석 가운데 중앙기관의 환곡이 81%로 가장 큰 비중을 차지하고 있었고, 전라 감영의 환곡 모곡(耗穀)이 7%, 1794~1795년의 흉년 기간에 지방관이 마련한 곡식이 6% 그리고 부자들이 기부한 곡식이 5% 정도를 차지하고 있었다. 진휼 재원에서 중앙 기관과 감영의 환곡이 차지하는 비율은 88%로 상당히 높은 비중을 차지하고 있다. 지방관이 곡식을 마련하는 방법의 하나로는 각 고을에서 자체적으로 운용하는 군현 환곡을 활용하여 왕조정부에 보고하고 있는 사례를 살펴보았다. 이를 통해서 조선후기의 환곡제도가 평상시에는 환곡 운용을 통해 모곡으로 각 기관의 재정으로 사용하거나 비축곡을 증대시키다가 흉년에는 무상 분급의 재원으로 활용되고 있음을 확인할 수 있다. In the 18th century corresponding to the latter period of Joseon Dynasty, regulations were enacted to enforce famine relief carried out by local government offices through royal secret investigator, along with supply of free grains to people in starvation conditions, during bad crop years. Moreover, records were maintained after the famine relief activities. The most severe famine came in 1794 during the reign of King Jeongjo. Free grain supply to those struggling with starvation began from January of the year following bad harvest. In 1795, famine relief activities were carried out in 6 provinces across the country, alleviating starvation suffered by about 5.58 million people throughout the year. Jeolla-do region bore the brunt of famine misery which left approximately 3.029 million people in starvation conditions. Grain loan provided by central organization comprised 81% of roughly 110,000 bags of grains used for famine relief in Jeolla-do, which represented the largest proportion. Interest on grain loans offered by Jeolla provincial office amounted to 7%. Grains prepared by local government offices during the year of bad crop between 1794 and 1795 accounted for 6% while grains donated by the wealthy comprised about 5%. Grain loans offered by central organization and provincial office comprised as high as 88% of whole financial resources used for famine relief. One of the methods, used by local government offices to prepare gains, involved a case in which county and prefecture grain loans operated by each village independently were tapped into, followed by report to royal government. Based on aforesaid results, it was found that interest earnings from grain loan system covered the costs of each governmental organization or built up grain reserves in usual times and provided financial resources necessary to supply grains free of charge during bad crop years in the latter period of Joseon dynasty.

19세기 社倉ㆍ社還制 운영과 향촌민의 진휼참여 -순천 지역의 사례를 중심으로-

송양섭 ( Song Yang-seop ) 조선시대사학회 2021 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.97 No.0

The Community Granary system (Sachang; 社倉), suggested as an alternative for the Grain Loan (還穀) system, was modeled on the Zhu Xi’s Community Granary. It can be characterized as an autonomous management of grains, organization of villagers, and donation of grains by the rich villagers. This was a natural turn as the public famine relief centered with the public grain came to its limitation and as a result, more and more private relief with private grains became an important method of famine relief. Community Pact (鄕約) and the shared asset in the unit of sub-county community for funding various cost such as famine relief can be seen as an usual form in the 19th century. In 1877 famine relief of Suncheon region, among the grains procured from the residents, nearly 20 percent were in the name of ‘voluntary donation’ of rich villagers. The Community Loan system implemented after Gabo Reform assigned the amount of grain in accordance with the size of the county, and the policy was set that the management would be autonomous among the villagers. However, the official authority continued to intervene, and this became a reason for disrupting civil autonomy and resulted in the poor management of the Community Loan system. Even in the beginning of the 20th century, the Community Loan system did not diminish, and it was utilized in the establishment of local financial associations by the colonial authority. It was transformed into a new form, for example, in 1933, the farming rice loan project began, and it was considered as a resurrection of the Community Loan system. The famine relief system, which the Joseon dynasty systemized earlier, shows a unique facet that not only it stood as a universal political action beyond the ruling authority, but also it had a certain affinity with the management of the modern state. This requires further in-depth examination on its characteristics and patterns.

[특집논문] 19세기 社倉ㆍ社還制 운영과 향촌민의 진휼참여 -순천 지역의 사례를 중심으로-

송양섭 조선시대사학회 2021 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.- No.97

The Community Granary system (Sachang; 社倉), suggested as an alternative for the Grain Loan (還穀) system, was modeled on the Zhu Xi’s Community Granary. It can be characterized as an autonomous management of grains, organization of villagers, and donation of grains by the rich villagers. This was a natural turn as the public famine relief centered with the public grain came to its limitation and as a result, more and more private relief with private grains became an important method of famine relief. Community Pact (鄕約) and the shared asset in the unit of sub-county community for funding various cost such as famine relief can be seen as an usual form in the 19th century. In 1877 famine relief of Suncheon region, among the grains procured from the residents, nearly 20 percent were in the name of ‘voluntary donation’ of rich villagers. The Community Loan system implemented after Gabo Reform assigned the amount of grain in accordance with the size of the county, and the policy was set that the management would be autonomous among the villagers. However, the official authority continued to intervene, and this became a reason for disrupting civil autonomy and resulted in the poor management of the Community Loan system. Even in the beginning of the 20th century, the Community Loan system did not diminish, and it was utilized in the establishment of local financial associations by the colonial authority. It was transformed into a new form, for example, in 1933, the farming rice loan project began, and it was considered as a resurrection of the Community Loan system. The famine relief system, which the Joseon dynasty systemized earlier, shows a unique facet that not only it stood as a universal political action beyond the ruling authority, but also it had a certain affinity with the management of the modern state. This requires further in-depth examination on its characteristics and patterns. 환곡제의 대안으로 제기된 사창제는 주자사창을 제도적 모범으로 삼았으며 민간의 자율적 곡물운영과 이를 위한 향촌조직의 편성, 그리고 부민들의 곡물출연 등을 특징으로 했다. 이는 公穀 중심의 公賑이 한계에 도달하자 점차 私穀에 의한 私賑이 중요한 진휼방식으로 떠오르면서 나타난 자연스러운 추세였다. 면 단위로 향약과 공유자산을 운용하여 진휼을 비롯한 각종 비용을 대는 방식은 19세기 일반적인 형태로 포착된다. 1877년 순천지역에 대한 진휼에서 ‘饒民’의 願納 명목으로 조달된 민간곡이 대략 2할에 육박할 정도로 향촌민의 진휼참여가 두드러졌다. 갑오개혁기 실시된 사환제는 읍의 규모에 따라 곡물을 배정하여 민의 자율적 운영에 맡기도록 방침이 정해졌고 여기에서도 ‘鄕民’은 주도적 역할을 하고 있다. 하지만 관의 간섭은 여전했고 이는 민간의 자율성을 크게 침해하면서 사환제 운영의 부실을 가져온 요인이 되었다. 20세기에 접어들어서도 사환제는 완전히 소멸하지 않고 일제에 의한 지방금융조합 설립에 적극적으로 활용되었으며 1933년에 농량미 대부사업을 실시하면서 이를 사환미제도의 부활로 간주하는 등 새로운 형태로 전신하였다. 조선왕조가 조기적으로 제도화한 ‘진휼’시스템은 지배권력의 성격을 넘어 보편적인 정치행위로서의 위상을 가지고 있었을 뿐 아니라 근대국가의 운영과 관련하여 일정한 친연성을 가지고 있음은 매우 독특한 양상으로 그 특성과 유형에 대한 보다 깊은 검토가 요구된다.

18세기 후반 제주도의 기민(飢民)과 진휼 곡물

문용식 한국사연구회 2019 한국사연구 Vol.- No.186

Grain had to be transported from the mainland to the Jeju Island at the times of famine. Accordingly, a different policy was enforced than in the mainland. Four years of severe famine occurred in Jeju Island from 1793 through 1796. The following are the characteristics of the relief system for the famished in Jeju Island during that period. Unlike in the mainland, the regulation that provided the relief grain for free to the famished had two categories by age, which provided adults (aged 17-50) with 5 seung (升, about 0.6 liters) and boys and girls (aged 10-16) with 3 seung in rice for 10 days. It also had 4 or 6 grades for enforcing the relief efforts for free This was aimed at reducing the amount of the relief grain to be provided because the duration of relief for free was very long. The amount of the grain loan in the years of famine was the same as that of the free relief grain for the famished. Those who took out the grain loan were also provided with the free relief grain additionally, because the amount of the grain loan was very small. As for the number of people relieved for free, in the Annals of King Jeongjo, the number of the people who passed the screening process for the famished is recorded in the case of Jeju Island. For the mainland, on the other hand, the total number of man-days provided with the free relief grain is recorded. In the latter half of the Joseon Dynasty, Jeju Island maintained a population of 62,000 to 64,000, but its population decreased by more than 11,000 due to the years of famine of 1793 to 1796. At this time, the cases where the ratio of the famished to the population on the family register exceeded 100 percent are found. 제주도는 기근이 들면 육지에서 곡식을 이전해야만 했다. 그러므로 육지에서 기근이 들었을 때와는 다른 정책을 시행하였다. 1793년~1796년 제주도에서 4년간의 집중적인 기근이 발생하였다. 이 시기 제주도 기민 구제의 특징은 다음과 같다. 제주도에서 기민에게 무상으로 곡물을 지급하는 규정이 육지와는 달리 청장년과 소년소녀의 두 단계로 구분하여 10일에 쌀 5승과 3승을 지급했다. 또한 무상 구제를 위한 등급을 4등급 혹은 6등급으로 세분했다. 이는 무상 구제하는 기간이 매우 길었기 때문에 지급하는 곡식을 줄이려는 목적이었다. 흉년이 들었을 때에 지급한 환곡의 양은 기민에게 무상으로 주는 양과 동일하다. 지급하는 환곡의 수량이 매우 적었기 때문에 환곡을 받은 사람은 또 무상으로 곡물을 받았다. '정조실록'의 제주도 무상 구제의 인원수는 육지와는 달리 대체로 기민을 선발한 인원을 기록했다. 육지에서는 기민 선발 인원에 곡물을 지급한 횟수를 곱한 인원(연인원)을 기록했다. 조선후기 제주도의 인구는 6만 2천 명에서 6만 4천 명 정도를 유지하다가 1793년에서 1796년의 흉년으로 1만 1천 명 이상의 인구가 감소하였다. 이 시기 호적상의 인구 대비 기민의 비율이 100%를 초과한 사례가 나타나고 있다.