시진핑시대, 이슬람교중국화정책 연구 : 「堅持我國伊斯蘭教中國化方向五年工作規劃綱要(2018-2022)」을 중심으로

김경아(Kim, Kyung-A)(金敬娥) 대한중국학회 2020 중국학 Vol.70 No.-

본 논문은 시진핑정부가 이슬람교정책에서 기존의 온건노선을 버리고 강경노선으로 전환하게 된 배경을 살펴보고, 이슬람교중국화 5개년규획문건을 중심으로 중국의 이슬람교중국화정책의 주요 내용과 특징을 살펴보았다. 중국정부는 아랍과는 차별화된 ‘중국식 이슬람교’라는 프레임을 만들어 내고, 이슬람교중국화 정책을 시행하였다. 본 논문은 정부의 정책에 따라 이슬람교협회가 작성한 「堅持我國伊斯蘭教中國化方向五年工作規劃綱要(2018-2022)」을 주요 분석대상으로 삼아, 이슬람교중국화정책의 주요 범위와 내용을 짚어보았다. 그리고 이와 더불어 이슬람교중국화 정책의 시행에 따른 무슬림사회의 현실과 그 정책적 한계도 함께 살펴보았다. This paper aims to analyze the Islamic policy of the Chinese government. This paper consists of five chapters. Chapter 1 is an introduction. Chapter 2 analyzes the background of the change in the Islamic policy of the Chinese government from a moderate to a hard line. Chapter 3 analyzes the main contents of ‘Islamic Sinicization’. According to the 「Five-Year Work Plan for Upholding the Sinicization of Islam in China (2018-2022)」, ‘Islamic Sinicization’ can be divided into four aspects. first is to deepen Education on Patriotism and Socialism with Chinese Characteristics. Second is to deepen Efforts on Scriptural Interpretation, Building Islam with Chinese Characteristics. Third is to separate Religion from Life. Fourth is to improve Rules Systems and Regulate Self-Management. Chapter 4 is since the implementation of the ‘Sinicization of Islam policy’, It analyzed the religious reality of Muslim society and the limitations of religious policy. Chapter 5 is the conclusion.

북위 불교미술에 보이는 북방적 요소 고찰

서남영 숭실사학회 2022 숭실사학 Vol.- No.48

In the academic world, the prevailing view has been that the Tuoba Xianbei nation(拓跋鮮卑族), who were nomads in the north, abandoned their way of life and assimilated the Han spirit, culture, and system as a whole in order to rule China. In addition, the Buddhist art of Northern Wei is seen as being a part of a process that abandons the identity of a northern nation and assimilates into the Han Chinese to achieve “sinicization”. However, on the other hand, it should not be overlooked that northern nomadic elements still remain in the Buddhist art of Northern Wei. This characteristic can be said to be a unique characteristic of Northern Wei Buddhist art, which is hard to find in the Buddhist art of the Southern Dynasties. Therefore, in this paper, the socalled 'northern element' of the original culture and ethnicity of the nomadic northern Xianbei nation was investigated from three perspectives. First, although Chineseization rapidly progressed through policy of the sinicization(Hanwha policy), and the capital was moved to Luoyang (Luoyangcheondo) under the rule of Emperor Xiaowen(孝文帝), the Northern Wei tried to concretely embody the leader of the northern nomads by producing a total of 7 large-scale Buddha statues in the Yungang Grottoes. Moreover, by projecting the image of the emperor on these Buddha images, they were able to to create an image consistent with the idea o f worshiping the emperor. Second, by producing Maitreya Bodhisattva statues with the “crossed ankles” posture, which were popular in Central Asia, an icon that matched the shape of a nomadic king became popular. Although it is difficult to clearly distinguish if this attitude originated from customs unique to the almsgiving tribe, it can be seen as a northern factor because the number of Bodhisattva statues with crossed ankles posture decreased sharply after the promotion of Hanwha. Third, the idea of matrilineal worship, which can be referred to as a characteristic of the northern nation, was found in the records during the years of Taihe(太和, 477- 499) and Xiaochang(孝昌, 525-528). This can be seen as a result of the customs of the nomadic Xianbei nation in the north, where the power of the maternal line was strong unlike the paternal society of the Han Chinese, which directly influenced the production of Buddhist art at the time. As such, it is presumed that the identity of the Xianbei tribe as a northern nation in the Northern Wei Dynasty remained strong at least until the implementation of a full-fledged Hanwha policy. It can also be seen as a period when the two cultures were fused by choosing to selectively assimilate into the Han Chinese culture while retaining their habits as a northern nation.

모순론의 관점에서 종교중국화정책이 기독교에 미치는 영향

마민호 한국복음주의선교신학회 2019 복음과 선교 Vol.48 No.-

The drastic shift of religious policy under President Xi Jinping’s administration is an aftermath of a major contradiction of socialistic development. The main contradiction under Xi Jinping’s administration is drawn between the people’s demand for higher quality of life and the nation’s unbalanced and inadequate development. With the rapid economic development, religion has become a threat against social stability and the Chinese regime, weakening the form of socialist consciousness. Religion, once perceived as a minor contradiction, has now turned into a major socialcontradiction of China. Aimed to resolve the contradiction, Sinicization of Religion is a new political strategy of Xi Jinping in response to the growing threat of religion. Therefore, Sinicization of Religion has to address the root of the contradiction between socialist ideology and religion. The primary intention of Sinicization of Religion is to identify religion within the mold of socialist ideology. Under Sinicization of Religion, Protestant Christianity, one of the fastest-growing religions in size, has particularly become the main target for control. Sinicization of Religion on Protestant Christianity will entail increased pressure on Protestant theology and doctrines for change toward socialistic ideas, stricter control over Chinese house churches and Chinese mission organization, and lastly, restraint on interaction between Chinese churches and overseas churches. This study explains the impacts of Sinicization of Religion on Protestant Christianity and the increased level of control in China. 시진핑 시기의 급격한 종교정책의 변화는 사회주의 발전단계에서 주요모순의 변화에 의한 것이다. 시진핑 시기의 주요모순은인민들의 아름다운 삶에 대한 요구와 불균형하고 불충분한 발전 간의 모순으로 변화했다. 경제성장 과정에서 빠른 속도로 성장한 종교는 중국사회의 의식형태의 불균형을 가져와, 사회안정과 정권안전을 위협하는 수준의 문제로 부상하였다. 부차모순에서 주요모순의 차원으로 부상한 종교문제를 새로운 시대의 요구에 맞게 처리하려는 정책이 시진핑의 종교중국화이다. 그래서 종교중국화는 사회주의와 종교 간의 모순을 ‘근본적’으로 해결해야 하는 정책이다. 종교중국화의 핵심은 종교를 사회주의에 적극 적용시켜서 사회주의핵심가치를 실천하는 사회주의 종교로 변화시키는 것이다. 이 정책은 일교독대(一敎獨大)의 위험으로 성장한 기독교에 초점이 맞추어져 있다. 이러한 종교중국화는 기독교에 대해, 우선, 기독교의신학과 교리에 대한 정부의 통제강화와, 둘째, 건강한 중국교회의발전에 대한 어려움의 심화와, 셋째, 해외선교단체의 활동과 해외교회와의 교류에 대한 통제강화 등의 영향을 미칠 것이다. 본 연구는 이러한 종교중국화가 기독교에 미치는 영향과 종교에 대한 강화된 통제에 대하여 설명하고 있다.

北魏後期 洛陽거주 胡人들의 생활과 문화 : 孝文帝의 ‘漢化政策’의 재검토

崔珍烈(Choi Jin-Yeoul) 중국고중세사학회 2010 중국고중세사연구 Vol.24 No.-

This essay is to give careful consideration to a problem of Sinicization in the later period of Beiwei. Chinese Students have been arguing that the nomads including Xianbi, Xiongnu, lie, Qiang, Di and so forth, who immigrated from Mongol Plateau, Manchuria and Tibet Plateau, were adapted to Chinese civilization, or their culture, lifestyle and customs. I examined all the materials for nomads or pastoral men's life and culture in the later period of Beiwei and found that they were not sinicized and maintained their own culture, lifestyle and customs, which they put on nomadic-style fur coats, hats, trousers, or riding breeches, ate mutton, other meats, and dairy goods. They went hunting, shooted an arrow with joy and military training, sang their nomadic-style songs, danced to the their original musics and enjoyed their nomad festivals. The wild geese courtiers, who had served in Luoyang court in autumn and winter and then had returned to their homes in pastoral region, slept in their ger or yurt, moving tent made of furs and wooden frames, in their pastoral birthplace in spring and summer. The nomad-oriented rulers in the later period of Beiwei were not actually sinicized facet. So I argues that the nomad people in Luoyang in the later period of Beiwei shoud not be entirely sinicized and maintain their own lifestyle and customs in part.

난징국민정부(南京國民政府)의 대학교육정책과 광화다쉐(光華大學)의 “교육의 중국화”

정문상(Chung, Moon-sang) 가천대학교 아시아문화연구소 2021 아시아문화연구 Vol.56 No.-

본 논문은 광화다쉐에서 1930년대 교육계의 핫 이슈였던 교육의 중국화가 어떻게 전개되었는지를 해명하고자 했다. 분석결과는 아래와 같이 요약된다. 첫째, 5·30운동의 산물로 창립된 광화다쉐에 자유주의 성향의 교수들이 초빙됨으로써 자유주의적 분위기가 확산되었다. 자유주의의 확산은 교육계에 대한 지배력을 강화하고자 했던 국민정부의 정치적 이해와 충돌했다. 둘째, 랴오스청 부총장 퇴진운동을 계기로 자유주의 성향의 교수들의 학내 활동력은 위축되었으며 동시에 대학에 대한 국민정부의 지배력과 통제력은 강화되었다. 셋째, 교육의 중국화는 광화다쉐에 대한 국민정부의 지배력이 강화된 상태에서 추진되었다. 총장으로 복귀한 장슈융의 주도 아래, 이학원에 대한 지원과 그 확충이 이루어졌으며 양명학에 입각한 인격교육이 강화되고 체계화되었다. 넷째, 장총장이 교육의 중국화에 적극 나선 이유는 국민정부의 정책을 그대로 수용했기 때문만은 아니었다. 그는 저둥학파, 특히 양명학에서 교육의 중국화를 구현할 수 있는 사상적, 논리적 근거를 찾았기 때문이었다. This paper seeks to explain how the Sinicization of education, which was a critical issue in educational circles in the 1930s, unfolded in Guanghua University. The analysis is summarized as follows. First, at Guanghua University-which was established as a result of the May Thirtieth Movement-the atmosphere of liberalism proliferated with the appointment of liberal-minded professors. The spread of liberalism collided with the political interests of the Nationalist Government, which sought to strengthen its control over education. Second, the movement to oust Vice-Chancellor Liao Shicheng (廖世承) greatly weakened the academic activities of the liberal-leaning professors, while the Nationalist Government strengthened their dominance and control over the university. Third, the Sinicization of education was promoted while the Nationalist Government’s hands over the university were strengthened. Under the leadership of returning chancellor Zhang Shouyong (張壽鏞), support for and expansion of the College of Science were achieved, and character education, based on the doctrines of Wang Yangming (王陽明), or Yangmingism, was strengthened and systemized. Fourth, Chancellor Zhang actively promoted the Sinicization of education, but it was not because he accepted the Nationalist Government’s policy to the letter. Rather, it was because he found the ideological and logical basis for the embodiment of the Sinicization of education in the Zhedong School of Thought (浙東學派), especially in Yangmingism.

北魏後期 胡語사용 현상과 그 배경

崔珍烈(Choi Jin-Yeoul) 중국고중세사학회 2010 중국고중세사연구 Vol.23 No.-

Some Chinese Researchers of China histoy argued that Tuoba clans dominated Normadic People were Sinicized in the later period of Beiwei. The Evidence of Sinicization in the later period of Beiwei is the prevention of Xianbei and other nomads' speaking their languages, wearing their wool-made clothes, China-oriented political systeme of bureaucracy, government organization, Confucius rituals, etc. I denied Sinicization in the later period of Beiwei, and needed to prove that it is not true. So I select the Xianbei or normadic People's speaking languages for examples of no sinicization in the later period. Someone said that After Tuoba-dominated nomads or horse-riding warriors occupied Huabei (華北), or the Northern China proper it was certain for them to be Sinicized, speaking Chinese-speaking language, to eat Chinese foods, and to wear the Chinese Clothes in the early period of Beiwei.But in truth, they spoke their languages. For example, thirty-year-old nomadic people in 495, when the emperor Xiaowen prevented his nomadic subjects from speaking their langugues, were permitted speaking their languages as an exception. So, the officers, civillians, the privates, ennuches and a court ladies, etc., who had contected exceptional nomadic persons speaking their languges, probably used Xianbei or nomadic languges for communications to give and receive words in spheres of a government, military, court, and daily life. Most of all, the emperor Xiaoming, the grandson of the empeor Xiaowen, driving the policy of preventing his nomadic subjects from speaking their langugues and forcing them speaking Chinese language, sppke the Xianbei lagnguge, too, which symbolized the failure of preventing Xianbei or nomadic langugues.

청말(淸末) 시기 만주(滿洲)지역 연구

박형신(Park Hyung-Shin) 한국기독교역사연구소 2015 한국기독교와 역사 Vol.- No.43

이 논문은 청말(淸末) 시기에 만주에 들어온 초기 유럽 개신교 선교부들이 마주해야 했던 정치, 사회적 현실에 대한 심화된 이해를 목표로 한다. 이를 위하여 만주의 지정학, 인구이동과 사회변동, 만주의 정체성 등에 대한 역사적 검토를 제공하고, 이런 현실들을 보유한 만주가 유럽 개신교 선교부와 조우했던 장면들을 묘사한다. 우선, 청말(淸末) 시기의 만주(滿洲)는 1860년 이후로 축소된 만주로서 당시 제국주의적 국제환경을 반영한다. 종족-민족적으로는, 퉁구스, 몽골족, 만주족, 한족과 같은 전통적인 그룹에 더하여 한인, 러시아인, 그리고 일본인들이 가세하였다. 1861년에는 영구(營口)가 서구열강에 개방됨으로 만주는 경제, 사회적으로 동아시아 및 세계의 체제와 밀접한 관계에로 들어간다. 청제국은 봉금정책을 통하여 만주를 보존하려 하였지만 실패하고 1881년에는 이를 전면적으로 개방하였다. 비옥한 만주의 낮은 인구밀도, 동아시아의 가뭄과 피폐한 경제, 러시아의 위협에 대항한 ‘이민실변’(移民實邊) 정책, 그리고 러시아인과 일본인들의 제국주의적 진출 등은 청말 시기 대규모 만주이민을 가져왔다. 이 시기에 만주지역을 가리키는 명칭으로는 만주, ‘동관(東關)’과 같은 용어가 사용되었으며, ‘동삼성(東三省)’과 ‘동북(東北)’ 같은 용어들은 중화민국과 현대중국 시기에 의도적으로 사용된 것으로 보인다. 최근의 연구들은 만주족과 만주에 대한 좀더 적극적인 해석을 하는 가운데, 만주족의 특성의 부각시키고 만주를 다중적 정체성을 지닌 경계와 중간지대로 파악하기도 한다. 유럽 개신교 선교부는 영구항의 개방, 내지여행 및 선교의 자유라는 천진조약의 정치적 결과물 위에서 만주에 도래하였다. 1867년 이후에 들어온 잉글랜드장로교회, 아일랜드장로교회, 스코틀랜드연합장로교회, 그리고 덴마크루터교회 선교부들은 축소된 내만주(內滿洲)로서의 만주, 동관(東關)으로서의 만주, 조약법(條約法)의 허용치와 한계치, 유조변(柳條邊) 변문(邊門)이었던 고려문(高麗門)에서의 한인(韓人)선교, 가난하지만 개방적인 만주이민자들, 그리고 두 차례의 전쟁과 의화단운동과 같은 만주의 현실(現實) 속에서 새로운 선교의 방법을 모색하고 실천하였다. The goal of this study is to understand the political and social realities of the late Qing Manchuria that the early European Protestant missions encountered. In order to achieve the goal, this study investigates geo-politics of Manchuria, population movement and social changes, and identity of Manchuria, and describes the scenes in which Manchuria with those realities encountered the missions. The Manchuria of this study has turned out to be a decreased Manchuria after 1860 in its size. In terms of ethnicity, Koreans, Russians, and Japanese were added to the traditional ethnic groups of the Tungus, the Mongols, the Manchus, and the Han Chinese in the Late Qing period. Manchuria, economically and socially, entered a more closed relation with the Northeast Asia and world system by the opening of the port Yingkou, located in the mouth of the River Liao, in 1861. The Qing Empire tried to preserve Manchuria by the policy of Closed Manchuria but failed and had nothing but to officially open Manchuria to the Han Chinese in 1881. A great immigration to Manchuria occurred in the Late Qing due both to the drought and poor economy in the Northeast Asia and to the Qing’s immigration policy against the Russian approach to Manchuria. The common terms for Manchuria in the Late Qing were ‘Manchuria’ and ‘Dongguan’(East of the Barrier) but the terms like the ‘Three Eastern Provinces’ and ‘the Northeast’ started to be rhetorically used in the Republic of China and the People’s Republic of China respectively. Recent studies tend to interpret the reality of the Manchus and Manchuria more positively and view Manchuria as frontiers and borderlands pertaining multiple identities. European Protestant missions arrived in Manchuria upon the political gains from the Tianjin Treaty, namely, the opening of the Port Yingkou, the freedom of foreigners’ travel in the interior, and the freedom of Christian missions. The missions of the English Presbyterian Church, Presbyterian Church in Ireland, the United Presbyterian Church, and the Danish Lutheran Church experienced the realities of Manchuria such as the decreased Manchuria and as the East of the Barrier. They also experienced possibilities and limits with the Treaty Rights between China and the Powers, ‘the Korean Gate’ that was a gate of the Willow Palisade, impoverished but liberal immigrants to Manchuria, Japanese wars against Qing and Russia that each happened in Manchuria, and the Boxer Uprising. The missions sought for new ways of Christian missions in those Manchurian realities and practiced their findings.

신라 아찬 金恭順 神道碑片 검토

李泳鎬 ( Lee Young-ho ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2022 嶺南學 Vol.- No.81

신라 왕경인 경주 南山寺에서 새로 발견된 비편은 우리나라에서 현전하는 가장 오래된 신도비의 일부였다. 이 글은 남아있는 부분의 글자를 행별로 살펴 그 내용을 분석한 것이다. 제1행은 비석의 제목으로서 주인공의 이름이 공순이며, 관등은 6등인 아찬, 그리고 神道碑임을 명시하였다. ‘김공순’이 아닌 ‘공순’만을 밝힌 데서 성명을 연칭해서 사용하는 문화는 일반화되지 않은 사실과, ‘아찬’ 관등 아래에 존칭접미사인 ‘公’자를 붙였음을 주목하였다. 제2행부터 제8행까지는 주인공과 관련된 서술이었다. “태종대왕의 孫”이라 한 부분과 김씨의 연원을 “少昊의 후예”라 한 구절 등에서 주인공은 중대 왕실과 밀접한 인물임을 알 수 있었다. 진골 출신으로 추정되는 주인공은 20세 무렵에 천령군 태수에 부임하는 등 두드러진 활동을 보였다. 유감스럽게도 그 이하 부분의 내용은 비석의 탈락으로 알 수 없다. 그러나 아찬의 관등을 가진 인물을 위해 신도비를 건립한 것을 보면, 그는 젊은 나이에 비운의 죽음을 당한 사람이 아닐까 여겨졌다. 특히 혜공왕대 일어난 6차의 大亂에 주목하고, 혜공왕 4년(768)의 大恭의 난과 결부시켜 이의 진압에 큰 공을 세운 인물로 추측해 보았다. 또한 이 비석의 건립 연대는 “天嶺郡”이란 지명에서 유추할 수 있었다. 경덕왕 16년(757) 12월에 漢化政治로 “천령군” 지명이 탄생하였으므로, 그 이후인 8세기 후반으로 추정하였다. 그러나 시기를 압축할 경우 지명의 복고조치가 단행된 혜공왕 12년(776) 정월 이전의 어느 시점으로 보고, 특히 대공의 난이 진압된 직후일 가능성에 무게를 두었다. 그래서 그를 현창하기 위해 국가에서 세운 비석으로 이해한 것이다. 이상 새로 발견된 비편에 대한 기초적인 검토를 하였다. 그러나 발견된 비편이 원비석의 서두 일부에 불과하여 제한된 내용만을 살필 수밖에 없었다. 차후 시간을 갖고 세밀히 검토하면 새로운 사실들을 많이 밝힐 수 있을 것으로 생각한다. 남은 비편들도 추가적으로 발견되길 기대한다. The fragments of a stele, newly discovered at the Namsan-sa temple in Gyeongju, the Silla capital, are parts of the oldest memorial stele existing in our country. This study has analyzed the contents of the partial inscription by examining the remaining characters on every line. The first line from the top concerns the stele’s title, which elucidates that it was set up to the memory of Kim Gongsun, a holder of achan, the sixth office rank of the Silla dynasty. It is revealed that the system of calling the family name and given name together did not pervade Silla society, in that this stele defined Gongsun, not Kim Gongsun. It is also remarkable that an honorific title gong was suffixed to the character achan. The seven lines ranging from the second through the eighth lines describe the peson Kim Gongsun. Inferring from the part that he was “a grandson of King Taejong” and a passage that he was “a descendant of Soho,” he is considered to be a man in close connection with the Silla’s royal household of the middle period. Presumed to be a man from the true-bone rank, he displayed distinct activity, including assuming office as magistrate of the Cheonryeong district when he was just twenty years old. Regretably, we know nothing about him beyond that, because we have just examined a part of the stele. Considering the fact that the stele was erected to the memory of a person of the office rank of achan, however, it is supposed that he died an unnatural death while he was young. In particular, when we pay attention to the six great disturbances and consider him in relation to the Kim Daegong’s plot against the monarch in 768 (in the fourth reign year of King Hyegong), he is presumed to have been a person who performed the meritorious deed to quell Kim Daegong’s treason activity. The time of the stele’s erection might be inferred from the place name “Cheonryeong district.” Because the name resulted from the Silla policy of Sinicization in December 757 (the sixteenth reign year of King Gyeongdeok), it is presumed that it was set up roughly in the latter part of the eighth century. More specifically, it is surmised that it might have been erected at a certain point of time before January 776 (the twelfth reign year of King Hyegong), when the previous place name was restored, especially immediately after Kim Daegong’s treason was shattered. The above accounts are a product of a rudimentary analysis that has investigated the contents of the inscription only under certain restriction, because the fragments under study are no more than the opening part of the whole stele. Henceforth, a more detailed examination without being restricted by time may cause us to find much more historical facts. I hope that the still undiscovered fragments of the stele will be additionally excavated soon.

대만미술사에 나타난 어머니의 기호

라이 밍주(賴明珠) 한국미술연구소 2012 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.35

개혁개방 이후 중국민족주의의 정치적 함의

이경희 ( Kyoung Hee Lee ) 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 2009 서석사회과학논총 Vol.2 No.1