1885년 주찰조선총리교섭통상사의(駐紮朝鮮總理交涉通商事宜) 원세개(袁世凱)의 조선 파견과 지위 문제

유바다 ( Yoo Bada ) 고려대학교 역사연구소(구 역사학연구회) 2017 사총 Vol.92 No.-

甲申政變 이후 1885년 淸이 파견한 駐紮朝鮮總理交涉通商事宜 袁世凱의 지위는 대체로 “監國”으로 이해되었다. 그러나 監國은 식민 지배초입에 등장하는 保護國의 統監을 전망하는 점을 미루어 볼 때 쉽게 납득할 수 없다. 원세개가 조선 감국이었다면 淸이 조선을 保護國으로 삼았다는 것을 뜻한다. 그러나 이 때 淸은 조선을 조약에 근거를 둔 보호국으로 삼지는 않았다. 1882년 체결된 朝中商民水陸貿易章程은 조선의 屬邦 지위를 규정하였지만 保護國을 명시하지는 않았다. 원세개 파견의 법적 근거가 되는 朝中商民水陸貿易章程에서 규정한 원세개의 지위는 商務委員에 한정되어 있었다. 원세개를 조선에 파견한 淸 北洋大臣 李鴻章은 오히려 조선에 대한 監國論을 부인하였다. 원세개 본인 또한 스스로를 “Resident”라고 표현하여 “統監(Resident General)”과는 구분하였다. 기존 연구에서는 “Resident(駐箚官)” 직함이 식민지 總督(Governor General)을 연상케 한다고 하였으나 뚜렷한 근거는 없다. 이 글에서는 고종이 두 차례의 朝露密約 사건을 일으키면서 러시아에 대한 조선 保護를 요청한 사실을 주목하였다. 이에 대응하여 淸 이홍장은 원세개를 조선으로 파견하여 러시아의 조선 보호국화를 저지하고자 하였다. 이때 이홍장은 『萬國公法』에 입각하여 淸의 藩屬과 서양의 保護之邦을 구분 짓고 외교적인 주권을 보유한 조선이 淸의 봉건적 종주권 하의 번속 내지 封臣國임을 재확인하였다. 그렇다면 원세개의 법적지위는 “監國”이나 “統監”일 수 없었다. The position of Yuan Shi-kai(袁世凱) of Negotiation Trader to Joseon(駐紮朝鮮總理交涉通商事宜) sent by Qing(淸) in 1885 after the Gabsin Coup was generally understood as "Kamguk(監國)". However, Kamguk cannot be easily grasped, given that it allows the Protectorate(保護國)`s Resident General(統監) to appear at the beginning of the colonial period. If Yuan Shi-kai was Joseon Kamguk, it means that Qing made Joseon Protectorate. At this time, however, Qing did not regard Joseon as a treaty-based Protectorate. The Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade between Joseon and Qing Merchants in 1882 stipulated Joseon`s Dependent State status but did not specify it as a Protectorate. The status of Yuan Shi-kai as defined the Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade between Joseon and Qing Merchants as the legal basis for dispatch of Yuan Shi-kai was limited to the Commercial Commissioner(商務委員). The Qing minister, Li Hung-chang(李鴻章), who sent Yuan Shi-kai to Joseon, rather denied the Kamguk theory on Joseon. Yuan Shi-kai also distinguished himself from "Resident General" by expressing himself as "Resident(駐箚官)". In previous studies, the title "Resident" was reminded of the Colonial Governor General(總督), but there is no clear evidence. In this article, it is noted that Gojong(高宗) requested Joseon protection for Russia while raising two Joseon-Russia allegiances. In response, Qing Li Hung-chang sent Yuan Shi-kai to Joseon to prevent Russia from making Joseon Protectorate. Li Hung-chang distinguished the concept of Qing`s Vassal State(藩屬) from that of Western Protectorate(保護之邦) based on The International Law, and reaffirmed that Joseon, who holds diplomatic sovereignty, is Beonsok(藩屬) or Vassal State(封臣國) under Qing`s Feudal Suzerainty. So the legal status of Yuan Shi-kai could not be "Kamguk" or "Resident General".

19世紀末 在朝鮮 未開口岸의 淸商 密貿易 관련 領事裁判案件 硏究

이은자(Lee Eun-ja) 동양사학회 2010 東洋史學硏究 Vol.111 No.-

This study examined the realities of Korean?Chinese bargaining by analyzing the procedure of settling three cases of consular jurisdiction through non?open port that took place during the period of Yuan Shi?kai as the General Commissioner of Negotiation and Trade with Chosun (1885?1894) before the Sino?Japanese War. For this study, we analyzed Cheongan (Asia Research Center of Korea University), documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea during the late Qing Dynasty (Modern History Research Institute Archives of Taiwan’s Academia Sinica), and governmental documents in Hwanghae?do (Gyujanggak of Seoul National University). In the first case of ‘smuggling by Qing merchant Woo Ahn?dang,’ Qing merchant Woo Ahn?dang was arrested and his cargoes were confiscated for smuggling at Taetan Port in Jangyeong, Hwanghaedo in September, 1889. In the second case of ‘smuggling by Qing merchants Hae Chung?hyeon and Ju Dong hae,’ Qing merchants Hae Chung?hyeon and Ju Dong?hae were arrested and their cargoes were confiscated for smuggling at Bi?yeon Port in Jangyeong, Hwanghae?do in October, 1890. In the third case of ‘smuggling by Qing merchants Jang Eui?seong and Seo Geuk?geun,’ Qing merchants Jang Eui?seong and Seo Geuk?geun were arrested and their cargoes were confiscated for smuggling at Sukdo Ferry in Hwanghae?do in December, 1890. In the three cases of consular jurisdiction above, Korean?Chinese bargaining was initiated as the Chosun government detected Qing merchants’ illegal acts of smuggling and requested Yuan Shi?kai to punish them and to confiscate their cargoes, but the procedure went in an unexpected direction. For the first case, Yuan Shi?kai ruled Qing merchant Woo Ahn?dang to be a smuggler but he regarded the other crew members as fishermen and, rather, rebuked the Chosun government for seizing their boat. For the second and third cases, he called to account Chosun officers’ illegal taxation (on the Qing merchants’ smuggling) rather than the smuggling acts, and demanded to punish the officers and to compensate for the confiscated cargoes. In the process that Korea and China dealt with the cases of smuggling by Qing merchants through non?open ports, there are two noteworthy points. One is that these cases show well how Korea and China invoked the Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade between Chinese and Korean Subjects. The other is that these cases suggest what networks smuggling by Qing merchants through non?open ports. The reason that Yuan Shi?kai’s claim was accepted by Chosun government in the process of bargaining is not irrelevant to Chosun officers’ unchecked illegal taxation in coastal cities of Hwanghae?do such as Jangyeon, Haeju and Hwangju, which were non?open ports but visited frequently by Chinese fishing boats. Of course, it is needless to say that Yuan Shi?kai utilized the provisions of consular jurisdiction over Qing merchants in Korea.

近代东亚的医生:古城梅溪的生涯与在朝鲜及清朝的活动

?永?(Huang, Yong-Yuan) 동북아시아문화학회 2020 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.62

As a doctor, Baikei Kojyo had a far-reaching impact in the modern history of East Asia. He started his career as a doctor in Korea where he established a private hospital. At the same time, he paid much attention to the health and epidemic prevention status in Korea and established the Training School for Vaccination Masters in order to cultivate doctors in the area of vaccination in Korea. Moreover, he was recruited by the Korean government as a teacher of Public Medical School, which made him an eyewitness and participant of the formation of Korean modern medicine. Baikei was once hired by Yuan Shi-kai as a health consultant of Chihli province as a reward for helping Yuan escape from Korea successfully during the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, and he played a certain role in the development of the health system and medical education in Tianjin during his stay in Chihli. After Japan’s annexation of Korea, Baikei, with the support of his brothers, moved into the political and business circles, and finally became a celebrity of the Japanese society in Korea. Baikei Kojyo played an important part in the modern history of Korean medicine. His contribution to popularizing vaccination techniques and spreading western medical and health knowledge in Korea should be properly evaluated. But it was worth noting that much of his success was based on Japan’s expansion and colonization of Korea. He outlined poor medical and sanitation conditions in Korea. He shows a sense of superiority and an enlightener"s commanding attitude when faced with Korea, which is reminding us of modern western medicine"s construction system towards the society as well as the connotative power relationship and supremacy of medicine itself.

淸末新政 시기 滿漢葛藤과 군주입헌론의 굴절 - 관제개혁에 따른 군주이미지의 변화에 주목하여 -

조세현 동북아시아문화학회 2010 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.23

There are two main parts in this article. First, the period of “prepare to constitute” contradictions inner the ethnic relations. Second, the period of Xuantong(宣統), the political struggle of the inner part group of government. About the ethnic relations and the bureaucracy reformation in the late Qing Dynasty, Duan Fang(端方) and Yuan Shi-kai(袁世凱) were very important officials. In the late Qing Dynasty, with the intensification of contradictions between Manchu and Han race, “anti-Manchu”(排滿) was the slogan of the revolutionaries for winning the support of the public opinion. Fully recognizing the serious harm existing in these contradictions, Duan Fang and Yuan Shi-kai, as very important officials with the revolutionary thought in the late Qing Dynasty, made contributions to the national unity by putting forward the systematic suggestions in order to “eliminate differences between Manchus and Han”(平滿漢畛域). And the bureaucracy reformation inevitably gave rise to complex contradiction, conflict and antithesis among all political forces because it related to not only the redistribution of power but also all officials immediate interest.

보문 : 『제사관복제(祭祀冠服制)』에 나타난 원세개(袁世凱)의 "대동(大同)"의식의 실제

최규순 ( Kyu Soon Choi ) 한국의류학회 2010 한국의류학회지 Vol.34 No.5

近代东亚的医生: 古城梅溪的生涯与在朝鲜及清朝的活动

黃永遠 동북아시아문화학회 2020 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.62

As a doctor, Baikei Kojyo had a far-reaching impact in the modern history of East Asia. He started his career as a doctor in Korea where he established a private hospital. At the same time, he paid much attention to the health and epidemic prevention status in Korea and established the Training School for Vaccination Masters in order to cultivate doctors in the area of vaccination in Korea. Moreover, he was recruited by the Korean government as a teacher of Public Medical School, which made him an eyewitness and participant of the formation of Korean modern medicine. Baikei was once hired by Yuan Shi-kai as a health consultant of Chihli province as a reward for helping Yuan escape from Korea successfully during the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, and he played a certain role in the development of the health system and medical education in Tianjin during his stay in Chihli. After Japan’s annexation of Korea, Baikei, with the support of his brothers, moved into the political and business circles, and finally became a celebrity of the Japanese society in Korea. Baikei Kojyo played an important part in the modern history of Korean medicine. His contribution to popularizing vaccination techniques and spreading western medical and health knowledge in Korea should be properly evaluated. But it was worth noting that much of his success was based on Japan’s expansion and colonization of Korea. He outlined poor medical and sanitation conditions in Korea. He shows a sense of superiority and an enlightener's commanding attitude when faced with Korea, which is reminding us of modern western medicine's construction system towards the society as well as the connotative power relationship and supremacy of medicine itself.

임오군란 시기 慶軍 막료의 기록을 통해 본 청 내부 정치 갈등

김봉준 동국대학교 동국역사문화연구소 2023 동국사학 Vol.78 No.-

1882년 임오군란은 병자호란 이후 청이 200여 년 만에 조선에 군대를 파견한 사례이자, 조선의 수도에 외국 군대가 주둔한 사건이었다. 또한 외교사적 관점에서 임오군란은 조선 문제의 국제화에 중요한 기점이 되는 사건이기도 하다. 청에서 파견된 경군은 신속하게 군란을 진압한 이후, 서울 내 요충지에 군대를 주둔시키고 있었다. 이후 조선 측 영접관 김창희는 경군의 막료들과 교류를 가졌으며, 이 중 장건과 이연호로부터 조선의 시무에 대한 헌책(獻策)을 받을 수 있었다. 1882년 임오군란 진압 직후 청군 인사와 교류를 가졌던 영접관 김창희와 그가 남긴 기록에 있는 장건과 이연호의 헌책에는 표면적으로는 대동소이한 내용을 주장하고 있는 것으로 보이지만, 실제 각자 소속 집단의 입장을 대표하고 있었다. 또한 양무(洋務)에 대한 구체적인 실행 방안과 구상의 차이도 반영되었다. 이 글에서는 19세기 말 청 내부 정치 갈등이 청류파와 양무파 간의 양자 대립이 아니라 다양한 정치 집단 간의 다중경쟁의 구도를 보이고 있었다는 사실을 입증하고자 한다. 그리고 각 집단의 이해 관계가 청의 내부 정책뿐만 아니라 조선을 비롯한 대외 정책에도 반영되었다고 보는 것이다. 이홍장과 오장경의 정치적 반목이 조선 정부를 향한 장건과 이연호의 헌책에 고스란히 반영되어 있었으며, 이들의 갈등은 조선에서 노골적으로 전개되고 있었다. 이 가운데 1884년 오장경의 사망과 원세개의 전향은 내부 정치 집단 간의 갈등 관계를 드러낼 뿐만 아니라, 청의 조선 정책 변화의 기점이 되었다. In 1882, the Imo Incident was the first case in more than 200 years that the Q‘ing dispatched army to Joseon after the Manchu Invasion(1636) of Korea, and it was the first case in which a foreign army was stationed in the capital of Joseon. In addition, from an another spectrum, the Imo Incident is also an important starting point for the internationalization of the Joseon issue. The army dispatched from Q’ing were stationed at strategic points in Seoul after quickly suppressing the rebellion. Since then, Kim Chang-hee, a receptionist of the Joseon government, had exchanges with the officers of Q’ing army(慶軍), Jiang jian(張謇) and Lee Yanhu(李延祜). Kim Chang-hee were able to receive suggestions(獻策) for reform of the Joseon government’s pending issue. However, Jiang jian and Lee Yan-hu’s suggestions appear to be ostensibly claiming similar content, but they actually represented the positions of their affiliated political groups. In addition, differences in the modernization(洋務) plans and initiatives for both affairs were also reflected. In this article, It would like to prove that the internal political conflict of the Q’ing Dynasty in the late 19th century was not a bilateral confrontation between the Qingliu groups(淸流派) and the Yangwu groups(洋務派), but a multi-competition structure between various political groups. In addition, the interests of each political group were reflected not only in the internal policies of the Office but also in foreign policies including Joseon. Political conflicts within the Q’ing were reflected in the suggestions of Jiang jian and Lee Yan-hu, and their political struggles were taking place not in the Qing mainland, but in Joseon. In addition, the death of Wu Jiang-qing(吳長慶) and the conversion of Yuan Shi-kai(袁世凱) around 1884 not only revealed the conflict between internal political groups, but also served as the starting point for the change in the Q’ing Dynasty’s Joseon policy.

析论清末李鸿章的对朝鲜政策

이규태 한국중국문화학회 2009 中國學論叢 Vol.28 No.-

This thesis aims to analyze the backgrounds and contents of the Qing(清) Dynasty’s policy in relation to Lee Dynasty(朝鲜 Joseon) when Li Hong Zhang(李鸿章) led the foreign affairs of Qing Dynasty from 1870s on, and, with the analysis, to examine the problem in the relations between Korea and China during the transitional period from tradition to modern and the recognition of the politic leaders of the then China about Chosun. Main contents include the backgrounds and purpose of the Qing Dynasty’s strategy about Joseon during Li Hong Zhang’ initiatives, that is, the tributary states system maintaining the traditional Zongfanguanxi(宗藩关系) and the strategy of controlling an inferior nation with another inferior nation(以夷制夷), and the positive intervention policy to Joseon in its politics, foreign affairs, economy and military area by Yuan Shi Kai(袁世凯) who was then Trade Minister resident in Korea, after Qing’s dispatching forces to Joseon in order to oppress the army’s rebellion in Chosun in 1882, so-called YimoKunlan(壬午军乱). In Li Hong Zhang’ policy to Joseon, they did not explicitly take any area belonging to Chosun unlike the colonialism of other great Powers, but the various intervention policies to Chosun through Yuan Shi Kai cannot avoid the criticism that the policies was similar with the great Powers’ imperialism depending on “long historical relation”, and we can call it as “half colonialism.” 본 논문은 19세기 70년대 이후 淸나라에서 李鴻章이 대외정책을 주관하던 시기 조선에 대한 속방정책의 배경과 그 정책내용을 중심으로, 중국과 조선의 관계가 전통적 관계에서 근현대적 시기의 관계로 넘어가는 시기의 특징을 연구한 것이다. 중요한 내용으로는 당시 청나라 정부의 대조선전략의 배경과 목표, 즉 종번관계로서 속방체계와 이이제이전략을 논하고, 1882년 군대를 파병하여 조선에서 발생한 '임오군란'을 평정한 후, 駐札朝鮮總理交涉商務事務大臣으로서 袁世凱가 집행한 조선에 대한 정치적 외교적 , 경제적 그리고 군사적 분야의 '적극간섭'을 기조로 한 속방정책의 내용을 분석하고 있다. 이홍장의 대조선정책은 비록 제국주의국가들의 식민지정책을 모방하고 있는 것이었지만, 그것은 형식적으로는 조선의 주권독립과 영토의 완전성을 보장하는 것이었다. 그러나 원세개를 통해서 진행한 이홍장의 조선에 대한 각종 간섭정책은 조선과 중국의 '유구한 역사관계'를 벗어날 수 없다는 것을 빌미로 진행한 패권강권의 제국주의적인 '반식민지정책'과 유사하였다는 점을 비평적 관점에서 논해 보고자 한다.

김윤식과 원세개 · 이홍장 · 주복의 교류(1881~1887)

박은숙(Park, Eun-Sook) 고려사학회 2015 한국사학보 Vol.- No.61

김윤식은 한국 근대사에 있어서 개화와 자주를 논할 때 빼놓을 수 없는 인물 중 하나이다. 그는 유교적 가치를 지키면서 서구의 기술을 수용하려는 동도서기론자로 평가되고 있지만, 더욱 주목되는 것은 그가 중국통 외교가로서 근대 이행기 한중관계 재편에 깊숙이 관여했다는 점이다. 김윤식은 영선사로 청에 파견되었던 1881년 말부터 청의 이홍장-주복-원세개 라인과 교류하였다. 김윤식과 청인들의 인적 관계망은 장정체제를 구축하고, 조선의 정치 · 경제 · 외교에 막대한 영향력을 행사하여 조선의 자주적 근대화를 가로막고 청의 요구를 관철시키는 통로로 작동했다. 김윤식은 1882년 7월초 조선으로 출병하는 배 안에서 진압군 원세개와 처음 만났다. 24세의 나이차에도 불구하고 두 사람은 밤낮으로 어울려 조선 문제와 양국 관계를 모의했다. 두 사람은 청국식 근대화를 추동하고, 청선구류사건 · 이범진사건 등에 개입하여 장정체제의 구축과 청의 요구를 관철시키는데 결정적 역할을 했다. 갑신정변 후 조선의 외교 수장과 청의 파견총리로서 재회한 두 사람은 조러밀약과 조불조약, 거문도사건 · 백두산정계비 등 조선의 정치 · 외교와 통상 및 국경 문제 등을 협의 · 조율했다. 그러나 대부분 사안이 청의 의도대로 진행되었고, 김윤식은 매사를 원세개의 명령에 따르는 ‘袁黨’으로 지목되었다. 두 사람의 결탁은 조선의 주권과 이권 상실, 청의 제국주의적 침략과 이권 실현의 도구로 작동했다. 조선의 외교관 김윤식과 청의 대조선정책 라인 원세개 · 주복 · 이홍장과의 교류는 외교라는 공적 업무를 매개로 형성된 관계였다. 따라서 그들은 기본적으로 자국의 입장을 대변하면서 자신의 출세와 영달을 꾀하였다. 그러나 상하 관계를 천명한 상국과 속방의 외교관의 교제는 불평등했으며, 친청노선을 고수했던 김윤식은 더욱더 종속적이었다. 그들의 교류는 조선의 자주권과 이권 상실로 이어졌고, 장정체제 구축과 종속의 기제로 작동했다. 결국 반청자주를 꿈꾸던 고종과 중국의 권력자 사이에서 줄타기 했던 김윤식은 토사구팽 당하여 8년여를 유폐되어 값비싼 대가를 치렀다. Kim Yun-Shik is regarded as a very important person in modern Korean history. He was a Sinologist and pro-Chinese collaborators in diplomacy. He played an important role in reorganizing the relationship between Joseon and China. Kim Yun-Shik was on intimate terms with Yuan shì-Kai who was sent from the Chinese government to supervise the Joseon. Kim Yun-Shik and Yuan shì-Kai met frequently, and discussed politics, diplomacy and trade sectors of Joseon. But their consultations had established the agreement system(章程體制) that pursueed China"s diplomatic and economic interests. Their close relationship was used as a tool of China"s imperialistic aggression and economic interests. Kim Yun-Shik also contacted with Li Hong-Zhang and Zhou Fu who were Chinese officials. Their relationship became passage to deliver Chinese pressure and Joseon"s request. The relationship of Kim Yun-Shik and chinese officials was unequal and subordinate. Kim Yun-Shik was hated by king who hoped for Joseon"s independence. He was dismissed from the Minister of Foreign Affairs and was exiled in 1887.

蓉菴 金炳始(1832~1898)의 삶과 현실인식

연갑수 조선시대사학회 2008 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.44 No.-

Byeong-Si Kim (金炳始) was the man who was a descendant of Andong Kim clan, the most influential clan during the late Joseon dynasty, and went up to the position of the Prime Minister. He was a conservative politician who stood on the critical attitudes against the Enlightenment or Modernization policies after the opening nation to the Westerners. But he had the public reputation of strict integrity. After the success of the state examination in 1885 (the 6th year of King Cheoljong), he reached on the high ranking position of the Government in the mid 1870'. It was very fast promotion, so there must be the influence of his renowned clan and his own ability of an officer. His decisive moment which gained the confidence of King Gojong was the selection of the private meeting member of the King (Byeol-Ib-Si ; 別入侍) in 1875 (the 12nd year of King Gojong). He devoted his royalty to the King Gojong in the face of the risk of his life at the crisis of the Military Mutiny of 1882 and the Coup d'Etat of 1884. After the Military Mutiny of 1882, he also made a close relationship with the Qing dynasty's officers which began to intervene in the Joseon dynasty's domestic affairs. What is more he spoke for the situation of Qing dynasty. The reason why he played that role was his trust on the Qing dynasty as the power which maintain the traditional system of Joseon dynasty. The ideal type of political system, Kim thought, was the officials especially the Prime Minister, had the power of the Government. And the role of a king was selection of good officials and entrusting tasks to them without suspicion. But, Kim thought, actually King Gojong was allured by the western-oriented officials who were very wicked, so King Gojong regulated even minor details. Kim intended the financial affluence by the frugality of government, not by the compulsive increasing of modern industries for the national wealth and strength. He criticized the Enlightenment or Modernization policies, which were currently in progress, wasted the finances without the effective results. The lists which Kim criticized were the new policies, eg. the water transport by steamships, the casting of Equivalent of five cash(Dang-o-jeon ; 當五錢), the silver standard, the raise of a foreign loan from western countries, the recruitment and training of western style troops. There are some documents which revealed the facts that Kim had several conferences with Yuan Shi Kai(袁世凱), who was the head of the Qing's legation, behind the disparaging statements against the Enlightenment policies. The critical view against the Enlightenment policies, which deduced from the trust on the power and goodwill of Qing dynasty, had to be changed after the Qing's defeat of Sino-Japanese War of 1894. At the same time Kim had the close and secret relationship with King Gojong who resisted to the Japanese intervention. At last Kim proposed a new national code which collected the wisdom of the Enlightenment and the Conservative for overcoming the peril of the Joseon dynasty. 김병시(金炳始;1832~1898)는 조선후기 최고의 명문이었던 안동 김문 출신으로서 영의정까지 지냈던 인물이다. 개항기 각종 개화정책에 대하여 부정적인 견해를 펼친 보수적인 인물이었지만, 당대인들에게는 청렴하고 강직하다는 평판을 들었다. 철종대 과거에 급제한 김병시는 가문의 후광과 자신의 능력을 바탕으로 대원군 집권기에 이미 고관의 지위에 올랐다. 그가 결정적으로 고종의 신임을 얻게 된 계기는 1875년 별입시로 선발된 것이었다. 김병시 역시 1882년 임오군란, 1884년 갑신정변 등의 위기 상황에서 고종을 위하여 목숨을 걸고 헌신하였다. 그런데 김병시는 1882년 임오군란 이후 조선에서 정치적 간섭을 강화하여 나가던 청국의 관료들과도 돈독한 관계를 쌓아 나갔다. 한걸음 더 나아가서 김병시는 조선 조정에서 청국의 입장을 대변하는 역할을 수행하였다. 김병시가 청국의 입장을 대변한 것은 선왕의 법을 지켜 나갈 수 있는 지원세력으로써 청국에 대한 신뢰가 있었기 때문이었다. 김병시가 이상적으로 생각한 정치체제는 대신이 중심이 되어 의정부에서 국정을 주도하는 것이었다. 국왕의 역할은 훌륭한 대신을 선정하여 그에게 임무를 맡기되 의심하지 않는 것이었다. 그러나 현실적으로 국왕인 고종이 서양이나 서양에 경도된 간사한 신하들에게 현혹되어 국정을 전단하면서 문제가 발생하고 있다고 생각하였다. 국가의 재정에 대하여도 인위적인 부국강병정책보다는 절검을 통한 재정 지출의 축소를 지향하였다. 부국강병을 달성하기 위하여 당시 추진되었던 각종 개화정책은 실효도 없으면서 재정을 낭비하고 있다고 비판하였다. 화륜선을 이용한 조운, 당오전 발행, 은화 유통, 서양으로부터의 외채 도입, 신식 군대의 양성 등이 모두 김병시가 비판하는 대상이었다. 그런데 김병시의 이러한 개화정책 비판의 배후에는 역시 조선의 내정에 영향력을 행사하던 청국의 원세개와의 교감이 있었던 것이 확인된다. 청국의 국력과 호의에 대한 신뢰를 바탕으로 개화정책을 비판하였던 김병시의 입장은 청일전쟁에서 청국이 패퇴하게 되자 변화할 수밖에 없었다. 한편으로는 일본의 간섭이 강화되는 것에 반발하던 고종과 다시 밀접한 관계를 갖게 되었다. 다른 한편으로는 국가의 위기상황을 극복하기 위하여 개화세력과 수구세력들이 서로 지혜를 모아 새로운 국가 법전을 만들자는 주장을 펼치게 되었다.