광복 이후 상해 仁成學校의 재개교와 변천

김광재 한국근현대사학회 2010 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.54 No.-

It is well known that Inseong School in Shanghai had developed natioanl awareness of children of overseas Korean in Shanghai area since its establishment in 1916 until it was forcibly closed down by the Japanese Empire in 1935. However, not many people are aware of the fact that Inseong School reopened in 1946 after the Liberation and fulfilled national education to children of overseas Korean in Shanghai area until 1979. The reason is that Inseong School after the independence is not directly related to independence movements like the Korean Provisional Government during the Japanese Colonial Era. Second, the overseas Korean society and Inseong School after the independence became forgotten being as mutual contact with Korea had been ceased for a long period of time after the Chinese Communist Party conquered the country in 1949 and the People’s Republic of China was established. The Japanese Empire declared surrender in August 1945, which is 10 years after Inseong School had been closed down. Koreans who were residing in Shanghai hurried to reopen Inseong School. Inseong School, reopened in June 1946, inherited the ideology of Inseong School from the period of a provisional government A fundamental educational policy was to inculcate national awareness to students and cultivate talents who pursue independence, democracy, freedom, and happiness. The reopened Inseong School also played a role of mental pivot for Koreans in Shanghai just like Inseong School form the Japanese Colonial Era. Koreans residing Shanghai continued to do activities of inspiring ethnic identity by gathering at the hall of Inseong School and doing performance activities of ethnic culture under guidance of the Shanghai Korean Society, which is a group of overseas Koreans, or the Korean Embassy in Beijing and the consulate in Shanghai. The population of Koreans in Shanghai gradually decreased due to no supplement of people with a closed characteristic of a socialist state. In 1979, Inseong School got merged into the close Chinese school with 5 students. In short, Inseong School, reopened in 1946, greatly contributed in developing national education and identity of children of overseas Korean in Shanghai area. Moreover, it played a role of mental pivot for overseas Korean society in Shanghai. Luckily, vacancy of Inseong School is filling by Shanghai Korean School, which was established in 1992 by Koreans who entered after establishment of Korea and China diplomatic relation. Shanghai Korean School is clarified as that it inherits spirit of Inseong School, which was established in 1916, reopened in 1946, and maintained until 1979. It is well known that Inseong School in Shanghai had developed natioanl awareness of children of overseas Korean in Shanghai area since its establishment in 1916 until it was forcibly closed down by the Japanese Empire in 1935. However, not many people are aware of the fact that Inseong School reopened in 1946 after the Liberation and fulfilled national education to children of overseas Korean in Shanghai area until 1979. The reason is that Inseong School after the independence is not directly related to independence movements like the Korean Provisional Government during the Japanese Colonial Era. Second, the overseas Korean society and Inseong School after the independence became forgotten being as mutual contact with Korea had been ceased for a long period of time after the Chinese Communist Party conquered the country in 1949 and the People’s Republic of China was established. The Japanese Empire declared surrender in August 1945, which is 10 years after Inseong School had been closed down. Koreans who were residing in Shanghai hurried to reopen Inseong School. Inseong School, reopened in June 1946, inherited the ideology of Inseong School from the period of a provisional government A fundamental educational policy was to inculcate national awareness to students and cultivate talents who pursue independence, democracy, freedom, and happiness. The reopened Inseong School also played a role of mental pivot for Koreans in Shanghai just like Inseong School form the Japanese Colonial Era. Koreans residing Shanghai continued to do activities of inspiring ethnic identity by gathering at the hall of Inseong School and doing performance activities of ethnic culture under guidance of the Shanghai Korean Society, which is a group of overseas Koreans, or the Korean Embassy in Beijing and the consulate in Shanghai. The population of Koreans in Shanghai gradually decreased due to no supplement of people with a closed characteristic of a socialist state. In 1979, Inseong School got merged into the close Chinese school with 5 students. In short, Inseong School, reopened in 1946, greatly contributed in developing national education and identity of children of overseas Korean in Shanghai area. Moreover, it played a role of mental pivot for overseas Korean society in Shanghai. Luckily, vacancy of Inseong School is filling by Shanghai Korean School, which was established in 1992 by Koreans who entered after establishment of Korea and China diplomatic relation. Shanghai Korean School is clarified as that it inherits spirit of Inseong School, which was established in 1916, reopened in 1946, and maintained until 1979.

연구논문 : 일제시기 상해 인성학교(仁成學校)의 설립과 운영

김광재 ( Kwang Jae Kim ) 동국사학회 2011 동국사학 Vol.50 No.-

한국이 일제의 식민지로 전락하던 1910년대 초부터 상해에는 소규모의 한인사회가 형성되기 시작하였다. 상해에 거주하는 한인들이 늘어나면서 자녀 교육 문제가 현안으로 떠올랐다. 당시 상해 한인 자제들은 한인 교육기관이 없었기 때문에 외국학교에서 교육받을 수밖에 없는 처지였다. 일제에 의해 조국이 강제병탄되고 국외에서 유랑생활을 경험한 한인들은 "교육은 우리 민족의 생명이다"는 신조를 갖고 있었다. 상해로 이주한 한인들은 날로 늘어나는 자제들에 대한 교육을 더 이상 미룰 수 없게 되었다. 인성학교는 이러한 요구를 수용하여 설립되었다. 인성학교는 1916년 9월 1일 상해 공공조계에서 ``상해한인기독교소학``이라는 교명으로 개교하였다. 인성학교는 소학교로 출발하였지만 그 목표는 상해뿐만 아니라 해외 한인들의 가장 완비된 모범교육기관으로서 초등·중등·전문과정을 교육하는 종합학교를 지향하였다. 인성학교의 교육목표나 내용은 민족교육을 통해 민족정신과 민족역량을 배양하고 자활능력을 양성하여 완전한 민주시민 육성과 신민주국가를 건설하는 데 있었다. ``德智體``의 삼육을 바탕으로 건전한 육체와 인격을 갖춘 인재 양성을 중시하였다. 여기에 더하여 인성학교는 학생들에게 투철한 ``한국혼``을 주입하여 장차 독립운동인재로 양성하고자 하였다. 인성학교의 교과내용은 민족의식을 고취하는 내용이 위주였다. 교과목도 한글, 한국의 역사와 지리 등에 치중하였다. 수업은 한국어로 하고 일본어는 절대로 사용하지 못하도록 금지시켰다. 교과서는 인성학교에서 직접 등사로 밀어 제본한 교본을 사용하였다. 인성학교의 교장을 비롯한 교원들은 대한민국임시정부와 관계있는 독립운동가들로 구성되었다. 선우혁, 여운형, 김태연, 김두봉 등이 교장으로 역임하였다. 학생수는 1916년 개교 당시 4명이었지만 1920년도 신학기에는 학급수가 4개로 늘어나고 유치원급이 증설되면서 학생수는 30명으로 늘어났다. 1920년대 후반 이후에는 매년 50~70명 선의 학생수를 유지하였다. From the early 1910 when Korea became a colony of Japan, a small Korean community began forming in Shanghai. As the number of Koreans living in Shanghai increased, the children`s education issue arose as a pending matter. At the time, there was no Korean educational institution for the Korean children in Shanghai, so they had to study at foreign schools. Koreans, as their country has been forcefully merged by the Japanese and they have experienced wandering around, had the firm belief that "education is the life of our people."Koreans who moved to Shanghai could not postpone the education for the increasing number of children any longer. Inseong School accepted such demand and thus was established. Inseong School was founded under the name of ``Shanghai Korean Christian Elementary School`` in the Shanghai International Settlement on September 1st, 1916. Inseong School started as an elementary school, but its objective aimed for a complex school spanning elementary/middle/professional course as the most prepared model education institution for Koreans abroad. The educational objective or content of Inseong School was in raising the ethnic capabilities and training self-support to develop complete democratic citizens and establish new democratic nation. Based on the three educational aspects of ``virtue, knowledge, body,``the training of people with healthy body and personality was emphasized. In addition, the thorough ``Korean spirit``was put into the students to train them for the independent movements. The curriculum of Inseong School was centered around ethnic spirit.The curriculum focused on Hangeul, Korean history and geography. All classes were in Korean and Japanese was strictly prohibited from use. The textbooks used were directly mimeographed and bound at Inseong School. The teaching staff including the principal were composed of independent movement personnel related to the Korean Provisional Government. Woo-Hyuk Sun, Woon-Hyung Yeo, Tae-Yeon Kim, Doo-Bong Kim and such served as principals. The number of students were only 4 when it was founded in 1916, but for the new term in 1920, the number of classes increased to 4 and preschool grade was expanded and the number of students increased to 30. Since late 1920s, the number of students maintained 50-70 every year.

The Shanghai Educational Zone from Perspective of the Politics of Scale

In Sung Jang 인하대학교 다문화융합연구소 2023 다문화와 교육 Vol.8 No.1

This paper seeks to grasp the space with the help of scale. Dividing the abstract space by scale and analyzing it is the foundation of this study. As a concept discussed as one of the socio-spatial dimensions, scale refers to the spatial scope in which natural or human events processes, and relationships begin, spread vertically and horizontally, and operate. Scale is an epistemological issue because its scope of operation is constructed and reconstructed through political, social, and cultural processes. Politics of scale is a political and social relationship in which social agents expand their influence by constructing a network of inclusion and exclusion both inside and outside the scale. Politics of scale at the agents level surrounds the scale of reality and confirms the act of each agent expanding or reducing their arena of activity. In Shanghai these activities are investigated through purchase of school district housing, making use of social capital, economic capital, and cultural capital within the educational space. Each agent uses Guanxi or academic grouping to seek exchanges and communication with agents on different scales, and to induce cooperation. In this process, by attempting a scale transformation, the agent strengthens his own capacity and executes political activity that isolate and weaken the other scale. With the discourse on new quality education, the dynamics between the agents are confirmed through the politics of scale between social agents surrounding the scale of imagination. Having intentions to expand their influence, central educational institutions and local educational institutions spread the ideology of new quality throughout Shanghai reconstructing discourse, that is, the reconstruction of the scale of expression. Central and local educational institutions expand their influence by carrying out school districtization and school grouping throughout Shanghai, focusing on quality education. Parents use the Guanxi network between personal scale and school scale to extend their influence to get students admitted to key schools. Focusing on the scale of education in the politics of scale at the level of activities, key schools make their own capacity stronger by revitalizing the education quality and transforming key schools into academic districts to make them stronger, while key schools use school choice bans to isolate and weaken family scale.

上海 中西女塾(1892~1952) 硏究

千聖林(Chun, Sunglim) 중국근현대사학회 2020 중국근현대사연구 Vol.85 No.-

In China, women’s public education and schooling began and developed with the spread of Christianity. The first schools for Chinese females, from primary school to college, were all founded by foreign missionaries. Chinese-established non-missionary girls’ schools were also inspired by these missionary schools. Moreover, the first Chinese women teachers were all graduates of the missionary schools. This paper examines the McTyeire Home and School for Girls (Zhongxi nüshu [Chinese-Western Girls’ Academy]) in Shanghai, a representative missionary school for girls in modern China, focusing on its foundation, school system, curriculum, school life, and graduates’ career paths and social activities. Established in 1892, McTyeire Home and School for Girls went through several changes until 1952 when it became the Shanghai Number Three Girls’ School that continues to exist today. The missionary-founded and managed school gradually accepted Chinese principals and also modified its curriculum several times in response to changing demands by offering diverse courses such as those in humanities, social sciences, natural sciences, and arts and physical education as well as bible classes. At McTyeire Home and School for Girls, all the classes were conducted in English and lab classes and practical training were highly valued. The courses taught and the way they were taught were all new to the Chinese, and this new education produced “new women” in China. As McTyeire Home and School for Girls stressed public service and responsibility, it produced many social activists including members of YWCA, and during the Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945), many of its graduates led the war efforts. McTyeire’s curriculum that required twelve years for completion produced few graduates. The number of its graduating students was less than 10 percent of that of the incoming students since a lot of students dropped out to get married. However, many of the McTyeire graduates went to US to study or went to college in China, and they became teachers, doctors, missionaries, public officers, ambassadors, scientists, bankers, and entertainers. In that sense, Mctyeire was a pioneer in encouraging Chinese women to take up public jobs. However, since the establishment of People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, all the pre-PRC missionary schools including McTyeire have been branded as imperialist. Notably, the negative labels of McTyeire such as ‘an aristocratic school’ or ‘an idolizer of America’ are often ascribed to its own last principal Xue-zheng who joined the PRC’s anti-imperialist fever through her self critique of McTyeire. According to the recent memoirs of McTyeire graduates, however, while it is true that some of the McTyeire students were Christians and daughters from elite families, many were non-Christians and from common families. McTyeire’s tuition was high, and yet the donations from the rich students enabled the poor to study. Therefore, it is important to acknowledge the positive role that McTyeire played in educating many Chinese women in modern China.

淸末 趙之謙(1829-1884)의 화훼화와 그 영향

오지영 한국미술사학회 2009 美術史學硏究 Vol.261 No.261

본 논문은 청의 19세기 중후반에 활동한 趙之謙의 화훼화와 영향에 관한 연구이다. 그는 변화를 모색하는 당시 화단 속에서 金石畵風을 구현하여 海上畵派의 시작을 열어 주었으며 후대 화가들이 20세기 전통화단을 개척하는 데 기반을 마련하였다. 그러나 그에 대한 기존의 연구는 그가 해상화파에 속하는가 하는 귀속 문제와 금석화풍과 해상화파의 관계에 대한 부분에만 초점이 맞춰져 있었다. 그리하여 본 연구에서는 조지겸의 회화 창작에 근간이 되는 예술사상과 예술 성취에 대해 분석적이고 종합적인 연구를 시도하여 그의 회화사적 의의를 모색하려 하였다. 본 논문은 학문관과 예술사상이 가장 잘 반영된 화훼화에 대하여 살펴보았다. 그의 화훼화는 본인이 스스로 1863년경 화풍을 전환하였다고 기록하였듯이 1863년을 기점으로 두 시기로 구분된다. 1857년부터 1862년까지의 前期에는 전통 화훼화의 화법을 학습하고 당시의 상업적인 경향에 부응하여 대중적이고 화려한 화훼화를 제작하였다. 1861년에는 독창적인 <異魚圖卷>과 <甌中物産圖卷>을 제작하였는데 이는 그가 이전부터 관심을 갖고 연구해 온 고증학에 대한 관심과 지방의 독특한 사물을 기록해 내려는 남다른 시각에 의한 것이다. 後期에 들면, 북경에서 맺게 된 새로운 교유관계와 금석학의 학습, 서예와 전각의 연마로 화풍상에 있어 큰 변화를 보인다. 특히, 조지겸은 金石學과 碑學을 바탕으로 古代의 중후한 심미관을 찬미하였으며 書·畵·印의 밀접한 관계를 인식하였고 ‘拙’이라는 필묵의 최후의 경지를 추구하였다. 이러한 예술사상을 토대로 전각과 서예의 조형적인 요소를 회화에 적용하는 금석화풍의 화훼화를 구사하였다. 아울러 직접 金石器物을 拓本의 기법으로 화면 속에 그려낸 拓本 花卉博古圖도 제작하여 화훼화의 한 장르로 확립하였다. 조지겸의 이러한 성취는 후대 吳昌碩, 任伯年과 같은 해상화파와 북경화단에도 흡수되어 20세기 초 전통화파 형성에 근간이 되었다. 특히 오창석에 선행하여 금석화풍으로 해상화파의 시작을 열어주었다는 점에서 주목된다. 더욱이 그의 영향이 해상화파를 통해 19세기 후반 20세기 초 張承業을 중심으로 한 한국의 화단에도 미친다는 점에서 의의가 크다 할 수 있겠다. 그가 확립했다고 간주되는 탁본 화훼박고도와 해상화파의 그림들이 조선말기 器皿折枝圖의 구도, 표현기법, 제재 등에 영향을 주었다는 것을 살펴보았다. 조지겸은 19세기 화단 속에서 대중의 취향에 맞는 상업적인 창작활동을 한 동시에 자신의 학문적 관심에 의해 새로운 미감의 작품도 창작하였다. 이는 변모해 가는 화단의 양상을 잘 반영한다. 아울러 그가 이룬 성취가 후대 중국뿐만 아니라 한국에도 이른다는 것을 통해 그 동안 간과되었던 회화사적 의의를 고찰할 수 있었다. This study discusses flower paintings by Zhao Zhiqian, a Qing Chinese artist from the mid to late 19th century. Zhao Zhiqian’s works, drawing inspirations from the aesthetics of jinshixue (the study of ancient metal and stone artifacts), opened a new direction for Chinese painting, at a time when its artistic scenes were thirsty for changes, thereby becoming one of the spiritual fathers of the Shanghai school, and laying the groundwork for traditional painting to survive and remain relevant into the 20th century. Most prior studies on Zhao Zhiqian have been almost exclusively concerned with the question whether or not he should be considered a member of the Shanghai school, or with the relationship between jinshi style and the Shanghai school of painting, insofar he was a connecting link between the two. This study is an attempt at a comprehensive portrayal of Zhao Zhiqian as an artist, examining his artistic philosophy and achievements, to determine his place within the history of Chinese painting. My discussion of Zhao Zhiqian opens with a look at his flower paintings, an area of his work that best reflects his intellectual and artistic temperament. Two periods can be discerned in his flower paintings: before and after 1863, the year that marked a clear stylistic shift for Zhao Zhiqian, as the artist is reported to have acknowledged himself. The initial period between 1857 and 1862, Zhao Zhiqian studied classical techniques of the Chinese flower painting tradition and produced colorful and stylized paintings, geared toward a broad audience and catering to the popular taste of the day. In 1861, however, he produced two very original scrolls, such as Collection of Strange Fish and Collection of Products of Wenzhou. These works, a reflection of his long-standing interest in Kaozhengxue, were more particularly the results of his known passion for, and desire to document exotic animals, plants and produce from various regions of China. A noticeable change occurred in his style toward 1863. The influence of artists he befriended in Beijing around this time, and his initiation into ancient epigraphy and further mastery of calligraphy and seal carving appear to have been the contributing factors. During this period, Zhao Zhiqian, immersed in the study of ancient epigraphy and stelae, professed his admiration for the weighty aesthetic of antiquity. He clearly understood the intimate ties existing between calligraphy, painting and seal carving, and worked toward the ultimate stage of calligraphic mastery he described as ‘awkward.’ This artistic vision is tangible in his flower paintings from this period, which also integrated elements of seal carving and calligraphy, to shape a new style infused with the aesthetics of jinshixue. It was also during this period that he created a new genre of flower painting in which flowers and plants are depicted alongside ancient bronze vessels, using techniques inspired from stele rubbing. These new styles and genres developed by Zhao Zhiqian had a seminal influence on Shanghai school painters of the likes of Wu Changshuo and Ren Bonian and the artistic circles of Beijing and became the sources of inspiration for traditional Chinese painting of the early 20th century. It is important to underline that Zhao Zhiqian pioneered the integration of jinshixue aesthetics into painting, and that his works embodying this style predate those of Wu Changshuo. In that, he was the true spiritual founding father of the Shanghai school. Also noteworthy is the fact that Zhao Zhiqian’s influence went beyond Chinese borders to Korea. Via works of Shanghai school painters, Jang Seung-eup and other Korean painters of the late 19th to early 20th-century were exposed to Zhao Zhiqian’s style. Flower and antique objects using stele-rubbing technique, a genre Zhao Zhiqian is widely considered to have fathered, and Shanghai school painters’ works had a decisive influence on Vessels and Flower Paintings, the la...

19세기 후반과 20세기 초 韓國 人物畵에 보이는 海上畵派 畵風

崔卿賢(Choi Kyounghyun) 한국미술사학회 2007 美術史學硏究 Vol.256 No.256

19세기 후반과 20세기 초의 한국 인물화는 張承業을 기점으로 安中植, 趙錫晋 등에 의해 중국풍의 고사인물화와 도석인물화가 널리 제작되었다. 인물화의 이러한 변화는 당시 조선사회와 藝壇의 주도층으로 성장한 중인들이 주목하였던 상해 화단의 海上畵派 화풍과 긴밀한 연관이 있다. 특히 상해에서 서화에 대한 수요가 급속히 팽창되던 시기인 1876년 도입된 석판인쇄기법은 해상화파 유명 화가들의 작품들을 선별 수록한 각종 화보들의 발간은 물론 기존에 발간된 화보들의 재간을 촉진하며 해상화파 화풍이 주변국으로 전파되는 데 중요한 기여를 하였다. 현재 장서각에 소장되어 있는 『上海書莊各種書籍圖帖書目』은 상해에 위치했던 서점들이 판매했던 각종 서적, 화보, 서화작품의 목록과 가격을 정리한 것으로 상해 발간화보들의 유입이 상당히 용이하였다는 사실을 뒷받침해준다. 상해 발간 화보들 가운데 인물화가 주로 실려 있는 馬濤의 『詩中畵』 王犀의 『毓秀堂畵傳』, 『點石齊叢畵』, 『海上名人畵稿』, 『畵譜采新』, 『古今名人畵稿』등의 화보는 한국 화단에서 일종의 회화교본처럼 사용되며 해상화파의 다양한 인물화풍이 전래 수용되는 데 중요한 역할을 하였다. 해상화파의 인물화는 陳洪綬의 인물화풍을 근간으로 했던 任伯年 계열과 費丹旭의 인물화풍을 결합하였던 錢慧安 계열로 크게 나눌 수 있다. 이 가운데 한국 화단에서 가장 많이 임모된 것은 馬濤의 『詩中畵』이며, 그는 任伯年 계열에 속하면서도 과장된 표현법을 최소화하여 문인다운 풍모를 강조하였다. 馬濤의 인물화풍은 그의 개인화보인 『詩中畵』를 통해 張承業을 비롯해 安中植, 趙錫晋, 池雲英 등에 의해 임모되면서 한국 화단에 상당한 영향을 미쳤다. 그 다음으로는 任伯年 계열에 속하면서도 전체적으로 살이 오르고 4등신 신체비례를 특징으로 하는 王?의 인물화풍이 趙錫晋에 의해 적극 수용 되었다. 王?의 인물화용은 馬濤처럼 그의 개인화보인 『毓秀堂畵傳』을 통해 소개된 것으로 보이며, 超錫晋은 王?의 4등신 신체비례를 특징으로 하는 살이 오른 인물화풍과, 얼굴에 『芥子園畵傳』 4집 인물편에 있는 눈과 입술의 세부 표현기법을 절충하여 자신만의 개성적 인물화풍을 발전시킨 것으로 판단된다. 이러한 사실은 이번의 조사ㆍ연구 과정에서 새롭게 확인된 사실로 주목된다. 이에 비해 錢慧安 계열의 인물화는 한국 화단에 맞지 않았던 것으로 보인다. 예를 들어 상해를 두 번이나 방문하였던 安中植도 任伯年 계열의 인물화를 주로 그렸으며, 錢慧安 계열의 인물화를 그리더라도 임모하는 수준에서 거의 벗어나지 못하였다. 趙錫晋 역시 상해 발간 각종 화보에서 인물화의 도상을 차용하며 錢慧安 계열의 인물화를 적지 않게 접하였지만, 대부분 4등신의 신체비례와 얼굴의 눈이나 입술을 특징적으로 표현하는 인물화법으로 변화시키고 있다. 이밖에 상해의 특수한 정치적, 경제적 상황을 상징하는 風塵三俠이나 蘇武牧羊 같은 특정 주제가 한국 화단에서도 그려졌다는 사실은 상해의 특수한 상황을 알고 있었다는 것으로 시사하는 바가 적지 않다. 하지만 이러한 한국 화단의 인물화는 1910년 시작된 일제강점기와 1922년의 조선미술전람회를 통해 서화계가 일본 총독부의 통제를 받는 파행적 상황이 전개되면서, 근대적 한국 인물화를 완성하는 단계로 발전하지 못한 사실은 안타까운 현실이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 본고는 그동안 잘 알려지지 않았던 19세기 후반과 20세기 초 한국 인물화의 연원과 그 전개 양상을 구체적으로 살펴보았다는 점에서, 다양한 층위를 지니며 복잡하게 전개되었던 화단을 좀더 자세하게 이해하는 계기가 되었다는 점에 의의를 부여할 수 있다고 생각한다. As for Korean figure paintings in the late 19th century and early 20th century, with jang Seung-eop as a starting point, ancient event figure paintings and Doseok figure paintings were created widely by An Jung-sik, Jo Seok-jin, etc. This change in figure paintings is closely related to Shanghai school brushwork noted by the middle class people who grew as the leading group of Joseon society and artist group at the time. Especially, lithography technique introduced in 1876, when demands for paintings for the people of Shanghai were drastically increased, made important contributions to spread Shanghai school brushwork to the neighboring countries, facilitating issuance of all kinds of painting manuals that included works of famous artists and re-issuance of the existing painting manuals. Shanghai Shuzhuang currently located in Jangseogak summarized lists and prices of all sorts of books, painting manuals, and artworks, and it supports me fact that introducing painting manuals issued in Shanghai was easy. Among Shanghai-issued painting manuals which mostly includes figure paintings, Shi Zhong Hua[Poems Written in the Painting] by Ma Tao, Yuxiu Tang Huazhuan by Wang Chi, Dianshi Zhai Conghua, Haishang Mingjia Huagao, Huapu Caron, and Gujin Mingren Huagao are used among the Korean artist group as a kind of a textbook, and they played an important role in the spread of diverse figure painting styles of Shanghai school brushwork. Figure paintings of Shanghai school can be divided into Ren Bonian branch based on Chen Hong-shou's style of figure painting and Qian Huian branch which combined the style of Fei Danxu. Among these, what was imitated the most in Korean artist group is Shi Zhong Hua by Ma Tao, and he minimized exaggerated expressions even though he was belonged to Ren Bonian branch. Ma Tao's style of figure painting was, through his personal painting manuals, Shi Zhong Hua, imitated by Jang Seung-eop, An Jung-sik, Jo Seok-jin, Ji Un-yeong, etc., exerting considerable influence on Korean art. After that, Wang Chi's style of figure painting, which belonged to Ren Bonian branch but emphasized a balanced body, was actively accepted by Jo Seok-jin. It seems that Wang Chi's style of figure painting was introduced through his personal painting manuals, Yuxiu Tang Huazhuan and Io Seok-jin mixed Wang Chi's style characterized by the balanced body and detailed expression methods on eyes and lips displayed in Jiezi Yuan Huazhuan Vol.4, developing his own style of figure painting. This fact was newly found in the recent research and study and thus is worth paying attention. In contrast, figure paintings of Qian Huian branch didn't seem to have been fit into Korean alt. For example, An Jung-sik, who visited Shanghai twice, mostly painted figure paintings of Ren Bonian branch, and even when he painted a figure painting of Qian Huian, he did not go beyond just imitating Jo Seok-jin also was familiar with a style of figure painting of Qian Huian branch borrowing iconography, but he changed the style in a way that he highlighted eyes or lips and painted me balanced body in a particular way. In addition, the fact the specific subjects such as Fengchensanxia or Suwumuyang, which symbolizes Shanghai's specific political and economic circumstances, were also painted in Korea suggests that Korean artists were well aware of the special circumstances in Shanghai, Unfortunately, however, as Japan ruled over Korea since 1910 and Korean paintings were under the control of the Japanese government, Korean figure paintings could not develop into the stage of complete modem Korean figure paintings. Nevertheless, this paper is meaningful in a sense that it examined the origin of Korean figure paintings in late 19th century and early 20th century and their development in more detail and provided an opportunity to better understand Korean painting circles which was unfolded in a complex way with diverse strata.

京味와 京派, ‘同’과 ‘異’에 대한 고찰 - 1920~30년대 소설을 중심으로

이수연 한국중국소설학회 2015 中國小說論叢 Vol.45 No.-

1920~30년대 중국은 다양한 가치들이 상충하였고, 이러한 시대적 배경 하에 문화 중심지인 베이징의 지역명을 차용한 京味와 京派의 문학 개념의 작품이 등장하였다. 이후 중화인민공화국이 수립 된 이후 서서히 자취를 감추었다가 80년대 ‘문화뿌리 찾기’의 현상과 함께 ‘베이징’이라는 지역문화를 반영한 문학이라는 공통된 개념으로 사람들에게 관심을 받기 시작했다. 이로 인해 단지 베이징문학이라는 동일한 혹은 상⋅하위 카테고리로 파악하거나 京味는 문학현상으로, 京派는 문학유파로만 이해되었다. 그러나 라오서의 작품을 통해서 등장한 京味와 선총원 중심의 京派와 海派논쟁에서 비롯한 京派를 정의하려면 세부적인 분석이 필요하다. 단순히 동일한 지역 문학으로 이해하기에는 그 간극에 존재하는 논의점들이 많고, 현재까지도 개념 뿐 아니라 작가군, 특징, 공통점과 차이점 등을 이해하는 기준이 모호하다. 그리하여 본고에서는 京味와 京派라는 문학개념이 등장한 2.30년대의 소설을 주요 문학텍스트로 선정하여 京味의 내⋅외재적인 의미를 살펴보고 京派의 역사적 맥락에 대한 고찰을 통해 京味와 京派을 고찰하고자 한다. 1920~30’s China was inconsistent with various values, Beijing atmosphere and Beijing School literary concepts borrowed the name of the Beijing area of the cultural centers have emerged under this historical background. It disappeared in the later era transformation and started getting people interested in a common concept of literature that reflect the local culture of ‘Beijing’ with the phenomenon of the 1980s’ the Root-seeking Literature. This caused Beijing atmosphere and Beijing School only identified the same or upper and lower category of Beijing literature or Beijing atmosphere is understood as a literary phenomenon and Beijing School was understood only as literary school. But in order to define Beijing atmosphere appeared through the novels of Lao She and Beijing School appeared through Beijing School and Shanghai School debate started in the article of Shen Congwen need a detailed analysis. If we simply understand that Beijing atmosphere and Beijing School are the same area literature, there are many discussion points that exist in the gap. Even today, the basis for understanding the concept, group of writers, features, similarities and differences are ambiguous. Thus, this paper will attempt to explore Beijing atmosphere and Beijing School through the review of the internal and extrinsic of Beijing atmosphere, study on the historical context of Beijing School focusing on the novel of the 1920~30’s which Beijing atmosphere and Beijing School has appeared.

京味와 京派, ‘同’과 ‘異’에 대한 고찰

李秀娟 한국중국소설학회 2015 中國小說論叢 Vol.45 No.-

1920~30년대 중국은 다양한 가치들이 상충하였고, 이러한 시대적 배경 하에 문화 중심지인 베이징의 지역명을 차용한 京味와 京派의 문학 개념의 작품이 등장하였다. 이후 중화인민공화국이 수립 된 이후 서서히 자취를 감추었다가 80년대 ‘문화뿌리 찾기’의 현상과 함께 ‘베이징’이라는 지역문화를 반영한 문학이라는 공통된 개념으로 사람들에게 관심을 받기 시작했다. 이로 인해 단지 베이징문학이라는 동일한 혹은 상ㆍ하위 카테고리로 파악하거나 京味는 문학현상으로, 京派는 문학유파로만 이해되었다. 그러나 라오서의 작품을 통해서 등장한 京味와 선총원 중심의 京派와 海派논쟁에서 비롯한 京派를 정의하려면 세부적인 분석이 필요하다. 단순히 동일한 지역 문학으로 이해하기에는 그 간극에 존재하는 논의점들이 많고, 현재까지도 개념 뿐 아니라 작가군, 특징, 공통점과 차이점 등을 이해하는 기준이 모호하다. 그리하여 본고에서는 京味와 京派라는 문학개념이 등장한 2.30년대의 소설을 주요 문학텍스트로 선정하여 京味의 내ㆍ외재적인 의미를 살펴보고 京派의 역사적 맥락에 대한 고찰을 통해 京味와 京派을 고찰하고자 한다. 1920~30’s China was inconsistent with various values, Beijing atmosphere and Beijing School literary concepts borrowed the name of the Beijing area of the cultural centers have emerged under this historical background. It disappeared in the later era transformation and started getting people interested in a common concept of literature that reflect the local culture of ‘Beijing’ with the phenomenon of the 1980s’ the Root-seeking Literature. This caused Beijing atmosphere and Beijing School only identified the same or upper and lower category of Beijing literature or Beijing atmosphere is understood as a literary phenomenon and Beijing School was understood only as literary school. But in order to define Beijing atmosphere appeared through the novels of Lao She and Beijing School appeared through Beijing School and Shanghai School debate started in the article of Shen Congwen need a detailed analysis. If we simply understand that Beijing atmosphere and Beijing School are the same area literature, there are many discussion points that exist in the gap. Even today, the basis for understanding the concept, group of writers, features, similarities and differences are ambiguous. Thus, this paper will attempt to explore Beijing atmosphere and Beijing School through the review of the internal and extrinsic of Beijing atmosphere, study on the historical context of Beijing School focusing on the novel of the 1920~30’s which Beijing atmosphere and Beijing School has appeared.

상하이거주 타이완상인(臺商)의 양안(兩岸)에 대한 인식 - 자녀의 교육전략을 통한 접근-

김미란 한국중국문화학회 2013 中國學論叢 Vol.38 No.-

This study seeks to find out how Taiwanese businessmen (臺商) living in Shanghai perceive the two countries they are connected with, Taiwan and China, through investigating what strategies they employ when making decisions about their children’s education. In particular, the paper attempts to discern whether Taiwanese economic migrants face any psychological dilemmas regarding their ethnic-national identity in the context of the Cross-Strait; and if so, how they solve these dilemmas, given the tendency since 2000 for increasing numbers of Taiwanese businessmen to settle in Shanghai. The education system in China is divided into three categories: international schools, Chinese public schools and schools for Taiwanese businessmen. Taiwanese economic migrants working in large corporations tend to send their children to an international school, whereas those from the middle or lower middle class are more likely to choose either a Chinese public school or a school for Taiwanese businessmen. Among the latter group in particular, there is a trend towards ‘localization’ and a preference for Chinese local middle/highschools. Taiwaneseparents worry about whether their children will experience value-confusion while studying in the Guomindang-focused and communist-centered education system in China. Nevertheless, many are taking their children out of the Taiwanese schools and enrolling them in Chinese local schools instead. The reason for this, according to the evidence presented in this paper, is that they perceive Shanghai as a 'global' city and their own country Taiwan as ‘local’ government . They see Taiwan as a ‘nexus’ providing them with practical resources rather than ‘emotional stability’ or ‘ethnic-national belongingness’. They also view their homecountry as less internationally important than the ‘global’ city of Shanghai and therefore do not feel psychologically obliged to see Taiwan as ‘a place to go back’ or re-migrate to. Instead, they see Shanghai as a unique place unlike the other regions of China. Thus, the findings of there search were that whilst going through the process of selectin galocal school in Shanghai, Taiwanese businessmen did not any feel psychological obligation to choose Taiwan over China.

1920년대 상해 및 남경 지역 민족학교의 교육운동 연구

윤금선(Yeun, Keum-sun) 국어교육학회 2016 국어교육연구 Vol.62 No.-

This study discussed educational movement of Korean ethnic school located in Shanghai and Nanjing, China jurisdiction such as Inseonghaggyo, Dong myeonghagwon, Samiljoonghak. Shanghai temporary government thought that the rise and fall of nation depended on education, so it was urgent to establish ethnic school. As a result, these three schools are founded as an educational institution for realizing ethnic ideology. Characteristics of these schools are as follows. Inseonghaggyo was a Korean public school, Dongmyeonghagwon was a institution Heungsadan-affiliated organizations, and Samiljoonghak was built by Korea-China alliance. These schools were the best ethnic education institute. They taught Korean, History, and other basic subjects. Foreign language was also emphasized because they were located in foreign country. Furthermore, they provided social education by opening night school and lessons, establishing library, and giving publishing service. As a result, these 3 schools made a great impact on ethnic education of Korean society in China jurisdiction.