淸代 平略寨와 平秋寨의 界址 분쟁과 淸水江 중・상류 유역의 林業社會

정철웅 명청사학회 2022 명청사연구 Vol.- No.57

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of the forestry society in the Qingshui River basin during the Qing Period through the dispute between Pinglue hamlet and Pingqiu hamlet in Jingping district. To shed light on this problem, a judgment document(Documents of Linzingzhai, 5-1-4-088~091) on the lawsuit between the two hamlets in the 『Documents of the Qingshui River』 was used. The lawsuit lasted for about 200 years from the 10th year of Emperor Yongzheng to the 6th year of the Republican period, and the related document contains changes in sales and shares of tree-planter between litigants, as well as changes in society and the administrative authorities in charge of litigation. Private documents in the Qingshui River basin during the Qing period, where forestry was developed, are common in this type of document dealing with lawsuits by individuals or villages, but we can see the following from the document containing 200 years of border disputes. First, the period from ligation to its resolution has been prolonged, and the regions of origin of the people involved in the litigation have diversified, which means that the interests of minority regions and society, which were relatively simple during the rule of tusi(土司), have become more complex over time. Based on the changes in the stake of the litigants appearing in the judgment document, the time when such changes began was the reign of the Jiaqing~Daoguang period. The important reasons for this change are the influx of immigrants from outside and the increase in timber sales. Therefore, in order to cope with these social changes, the Qing government resolved this kind of lawsuit through the formal bureaucrats, instead of the chief’s office(長官司) which remained until the year of the Daoguang reign. Second, as in other parts of the Qingshui River basin, a specific clan represented by Peng family purchased most of the property in Pinglue hamlet. However, toward the latter part of the Qing dynasty, they invested a lot of money in purchas of woods and shares of arborists in addition to real estate such as paddy and mountains. Through the judgment document, we can confirm that the defendants actively purchased the shares of arbiters. Of course, this phenomenon did not result in the interests of the arbiter, but it ultimately means that the stake of the arbiter or arbiter itself became more important as it went down to the second half of the Qing Dynasty than the mountains in the southeastern part of the Guizhou province. Finally, a person like Long Zhaode, who virtually does not exist in the Linxingzhai Documents, accused Peng Renbin or Peng Renpan, who has great economic power, and the relevant ruling ends with a mention that there is no stake owned by Ou Rongben who is neither the defendant nor the plaintiff. The answer to this situation can explain not only the meaning of the dispute between the two hamlets, but also social changes in southeastern Guizhou province after the middles of the Qing dynasty. Due to such social changes, unknown people such as Long Zhaode were able to challenge the Peng family, who were the influential people of Pinglue hamlet, and fierce competition also occurred among the influential people. It was an extension of such competition that other people in Pinglue hamlet tried to illegally purchase Peng Renbin’s property, or Peng Renbin, a leading family member of Pinglue hamlet, appeared as a defendant in a lawsuit related the land boundary. The reason why Ou Rongben sued the economically influential people of Pinglue hamlet under the pretext of passing through Pingqiu hamlet after ignoring the logging was to secure wood or tp advantage the ownership of shares under the pretext of land boundary. This is evidence that tensions in the southeastern part of Guizhou province have risen over the sale of wood. And the existence of such competition, conversely, may be one of the important factors that kept the for...

먀오족의 국가급 무형문화유산과 활용 실태

崔亨燮 한국중국소설학회 2015 中國小說論叢 Vol.46 No.-

본 논문은 먀오족 국가급 무형문화유산의 전체적인 목록과 특징, 지리적인 분포 상황, 활용 실태와 문제점 등을 고찰하기 위한 목적으로 쓰여 졌다. 연구의 내용은 다음 세 가지 세부내용을 포함하고 있다. 첫째, 2006-2011년, 제1-3차에 걸쳐 선정된 국가급 무형문화유산 목록 가운데 먀오족과 관련이 있는 항목은 55개이다. 먀오족은 55개 소수민족 가운데 인구 순위 5번째이지만, 3번째로 많은 국가급 무형문화유산을 보유하고 있다. 분야별로는 민속 23.6%, 전통무용 18.2%, 민간문학 12.7%, 전통공예 및 기술 12.7%, 전통음악 10.9% 순 이다. 먀오족의 무형문화유산은 다민족 공유 항목이 전체 58.18%를 차지하고 있는데, 이는 ‘다원일체의 중국’을 잘 드러내고 있다. 둘째, 먀오족은 중국 서남부를 중심으로 베트남, 라 오스, 태국, 프랑스, 미국, 호주 등지에 분포하고 있는 ‘초국경-비국가’로 분류할 수 있는 디아스포라 민족이다. 먀오족의 무형문화유산은 구이저우성 71.4%, 후난성 17.6%로 이 두 지역에 90%가 분포하고 있다. 특히 ‘貴州省→黔東南苗族侗族自治州→雷山縣’이 핵심지역이 다. 먀오족의 무형문화유산은 지역⋅지파별 특색을 분명히 드러내고 있는 것과 공통적인 것 으로 구분된다. 먀오족의 무형문화유산을 3대 방언군별로 분류해 보면 黔東方言 지역 57.1%, 湘西方言 지역 24.2%, 川黔滇方言 지역 18.7% 분포되어 있다. 먀오족은 방대한 지역에 소규모 공동체 형태로 거주하고 있지만, 蚩尤의 후손이라는 상상의 단일혈연공동체 의식을 공유하고 있다. 그들의 무형문화유산 가운데 민족과 집단의 단결과 정체성을 도모, 유지하는 것과 관련이 있는 것들이 다수 존재한다. 치우를 통한 먀오족의 민족적 정체성과 단합은 2000년을 전후하여 한족의 ‘炎黃熱’에 자극받아 더 강화된 듯하며, 3번째로 많은 국 가급 무형문화유산을 보유하게 된 것도 그와 무관하지 않아 보인다. 셋째, 먀오족 무형문화 유산의 활용 실태를 傳承人과 傳習所, 초등⋅중등 교육과정에 편입, 民族文化风情园, 生態 博物館과 文化生態保護區, 축제와 박람회, 이 5가지 대표적인 사례를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 아울러 무형문화유산이 전시화, 세속화⋅오락화, 생태환경이 파괴 오염되는 문제점을 지적 하였다. 이를 통해서 중국 정부가 추진하고 있는 ‘무형문화유산 프로젝트’와 관련하여 소수 민족의 한 사례를 구체적으로 살펴보고, 국가급 무형문화유산이라는 새로운 스펙트럼으로 먀오족 문화를 이해할 수 있을 것이다. 또한 최근 몇 년 동안 문화대국으로서의 중국의 이미 지, 관광객 유치를 통한 지역경제 활성화 등과 관련하여 가장 중요하게 부각된 이슈라고 할 수 있는 무형문화유산의 다양한 활용 실태와 문제점을 파악하는 계기가 될 것으로 기대한다 In this paper I analyzed the features and the actual utilization of state-level intangible cultural heritage of the Miao ethnic minority. The outline of this paper is as follows: First, I abstracted all items related to the Miao people among state-level intangible cultural heritage lists announced by the Chinese government from 2006 to 2011. Consequentially, the Miao people had 55 state-level intangible cultural heritage, ranking third among 55 Chinese minorities, while the Miao’s population ranked fifth(2010). The Miao intangible cultural heritage represented the ratio of folk customs 23.6%, traditional dance 18.2%, folk literature 12.7%, traditional crafts and skills 12.7%, traditional music 10.9% etc. I could find that multiethnic sharing items accounted for about 58.18% of all the Miao intangible cultural heritage. This fact accidentally represented ‘plurality and unity in the Configuration of the Chinese Nation’. Second, today the Miao people live mainly in not only southwestern China but also Vietnan, Laos, United States, France etc. We might classify the Miao people as a transnational diaspora ethnic group. The Miao intangible cultural heritage were distributed into Guizhou 71.4%, Hunan 17.6%. We should especially pay attention to Guizhou→ Qiandongnan(黔東南自治州)→Leishan(雷山縣). I think that the Miao intangible cultural heritage items could be classified into common heritage and branch tribe heritage. Arranging with the Miao three dialect districts, their intangible cultural heritage had the distribution ratio of east district(湘西) 24.2%,central district(黔東) 57.1%, and west district(川黔滇) 18.7%. The Miao people had a strong sense of imagined community based on an ancestor of Chiyou(蚩尤), despite widespread population. I found many intangible cultural heritage items related to maintaining their identity and promoting their unity. Third, I investigated the actual utilization of the Miao intangible cultural heritage. I presented five representative cases: inheritors(傳承人) and traing & inheriting institute(傳習所), application of elementary and middle school curriculum, ethnic culture customs park, ecomuseum and eco-cultural protection area, festival and exhibition. I’d like to indicate that the Miao intangible cultural heritage have been getting softer in seriousness, and more exhibiting, entertaining in nature in the course of using.

淸代 錦屛縣 加池寨의 經濟的 有力層과 少數民族 社會 ― 『淸水江文書』의 加池寨 斷賣 文書를 중심으로 ―(2)

정철웅 명청사학회 2020 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.54

The existence of the Documents of the Qingshui River must have brought new attention to the minority community in the province. The study is aimed at examining the behavior of influential people following the first paper that unearthed influential people based on Jiachi village single-sale documents in the Documents of the Qingshui River. Thus, unlike the first paper, which intensively analyzed single-sale documents among the documents related to Jiachi village, the 1-2-5 series documents, which record only the contents of conflicts, lawsuits and crimes between individuals, was used as the main materials here. The social aspect of Jinping district, which appears in 1-2-5 series documents, was clearly a society where extreme conflict and competition existed, and it was clear that influential people were engaged in mudslinging for their own interests, and the main contents of this paper were as follows. First, we can first confirm that there were serious social crimes, such as murder and rape, as well as crimes such as theft and default on repayment of debts, which were no different from any other Han Chinese society. However, due to the nature of the Jiachi village society, which focuses on forestry, among these various crimes, the most notable were the so-called ‘yuejieqiangkan(越界强砍, cut down a tree by invading the border)’ acts, and most of the lawsuits between individuals, which account for about 80 percent of 132 documents affiliated with 1-2-5, were due to the acts mentioned just above. Second, this illegal lumber barber was more than just an antagonism between individuals, and lawsuits and conflicts developed among the villages. However, it is noteworthy that the main driver of the illegal logging was the gentlemen of Jiachi village, and the participants were the influential figures who had fallen economically in the Jiachi village. For example, documents from 1-2-5 affiliates show that Wang Zhihao(王治浩), originally belonged to a poor class but had been at odds with Jiang Zuoxing(姜佐興) since joining the ranks of the gentlemen, and that once rich Jiang Chaoying(姜朝英) and Jiang Chaobi(姜朝弼) sold almost all of their assets to Jiang Zuoxing. The stories of these characters provide important clues that society has undergone many changes between Daoguang and Xianfeng periods, while social mobility has been quite frequent. Third, illegal practices involving various crimes and timber have been frequent, but on the other hand, it is also confirmed that the powerful have devoted themselves to protecting their forestry, which is the basis of their economic activities. The specific aspects are well illustrated in the measures to prevent the bandits, which have occurred frequently since the Daoguang period. It is the fact that in the joint efforts of the influential people to prevent bandits, forestry must be protected uniformly in addition to routine measures such as cooperation for blocking bandits and blocking entry of suspicious individuals. This clearly means that the most basic purpose of defending against outside invasive forces, such as bandits, was to protect forestry, which is the basis of society, beyond simply maintaining local security. In this regard, it is also very significant that not only fines were imposed on those who violate forestry protection, but also that the fact of the crime was widely publicized to the community. Finally, most of the characters in the 1-2-5 series are obviously members of the Jiang clan, but it is also meaningful to note that they are descendants of Jiang Fuchen(姜輔臣), who are different from the Jiang clan of the Siheyuan(四合院), which was mentioned in the previous article. The reason for this is that the documents are tracking individual figures appearing in Documents of the Qingshui River, breaking away from case-by-case studies such as sale of the forestry fields, the peculiar customs of minority society, occurrence and settlement of disp...

중국 귀주성 소수민족(中國 貴州省 少數民族)의 민족복식(民族服飾)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究)

부애진 ( Ae Jin Boo ) 한국패션비즈니스학회 2003 패션 비즈니스 Vol.7 No.4

This study was conducted on the costume of the 6 minorities dwelling in Guizhou Province of China. The result of the study is summarized as follows. As Guizhou Province yields much silver, most of the minorities used silver ornaments a lot and dyed their garments by using indigo extracted from plants that grow in the area. The headdress was of style that for both men and women a long cloth is wound around a head in various ways. In some cases, women used cow``s horn, pearl and silver ornaments. Most wore a short upper garment such as blouses with overlapping necks or blouses with diagonal on the front, and as a lower garment men and women wore trousers and skirts, respectively. As a way of ornament, embroidering, wax printing and weaving were commonly used, but pattern and color used in the ornament varied depending on the individual minorities.

淸代 貴州省 錦屛縣의 少數民族社會와 栽手 ― 淸水江文書의 林業租佃契約을 중심으로 ―

이승수 명청사학회 2018 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.49

중국 貴州省 동남부 錦屛縣에서 발견된 淸水江文書는 이 지역의 소수민족을 연구할 수 있는 중요한 사료이다. 청수강문서의 林業租佃契約에 등장하는 임업 소작인 栽手는 금병현의 산악지대에서 杉木을 造林했던 사람들이다. 재수에 관한 연구는 대체로 임업조전계약 또는 청수강유역의 林農學을 연구하는 과정에서 이루어졌다. 하지만 청대 금병현의 少數民族社會 속에서 재수에 중점을 둔 연구는 국내외에서 거의 이루어지지 않았다. 이에 본 논문은 청수강문서를 통해 淸代 금병현에서 산지를 조림하던 재수들의 생활상과 그들의 사회적 지위를 살펴보고자 한다. 금병현의 기후는 온화하며, 강수량이 많고 청수강이 흘러 수량이 풍부한 산악지대이다. 옹정연간 개토귀류 이후 금병현에 하도가 개통되면서 목상들이 금병현으로 몰려들었고, 그 결과 청 중기 금병현은 번영을 구가하게 되었다. 이 과정에서 금병현의 소수민족사회는 목재수요를 지탱하고자 삼목을 인공조림하기 시작했다. 이러한 인공조림은 명말부터 시작되어 청 중기에 본격화된 것으로 보인다. 또한 소수민족사회가 번영하면서 외지의 인구가 금병현으로 유입되기 시작했는데, 이들 가운데 일부가 재수로 활동한 것으로 보인다. 재수는 산주와 임업조전계약을 맺어 삼목을 成林단계까지 길러내고 이를 달성하면 일정량의 삼목을 얻을 수 있었다. 때문에 임업조전계약은 삼목이 成林하기 이전의 佃契와 成林한 이후의 分合同으로 나뉜다. 재수는 삼목이 성림하기 이전에 佃契를 맺어 생계를 유지할 곡식을 확보하고, 성림 이후에는 分合同을 체결하여 제 몫의 삼목을 확보하고자 했다. 이 과정에서 재수들은 자신의 토지가 저당잡히는 것을 감수하면서 조림활동에 종사했으며 거리가 멀어 山主가 직접 삼목을 조림할 수 없는 곳에 이르기까지 산지를 조림하기도 했다. 그러나 산주가 계약을 통해 재수의 생활을 규제했으며, 違約時 재수에게 실질적인 조치를 가했다는 점에서 산주의 지위가 재수보다 높았다고 할 수 있다. 그러나 재수들이 산악지역 곳곳을 개간하여 부지런히 생활했음에도 그들 자신은 생계를 유지하기 어려웠던 것으로 보인다. 우선 금병현 소수민족사회로 진입한 재수들은 임업의 장기적인 구조를 극복해야 했다. 재수는 임업조전계약을 통한 조림활동도 중요했지만, 나무가 자라는 시간 동안 생계유지를 위해 곡물을 생산해야 했다. 때문에 林糧間作이 필수적이었다. 그런데 나무가 자라면 곡물을 기를 수 없기 때문에 생계를 유지할 수 없었다. 결국 재수는 주기적으로 成林한 나무를 처분하고 다른 지역으로 이동할 수밖에 없었다. 또한 시간이 흐를수록 산주와 재수의 分成비율조차 1 : 1에서 3 : 2로 변화하고 있었다. 이러한 상황에서 식량이 부족한 재수는 어쩔 수 없이 다 자라지 못한 나무를 팔아 식량을 얻기도 했다. 게다가, 금병현 소수민족사회의 宗族化 과정에서 대부분의 재수들은 불평등한 처우를 받았던 것으로 보인다. 우선 문두채와 평오채에 속한 姜氏 이외의 성씨를 가진 과반의 재수들은 姜氏인 재수들에 비해 불리한 分成비율을 감수해야 했다. 뿐만 아니라 재수들 가운데 대다수는 산주로 성장하지 못했던 것으로 보인다. 심지어 산주로 성장한 재수들은 모두 姜氏이다. 즉, 다수의 재수는 임업의 긴 주기뿐 아니라 소수민족사회의 종족화라는 장벽에 부딪힌 것이다. 요컨대, 재수는 청 중기 ... The Qingshuijiang Documents, discovered in Jinping County of the southeast Guizhou Province, are important records for studying the ethnic minorities of this region. The planters of forestry, the tenants for forestry who appear in the forestry tenancy contract of the Qingshuijiang Documents, afforested mountain areas to plant the China-fir trees in Jinping County. Researches on the planters of forestry have mostly been conducted in the process of researching the forestry tenancy contract or the agrisilviculture in the Qingshuijiang River basin. However, studies have hardly ever been conducted on the planters of forestry in the minorities society of Jinping County in the Qing period either in the domestic or foreign field. Thus, this study examines the life and the social status of the planters of forestry who afforested mountain areas in Jinping County in the Qing period. Jinping County, located in the southeast Guizhou Province, has a moderate climate and a high precipitation. Also, the county has plenty of water because Qingshuijiang River flows through the area and it is abundant in forest resources such as China-fir trees. Timber merchants flocked to Jinping County due to the dredge of the stream of Qingshuijiang River in Yongzheng years(1722-1735). In this process, the minorities society of Jinping County began to reforested the mountains to support the demand for wood. This artificial reforestation seems to have been started in the late Ming period and boosted in the middle of the Qing period. Jinping County in the Qing period enjoyed prosperity, strangers began to inflow, some of them seem to have acted as the planters of forestry. The planters of forestry signed a contract with the forest owners, grow trees up to Chenglin(a term of the contract which means the time when China-fir trees become about 5 years old), When this was achieved, they could get a certain amount of China-fir. Because of, the planters of forestry tried to secure food by making a contract called Dianqi(tenancy contract). After Chenglin, they tried to secure their share for China-fir by making the Split Contract. They engaged in afforestation risking mortgaging the lands. They even afforested the faraway mountain areas where the forest owners couldn’t afforest by themselves. In any case the forest owners had a higher status than the planters, judging from the fact that the forest owners controlled the planters life and took a practical action against them if the contract was broken. Next, I looked at why planters of forestry diligently cultivated mountainous areas, but that they had no choice but to make a living. The planters of forestry who became members of the minorities society in Jinping County had to face the long cycle of forestry. Afforestation through making the forestry tenancy contract was an important thing for them, but they needed to produce cereals for livelihood during the growth of the trees. Once the trees had grown, however, the land couldn’t be arable. So it was impossible for them to maintain their livelihood. They eventually had to make the periodic move to other regions after selling timbers that reached Chenglin. In addition, the ratio of division of profits changed from 1:1 to 3:2 as time went by. In this condition the planters, who experienced lack of food, were compelled to sell timbers to secure food. Furthermore, most of the planters seems to have been treated unfairly in the process clan-organized(宗族化) of minorities society in Jinping County. The majority of the planters in Wendou Village and Pingao Village, who didn’t have the surname of Jiang(姜), had to submit to lower ratio of division of profits than Jiang family planters. Also, It seems that most of the planters failed to become forest owner. Only a few planters whose surname were Jiang rose to forest owner. In other words, the planters of forestry had to face not only the long cycle of forestry but also clan-organized minorities society. To ...

중국 귀주성 유아 부모교육 실태 및 요구도 조사 연구

정궈펑(Zheng Guofeng),허우페이페이(Hou Feifei),신은옥(Eunok, Shin) 동명대학교 산학협력단 창의인성연구소 2020 교육과 문화 Vol.2 No.2

본 연구는 중국 귀주성 유아 부모에게 실질적으로 필요한 부모교육이 무엇인지 파악함으로써 향후 유아 부모에게 필요한 부모교육 프로그램 개발의 기초자료를 제공하는 것을 목적으로 2019년 11월 24일부터 2019년 12월 3일까지 중국 귀주성 만 3~6세 유아 부모 935명을 대상으로 온라인 설문조사를 실시하였으며, SPSS 24.0 프로그램을 사용하여 분석하였다. 이에 따른 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 유아부모교육 실태를 조사한 결과, 총 응답자 935명 중 551명(58.9%)은 어떠한 형식의 부모교육에도 참여한 적이 없는 것으로 나타났다. 참여한 적이 있는 부모(384명, 41.1%)는 부모교육이 부모의 역할에 도움이 되었다고 보고하였다. 둘째, 유아부모교육 프로그램 내용에 관한 요구를 조사한 결과 12개 전체 문항의 평균 점수가 4점이 넘었다. 이는 이 12개 문항 전체 내용에 대한 요구가 높았음을 시사한다. 셋째, 유아부모교육 운영에 대한 조사결과를 보면 귀주성의 만3~6세 유아부모들은 부모교육의 중요성과 필요성을 인식하고 있었고 참여의사와 요구가 매우 높았으나, 실제 참여실태는 저조하였다. 이는 유아부모들이 바라는 부모교육 요구와 실제 부모교육 사이에 수급갈등이 큰 것을 의미한다. 기존에 진행되고 있는 부모교육에 비하면 앞으로 더욱 과학적, 전문적, 체계적, 전면적, 다차원적, 다방면적인 부모교육을 더 많이 기대한다는 것을 알 수 있다. In this study, with the purpose of providing necessary basic information for further development of preschool parent education projects in Guizhou Province, China, 935 parents of 3-6 years old children in Guizhou were involved into a survey via online questionnaires about their opinions on “what’s their actual need for parent education”from November 24, 2019 to December 3, 2019, and SPSS24.0 was used to make statistical analysis of the survey results. The results are as follows:First, the survey on the status quo of preschool parent education shows that 551 (58.9%) of the 935 respondents have never participated in any form of parent education, while 384 respondents (41.1%) who have participated in parent education all said that parent education is of great help to fulfill the role of parents. Second,the results of the survey on the content of parent education programs needed by preschool children’s parents show that the average scores of the 12 dimensions are more than 4 points, which shows that the parents of preschool children have high demand for all the 12 dimensions. Third, the survey results on the educational needs of preschool children’s parents show that most parents of children aged 3 to 6 years in Guizhou Province have recognized the importance and necessity of parent education, and have a strong willingness to participate in parent education and have a higher actual demand. However, the current situation is not optimistic, which means that there is a big contradiction between the parent education that parents want and the parent education they actually receive. It can be seen that, compared with the previous parent education, they expect to obtain more scientific, professional, systematic, comprehensive, multi-level and multi-faceted parental education in the future.

款首와 總理 ― 淸 中・後期 淸水江 北岸의 保甲・團練과 九寨總理 劉開厚 ―

정철웅 명청사학회 2023 명청사연구 Vol.- No.59

This paper aims to examine who was the operator of the community self-defense system(baojia) and militia(tuanlian) established around the latter part of the Qing Dynasty, a considerable amount of time after the Gaituguiliu(改土歸流) policy, and what the operator's behavior was like. To this end, the process of converting the head of ethnic traditional village organization into the security group head(保長) or tithing chief(牌長) was tracked. In addition, the role of the ‘regional general representative(總理)’ in Jiuzhai(九寨) and his conduct were revealed. Finally, we examined the above two aspects in detail through the conducts of Liu Kaihou(1836-1915), a native of Shiyinzhai(石引寨) who was in charge of administration and security in the Jiuzhai area as regional general representative between the mid-to-late Qing Dynasty and the early days of the Republican era. Through these surveys, the following facts were confirmed. At that time, the society in the Guizhou province, including the Jiuzhai area on the northern part of the Qingshui River, was still unstable. The prevalence of successive revolts by ethnic minorities, chronic food shortages, women's kidnapping, gambling, bandits' rampant and looting were certainly negative aspects of the power vacuum that has existed in the region since the Gaituguiliu. Therefore, the Qing government began the installation of community self-defense system and militia under the leadership of Hu Linyi at the time of Xianfeng’s reign, and by the time of Guangxu’s reign, it was universally established in the Jiuzhai. However, the leaders of the local government-led community self-defense system and militia were dominated by influential families who exerted their own influence early in minority communities and were also the heads of traditional autonomous organizations. One of the positions of Liu Kaihou, “leader of rural militia,” is a good evidence that the community self-defense system and militia installed under the leadership of the Qing government are connected to traditional autonomous organizations in minority communities, and that the head was also a powerful person of the organizations. It was around the 13th year of Guangxu reign that Liu Kaihou appeared as a leading figure in the Jiuzhai area, which coincided with the period when he and his family actively began to cultivate Japanese cedar. This fact tells us that Liu Kaihou’s personal ability and his economic wealth were the background behind his strong political role in Jiuzhai. The Qing government appointed community self-defense system and militia management managers to overcome the chaos of the minority society in the Jiuzhai area as influential figures in local communities such as Liu Kaihou because they were still important in stabilizing the minority society after the Gaituguiliu. This, after all, means that despite the Qing government’s long-term efforts to improve the public order in ethnic minority areas, the political vacuum after the Gaituguiliu has not been effectively filled. On the other hand, Liu Kaihou also committed illegal acts in the Jiuzhai area, such as unpaid debts, deliberate land disputes, gambling, and frequent litigation. This dual behavior of Liu Kaihou is an important evidence that the Qing government has failed to efficiently replace the political vacuum that occurred after the Gaituguiliu. Therefore, he was also an alternative to fill the administrative gap of the Qing government, but his misconduct is reminiscent of the emergence of a new form of ‘ethnic chieftain’. Eventually, the Qing government carried out the Gaituguiliu in a decisive manner, but it had little room for manoeuvre, so it was forced to rely on local leaders for administration, and the Qing government's political limitations paradoxically strengthened the position of the traditional leaders in the minority society.

明代 소수민족 통치의 一面

鄭哲雄(Chung, Chul-Woong) 동양사학회 2018 東洋史學硏究 Vol.143 No.-

中國貴州茶硏究

이주현(Ju-Hyeon Lee) 국제차문화학회 2017 차문화ㆍ산업학 Vol.37 No.-

중국 귀주성(贵州省) 동족(侗族)의 전통마을과 인지 특성 연구

손영림,이인희,정재훈,유재우 대한건축학회지회연합회 2017 대한건축학회연합논문집 Vol.19 No.2

This study aims to extract the historical background and architectural and spacial characteristics of traditional villages. Through field research, we analyze villages' physical characteristics in relation to village spaces and regarding neighborhood thinking, village orientation, village streets, and facilities related to cognitive features that divide age and gender. The research target is the village of Zǎi dàng dòng zhài in Gùizhōu Shěng, where the native people are living. The results show an accumulated and organized relationship of physical characteristics of the village, as seen via the mental cognition of its inhabitants. Physical features, life-related ceremonies, and aspects of everyday life are found to have a deep connection with cognitive formation, along with consistent inherent qualities.