Идеологическая база политического дискурса

Лесняк М. В(Lesnyak, М.V.) 충북대학교 러시아 알타이지역 연구소 2018 러시아학 Vol.- No.16

This article deals with the concept of “political discourse”, “political language” and “political communication” in modern linguistics. As far as these terms are used as synonyms, the question arose about the differential features of these concepts, as well as about the role of the ideological system that underlies political discourse. The separation of the mentioned naming units in “language of politics” and “political language” seems to be quite qualifying, because the language of politics, considered as a working language in the framework of political activity, as well as the political language regarded as a specifically used common language for the purpose of manipulation and / or persuasion by the electorate, intercross and reflect the relations between politicians and the society and can change borders depending on from the communicative situation. Political communication is a broader concept and comprises all processes of information influence and interactions in politics related to the power struggle. Depending on the source of information impact, ways of perception and assimilation of informational content, as well as on the characteristics of the communication process itself, there are different types of political communication. At the same time, it is pointed out that an important component of political communication is a certain symbolic reality. As a synonym for political communication, political discourse is used, which should be considered in a broad sense. In this context it is supposed that political discourse includes a semiotic space containing a certain set of speech actions and genres specific to the political sphere. Essential to political discourse is ideology as a symbolic system, whose goal is not to reform the belief system, but to influence the actions of a person in favor of supporting a particular politician or party. The characteristics of the ideological basis of political discourse are singled out.

시(문학)의 정치성의 이면-자율성의 욕망과 정치성의 발견-

이승은 ( Lee Seung-eun ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2015 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.38

이 논문은 문학의 정치성과 자율성의 관계에 관한 의문으로부터 출발되었다. 두 관계의 모순을 해결하기 위해 문학의 자율성이 정치성을 내장하고 있다는 가설 하에 연구가 진행되었다. 이 가설을 검증하기 위해 한국문학사에서 시기적 단절 없이 연구 논의들이 꾸준히 제출된 백석 시에 관한 담론들을 우선적 논의 대상으로 삼았다. 백석의 시 담론을 통해서 확인할 수 있었던 것은 상반된 것으로 보이는 백석 시에 대한 평가의 공통 준거는 모두 정치성을 그 준거로 하고 있다는 점이었다. 시를 판단하는 기준은 다양한 것이 가능함에도 불구하고 왜 최종적 판단 준거가 정치성이었는가를 분석하기 위해, 문학의 정치성 논의가 표면화 된 저항시와 노동문학 연구들을 참고하여 결론을 도출하였다. 그 결론은 다음과 같았다. 문학이 정치적으로 무엇을 할 수 있는가에 대한 대답으로 제출된 저항시 혹은 노동문학에서 담론 형성자들은 문학이 정치적으로 사용되는 것에 대한 경계를 보여주고 있었다. 이는 문학의 정치성의 이면에 문학의 자율성이 놓여져 있다는 것을 방증하는 것이고, 문학의 자율성은 문학 주체들로부터 억압되었지만 정치성이라는 담론적 외피 속에서 다시금 소환되고 있다는 명제를 설정하도록 했다. 또한 이는 자율성은 정치성을 내장하고 있다는 앞선 가설을 명제화하도록 했다. 이러한 결론에 관한 분석 및 해석이 이 논문의 최종 결론이 되었다. 근대사회에서 문학이 문학으로서 존재하기 위해서는 문학 주체들의 “실천적 능력들의 변형”이 요구되는데 한국문학 담론 장에서 문학의 주체는 리얼리즘을 보편으로 승인하는 지배적인 분위기 속에서 억압됨으로써 미학적 주체로서가 아니라 리얼리즘을 의식적 무의식적으로 내면화한 정치적 주체로 전환됨을 분석해보았다. 가라타니 고진 식으로 언급하자면, 내적 인간에 의해서 풍경이 발견되었듯이, 문학적 인간에 의해서 외부의 리얼리즘적 태도를 주도하는 정치성이 발견되었던 것이다. 근대 문학의 미적 자율성이란 사실상 텅빈 기표에 불과하다. 문학 주체들은 이 기표가 곧 문학을 보증하는 것이라 여겼다. 이 기표에 적합한 대상을 발견해야 했는데 자기 자신의 이름과는 전혀 다른 반대항에 있다고 여겨지는 ‘정치성’을 이 텅빈 기표의 자리에 호출함으로써 자신의 욕망을 실현시키고자 했던 것이다. 따라서 자율성의 욕망은 정치성이라는 실천적 변형으로서 등장했던 것이다. This study has been made with the questions about the relationship between politics and autonomy of literature. In order to solve the contradiction between the two, a hypothesis has been set up so that the autonomy of literature embeds the political. The method to verify this hypothesis was made by analyzing the desire of literary autonomy that appears in the unconsciousness of discourse makers. At first, this study examined the discourses on Paek-Seok Poetry for which researches have been consistently submitted without any temporal discontinuity. The fact that could be identified through the discourses on Paek-Seok Poetry was the common criterion of evaluations always based on its political nature even if they appear to be contradictory with one another. Why the ultimate criterion was such political nature, although there are possibly various criteria one could apply to judge a poem? To find reasons for that, reference was made to the comparatively recent researches on the resistance poetry and labor literature. The reason of referring to these discussions was because the discourses on resistance poetry and labor literature could be discussed apparently as being situated in the frontline of the political nature of literature, and only these recent discussions are relatively free from the two terrain dual of literary field. The conclusion is as follows: In the resistance poetry or labor literature presented in reply to what literature can do politically, the discourse makers tend to present the boundaries of literature being used politically. This proves that the autonomy of literature lies at the backside of the political nature of literature, and even if the autonomy of literature is suppressed by the subjects of literature, the proposition is once again summoned in the discursive appearance of political nature. It also means that the previous hypothesis that autonomy embeds politics can be built as a proposition. In effect, the analysis and interpretation on such conclusion becomes the final conclusion of this study. In order that literature exists as literature in the modern society, it appears that the subjects of literature require the “transformation of practical skills”, and as they become suppressed in the dominant atmosphere where realism is generally accepted, an analysis was carried out with emphasis on political subjects, not aesthetic subjects, which internalize realism both consciously and unconsciously. To mention it in Garatani Gogin style, it is literary man who discovered the political nature that leads the external attitude of realism, just as the internal man discovered the landscape. The aesthetic autonomy of modern literature is in fact just an empty signifiant. Literary subjects considered this signifiant as an insurance of literature. The proper object suitable to this signifiant had to be discovered and by putting‘politics’which had always been considered in the opposite, in the empty place of signifiant, they made an attempt to realize this desire. Therefore, the desire of autonomy has emerged as a practical variant called politics.

노무현 대통령의 담화 분석 -취임 및 탄핵 전후로 나눈 단계별 언술의 특징-

최윤선,이창환 한국자료분석학회 2008 Journal of the Korean Data Analysis Society Vol.10 No.1

This paper aims to analyze how President Roh Moo-Hyun's political discourse has changed with time and to pay attention to what those changes are. We analyzed the changes in his discourse, before and after the two political events which were considered to have affected his political career the most - winning of the presidential election and impeachment motion against him. For this analysis, We divided his political career into four phases, and chose TV Discussions representing each phase as the object of my analysis. We used KLIWC program, a Korean version of LIWC(Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count) in my analysis. This analysis shows that it is the political event of impeachment that caused the biggest change in President Roh's discourse. President Roh's self-centered discourse emphasizing "I" which became explicit after the winning the presidency, has been completely replaced by the collective expression of 'we'. That means that one-way communicative structure which was strengthened since the winning of the presidency has changed to more implicating communicative structure after the impeachment motion. Changes in politicians' discourse are in proportion with the intensity of the political events they experience. We found that in case of President Roh, the impeachment motion caused more serious changes than the winning of the presidency in his political discourse. 본 논문은 노무현 대통령의 담화를 시간의 흐름에 따라 고찰하면서, 정치 환경의 변화에 따라 그의 담론이 어떠한 변화를 보이는지를 분석하였다. 이를 위해 노무현의 정치 역정에 있어서 가장 큰 영향을 끼쳤다고 여겨지는 두 가지 정치적 사건-대통령 당선과 대통령 탄핵-을 전후로 하여, 그의 언술적 특징이 어떠한 변화를 보이는지를 고찰하였다. 분석을 위해 (1) 대통령 당선 이전(후보자 기간), (2) 대통령 당선 이후, (3) 탄핵 이전, (4) 탄핵 이후의 네 단계로 기간을 구분하고, 각 단계를 대표하는 TV 토론을 선정하였다. 분석에는 LIWC(Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count)의 한국어 버전 프로그램인 KLIWC 프로그램을 적용하였다. 분석 결과 노무현 대통령의 언술에 가장 큰 변화를 가져온 것은 '탄핵'이라는 정치적 사건이었음을 확인하였다. 대통령 당선이후 표면화된, "나"를 앞세운 자기중심적 언술이 탄핵이라는 위기를 거친 뒤 "우리"라는 집합적인 표현으로 완전히 대치되게 된다. 즉 대통령 당선 후 강화되었던 자기중심적이던 일방적 소통 구조가 탄핵 후 국민들과의 화합을 꾀하는 포용적 소통 구조로 변화한 것이다. 결국, 정치인의 언술에 큰 변화를 주는 것은 그가 겪는 정치적 사건의 강도와 비례한다고 여겨지는데, 노무현 대통령의 경우에는 탄핵이 대통령 당선보다 훨씬 큰 변화 동인으로 작용하였음을 확인할 수 있었다.

조선시대 공론의 문학적 형상화- <원생몽유록>을 중심으로

백지민 전남대학교 한국어문학연구소 2024 전남대학교 한국어문학연구소 학술지 어문논총 Vol.- No.44

This paper examines the process of how public discourse during the Joseon Dynasty was literarily depicted, focusing on WonsaengMongyurok. This work allegorically represents the rehabilitation of King Danjong and the Six Martyred Ministers. In the Joseon Dynasty, public discourse played a crucial role under the Confucian political system, acting as a significant tool in checking the monarch's arbitrariness in the political process. Public discourse was a key concept in Joseon's political foundation, occupying an important position within the triangular structure of royal power, ministerial power, and Eon-gwan power. It simultaneously served as a symbol of the power of ministers to restrain royal authority and functioned as a means for internal checks, balances, and competition. Through public discourse, a variety of political views were presented, and policies were implemented through intense competition. WonsaengMongyurok goes beyond expressing resentment about historical events; it is a work that exercised the right to express opinions as a practical act of publicizing issues. The paper explores how literature established itself as a new discursive power through the workings of Joseon public discourse. According to the principles of public discourse politics, the king, as the supreme authority, significantly influenced the formation and acceptance of public discourse. Therefore, there was a need for alternative means to publicize issues that contradicted the king's will. WonsaengMongyurok served as an alternative space for expressing sensitive political opinions during such times, attempting to publicize issues through literary depiction in dreams. It played a role in diagnosing the problems of the political situation at the time, presenting opinions, and triggering public discourse. This confirms that literature transcended mere storytelling to play a crucial role in forming and disseminating social and political opinions.

한국가족 다양화담론의 다양성에 대한 비판적 고찰

문소정(So-Jeong Moon) 숙명여자대학교 아시아여성연구원 2008 아시아여성연구 Vol.47 No.2

본 연구는 1990년대 이후 한국 사회의 가족이 겪고 있는 변화, 즉 핵가족의 정상성 해체와 가족의 다양성을 거시적으로 접근한 다양화론이 통일되어 있지 않다는 것에 주목하고 그 정치적 성격이 매우 상이한 것에 기초하여 세 가지 한국가족 다양화담론을 재구성하고, 이에 대하여 비판적으로 고찰한 것이다. 본 연구에서 재구성한 세 가지 한국가족 다양화담론은 아노미 다양화담론, 해체 다양화담론, 포스트모던 다양화담론이다. 아노미 다양화담론, 해체 다양화담론, 포스트모던 다양화담론은 1990년대 이후 한국가족에서 일어나고 있는 핵가족의 정상성 해체 및 다양성을 대상으로 하지만, 이러한 가족변화를 보는 정치적 입장이나 가족정책이 동일하지 않다. 그 차이성을 가족다양화에 대한 상황정의, 강조하는 다양한 가족유형, 가족다양화의 원인, 가족정책 등의 정치적 쟁점에 초점을 맞추어 비교하였다. 이러한 비교 결과 각각의 한국가족 다양화담론은 한국가족의 양극화 속의 가족들간(families)의 다양한 차이(별)성, 하나의 가족(family)가 내포하는 다양한 차이(별)성을 드러내지 못하는 한계가 없지 않다. 특히 다양화라는 개념은 한국가족변화가 지닌 계급(층)적 차별성을 다원적 의미의 수평적 차이성을 갖는 것으로 채색하는 정치적 효과가 있다. 이러한 다양화담론의 한계를 극복하기 위하여 한국가족의 변화를 양극화 속의 다양성과 특정 가족의 계층별, 성별, 연령별 질적 차이성 및 차별성을 드러낼 수 있는 한국가족 변화론의 재구성이 필요하다. 아울러 이러한 인식의 전환에 기초한 다양한 가족들간, 특정 가족의 계급(층)별, 성별, 연령별에 따른 다양한 차이성이 아니라 차별적 다양성을 규명하는 실증적 연구가 축적되어야 한다. This study examines critically diversity of diversification discourses about Korean family since the 1990s. Consequently, three type of discourses are discovered. Namely, they are anomie diversification discourse, deconstruction diversification discourse and post-modern diversification discourse, which has been suggested since the 1990s. However there is, still, serious differences among three discourses in some family issues. First, anomie diversification discourse interprets the diversity of Korean family as the ‘anomie state'. However, Korean anomie diversification discourse does not accept the post-modern rhetoric in Western family. So, anomie diversification discourse differs from the post-modern discourse. Second, through deconstruction diversification discourse, the diversity of Korean families as the ‘deconstruction' of the modern-nuclear family has bees shown. This discourse suggests that ‘deconstruction' of modern-nuclear family be the crisis of Korean family, which can't be solved without changing Korean political-economic status as part of global capitalist system. Third, post-modern diversification discourse insists the diversity of Korean families be characterized by the post-modernity and be viewed as ‘development'. In conclusion, through those three diversification discourses, we cannot understand the change of Korean family. To solve this problems, it is necessary to build family theories on the polarization of Korean family from the historical context of political-economics.

북의 국가담론: 봉건적 가부장에서 젠더화된 민족국가로

박영균 ( Park¸ Young-kyun ) 한국철학사상연구회 2020 시대와 철학 Vol.31 No.4

Discourse has a materiality in that it based on objective relationships and identification with them, physical apparatuses such as schools and churches, and produces subjects that perform specific actions. Thus, it can be said that the study on the North’s state discourse is a study on the three points. The strength of the system decreases as the degree of repression increases, and increases as the spontaneity increases. However, previous studies have been focused on compulsory or brainwashing by the state apparatus and ideological ruling function of Chuche Ideology. Thus, this paper is not a study on the ideological state apparatus such as schools, Party-People’s Committee, etc. that produce the North’s state discourse, but focuses on the social relationships on which the North’s state discourse is objectively based and the mechanism that imaginatively identifies with it. This paper examines the fact that the North’s state discourse is not a feudal patriarchal and Confucian ideology, but a discourse in which the state is gendered through the analysis of ① theory of the large socialist family and ② theory of social-political life. Also, based on this analysis, it deals with historical experiences, cultural assets, and objective life conditions as resources for imaginative identification in which ③ the gendered national discourse can operate. North’s gendered state discourse is not Confucianism, but on the soil of ‘nation’, it created a symbolic system that loyal to the leader as a political father with the trauma of colonization and division as the core, appropriating the historical assets of the anti-Japanese armed struggle, and making the states as a family. Therefore, this article assert that the study of the North’s gendered national discourse not only studies on the dissolution and cracking of these materiality but also the resolution of structural-cultural violence, the women’s-sexual liberation Including body’s liberation.

Cognition of Metaphorical Text in President Muhammadu Buhari’s Inaugural Speech

Eniayo Sobola 세종대학교 언어연구소 2020 Journal of Universal Language Vol.21 No.2

Political discourse has gained prominence in Nigeria and a crop of literature has emerged from different fields of study to discuss how the discourse has presented issues prevalent in the country at different political epochs. Political discourse uses figurative language such as metaphor, simile, metonymy, paradox, irony and antithesis. The use of figurative language raises issues on interpretation and cognition of political discourse. This study investigates cognition of metaphors used by President Muhammadu Buhari in his inaugural speech on his assumption of office as the president of Nigeria on 29th May, 2015, which was identified as data and collected through media monitoring. Theory of lexical concept and cognitive model (LCCM) propounded by Vyvyan Evans was employed for analysis. The study concludes that metaphors are used in political discourse to encode ideological belief; interpretation of ideological views in the metaphorical text contributes towards cognition of the metaphor in political discourse; a metaphor is an embodiment of ideologies which could not be easily interpreted in a literal sense; linguistic contents in the metaphor and their relationships contribute towards interpretation and cognition of metaphors, and metaphors in Nigerian political discourse address Nigerian contemporary political issues.

북한의 통치담론과 전통문화

전미영 ( Jeon Mi Yeong ) 북한연구학회 2003 북한연구학회보 Vol.7 No.2

This paper examines the political discourse in North Korea with a particular emphasis on traditional culture. Moreover the paper explores why Kim Jon-il, the present North Korean leader produce so much traditional discourse. Kim Jong-il produced the traditional discourse, especially Confucian political discourse to strengthen the base of his own power. The most important Confucian political discourse is `In-Duk Policy`. `In-Duk` which means perfect virtue and moral excellence was moral character of ancient Confucian leader. `In-Duk Policy` is the symbol of political leadership of Kim jong-il in North Korea. The purpose of stressing the Confucian political discourse is to reconstruct the legitimacy of North Korean political regime which has been declined.

Лексичесние единицы, интернретирующие концепт “власть”

E.H. Фёдоров 고려대학교 러시아 CIS연구소 2009 Acta Russiana Vol.1 No.-

A vast array of accounts attempt to explain the nature of concepts. Also theories and methodologies and interpretation of meanings in linguistics and in a range of related disciplines, in order to provide a theoretical foundation for the corpus linguistic study of meaning in discourse. I describe the uses of the term discourse in linguistics to show different understandings of discourse analysis within our discipline. The term discourse shows a complex relationship inside linguisticsand different approaches postulate this relationship on different terms, as there are several ways to see how meaning is created in language use. Depending on the approach, the understanding of the term discourse determines the choice of linguistic principles to supplement discourse analysis. Therefore, further in this article I discuss the concept of discourse and discourse analysis within the theoretical framework of corpus linguistics to demonstrate how linguistics can contribute not only to the analysis of discourse on the level of the studies of lexis and syntax but also to discourse analysis aimed at the interpretation of lexical items in a particular context (i.e. studies where discourse of might is theorised as a complex relationship between language, ideology and society). In linguistics, abstract concepts are transformations of concrete concepts derived from embodied experience. The mechanism of transformation is structural mapping, in which properties of two or more source domains are selectively mapped onto a blended space. A common class of blends are metaphors. While the perspective is compatible with Jamesian pragmatism (above), the notion of the transformation of embodied concepts through structural mapping makes a distinct contribution to the problem of concept formation. The large group of examples demonstrate the different beings of concept might in Russian political discourse.

Face, Identities, and Confucian Values In Korean Institutional Discourse

홍진옥 언어과학회 2013 언어과학연구 Vol.0 No.67

Relationships between cultural values and language formation have been known for decades but have not been fully explored. Perhaps the best known among them is the landmark work of Brown and Levinson (1978, 1987), which developed a politeness framework that essentially argued linguistic politeness is proportionate to power, distance, and ranking of imposition variables. A number of studies since then have employed Brown and Levinson’s politeness framework, but they do not really examine how discernment politeness can be strategically exploited, especially in interactional discourse. They also have not explored how cultural values influence the functional use of discernment. Although indirectness is one of the language-specific means of indicating politeness in Korean society, cultural values are also strategically used in order to indicate (im) politeness. Cultural knowledge is a main resource for the linguistic cues in the organization of discourse context. The implications of the findings of this study reach far beyond the traditional bounds of linguistic politeness. First, cultural values can provide a link between linguistic presentation and social practice. Second, Korean politeness cannot be interpreted without understanding Confucian values because Confucian thinking is the ‘common sense’ knowledge that permeates all kinds of social interactions. Third, cultural knowledge can be used to influence the exercise of informal power in Korean institutional contexts. Relationships between cultural values and language formation have been known for decades but have not been fully explored. Perhaps the best known among them is the landmark work of Brown and Levinson (1978, 1987), which developed a politeness framework that essentially argued linguistic politeness is proportionate to power, distance, and ranking of imposition variables. A number of studies since then have employed Brown and Levinson’s politeness framework, but they do not really examine how discernment politeness can be strategically exploited, especially in interactional discourse. They also have not explored how cultural values influence the functional use of discernment. Although indirectness is one of the language-specific means of indicating politeness in Korean society, cultural values are also strategically used in order to indicate (im) politeness. Cultural knowledge is a main resource for the linguistic cues in the organization of discourse context. The implications of the findings of this study reach far beyond the traditional bounds of linguistic politeness. First, cultural values can provide a link between linguistic presentation and social practice. Second, Korean politeness cannot be interpreted without understanding Confucian values because Confucian thinking is the ‘common sense’ knowledge that permeates all kinds of social interactions. Third, cultural knowledge can be used to influence the exercise of informal power in Korean institutional contexts.