이성계 관련 활자본 역사전기류의 양상과 특징

이기대(Lee Gi-dae) 우리문학회 2014 우리文學硏究 Vol.0 No.43

일제강점기에는 이성계 관련 활자본 역사전기류로 3종류가 출판되었다. 출판된 작품은 〈태조대왕실기〉(회동서관), 〈조선태조대왕전〉(덕흥서림), 〈조선태조실기〉(대동성문사)이다. 조선시대에는 이성계와 관련하여 그의 생애를 전체적으로 다루기보다는 단편적 서술을 통한 일화 중심으로 기록하거나 편년사의 체재에 포함시켜 다루어 왔다. 따라서 활자본 역사전기류의 출판을 통해 이성계의 생애를 전체적으로 조감할 수 있게 되었고 이를 통해 개국 군주로서의 영웅성에 대한 이야기들이 보다 쉽게 확산되었다고 할 수 있다. 그렇다고 이들 작품이 모두 같은 내용으로 되어 있는 것은 아니다. 〈태조대왕실기〉에서는 하늘에서 정해진 이성계의 운명을 부각시키면서 초월적 존재에 의한 중화적 질서로의 재편을 기대하고 있다. 〈조선태조대왕전>에서는 역사적 사실을 토대로 영토문제를 제기하면서 조선시대에 대한 민족적 자부심을 부각시키고 있다. 〈조선태조실기〉는 기존의 문헌 기록을 수록하고 재편하는 과정을 통해, 잊혀져가는 조선 왕실의 정통성에 대한 교육적 효과를 높이려 하였다. Three printed books were published about the historical biography of Lee Sung-gye during Japanese occupation: “Joseon Taejodaehangjeon” published by Deokheungseorim, Taejodaewangsilgi by Hoidongseogwan, and Joseon Taejosilgi by Daedongseongmunsa. No works dealt with Lee Sung-gye’s life during the Joseon dynasty, and the publication of these books of historical biography consequently made it easier for people in general to understand Lee Sung-gye’s life and heroic qualities as a monarch who founded this dynasty. Specifically, the books on the historical biography of Lee Sung-gye served to heighten contemporary people’s national pride during Japanese occupation, and there was a yearning for a new heroic figure in the books as well. The books are not the same in terms of content. In the book “Taejodaewangjeon,” Lee Sung-gye’s destiny as a king was highlighted in a hope for the establishment of new order by a transcendental person. In another book “Taejodaewangsilgi,” historical facts were described to heighten national pride in the Joseon era. In the third book “Joseon Taejosilgi,” existing records of literature were reorganized to boost the effect of education on the history of the Joseon era.

조선 이성계 세력과 명과의 관계

조민 ( Min Cho ) 조선대학교 동북아연구소(구 통일문제연구소) 2007 동북아연구 Vol.22 No.1

이 글은 고려말 이성계가 1388 년 요동정벌을 위해 출병하여 ‘위화도 회군’이후 1392 년 새로운 국가 조선을 창건하기까지 나타난 정치세력갈등과 이성계의 대명관계를 분석하기 위한 연구 논문이다. 고려말 정치권력은 실권자 최영 세력에 의해 정국이 주도되고 모습으로 나타나고 있었다. 우왕 14년 2월 명(明)의 철령 이북지역에 대한 명의 ‘철령위’설치문제는 고려와 명(明)과의 관계에서 새로운 외교적 문제로 부상했다. 이 문제 해결에 대해 최영 중심의 강경파와 평화적 해결을 주장하는 이성계 중심의 온건파 간의 입장변화는 결국 요동정벌이라는 최영 강경파 주장이 관철되어 결국 이성계가 군대를 지휘하게 되었다. 명(明)‘철령위’설치문제는 최영과 이성계 세력간의 세력싸움으로 발전하여 요동정벌에 나선이성계가 결국 위화도에서 회군을 감행하여 고려말 정국 주도권을 장악함으로써 마무리되었다. 그러나 이성계가 1392 년 조선을 창건하기까지는 고려말 이성계 반대세력의 저항으로 말미암아4년이라는 시간이 경과될 수밖에 없었다. 이성계의 조선건국으로 조선과 명(明)새로운 친선관계로 발전하게 되었고, 이후 조선 이성계는 고려말 강경한 대명정책보다는 온건한 대명정책을 추진했다. This study analyses conflicts of political powers until Lee Sung-Gye sent troops to conquest Yodong in 1388 at the late Goryeo period and founded a nation named Joseon in 1392 through ``Weehwado Withdrawal`` and the relations between him and Ming. Political power of the late Goryeo was dominated by Choi Young. a person in political authority and his powers. On the 14 years and two months of King Woo``s reign. an issue of `` Cheolryungwi`` establishment became a new diplomatic problem to be taken care of in the relations between two nations. As positions between the hard-line faction led by Choi Young and the moderate faction led by Lee Sung-Gye who insisted its peaceful solution changed. Choi Young``s opinion of ``Yodong Conquest`` was carried through. which brought Lee Sung-Gye to become a leader of the army. As the issue of ``Cheolryungwi`` establishment progressed to be a struggle between the two factions and Lee Sung-Gye who led the conquest dared to withdraw the army at Weehwado and dominated the political power. However, until Lee Sung-Gye founded Joseon in 1392, four years passed because of resistance of the opposite power. Based on the Joseon foundation, Joseon and Ming developed friendship and maintained the peaceful policy against Ming rather than hard-line policy.

조선초기 태조진전의 건립과 경기전

김철배 전북사학회 2009 전북사학 Vol.0 No.34

This thesis is intended to examine the background of Gyeonggijeon's establishment and the process that the Chosun Dynasty's ritual protocols was consolidated while discussing the abolition of Gyeonggijeon. Taejojinjeon is the place for the portrait of King Taejo Lee Sung-Gye, Chosun's founder. During the first period of Chosun' foundation, it was built on the five places in Youngheong, Kyungju, Pyeongyang, Jeonju, Gaesung. Especially, Taejojinjeon in Jeonju was called Gyeonggijeon. Gyeonggijeon in Jeonju was built by the request of local residents in Jeongju. Because of the Lee Bang-Gan's (Taejong's elder brother) exile in Jeonju by the suspicion related to treason at that time, Taejong was very concerned about the possibility that Lee Bang-Gan and local residents in Jeonju who have antigovernment's temper will conspire against him. On the other hand, the elders in Jeonju were burdened with the political suspicion by king and government. As a result of that, old and rich people in Jeonju asked for constructing Taejojinjeon to show their loyalty to Taejo Lee Sung-Gye and the Choseon Dynasty. That is to say, Taejojinjeon was built as a symbol to political compromise between the government and the local residents in Jeonju. After buliding Gyeonggijeon, the management of Taejojinjeon was discussed three times. This discussion is whether local's taking charge of performing ancestral rites to the founder of the Chosun Dynasty is right or wrong in considering the nation's ritual protocols. Owing to Gyeonggijeon‘s quility related to performing ancestral rites to the founder of the Chosun Dynasty, this discussion was deeply connected with maintaining the nation's ritual protocols symbolizing the authority of a royal family. In this process, Taejojinjeon in Jeonju obtained the name of "Gyeonggijeon". And it was managed actively. The government supervised to perform ancestral rites to the founder. For this, Jeonjig(殿直) was established. After that, Taejojinjeon in other places were abolished on account of the various reasons. Thanks to the direct relationship with a royal family in Chosun Dynasty, however, only Taejojinjeon in Jeonju (The hometown of Lee Sung-Gye's family) and Youngheong (Lee Sung-Gye’ hometown) were remained.

李箱 作 〈終生記〉의 패러디 연구

김미영(Kim Mee-young) 우리말글학회 2011 우리말 글 Vol.53 No.-

The purpose of this article is to prove Jong-Shang-Gye(終生記) & Bong-Beul-Gye(逢別記) written by Lee Sang(李箱) had been parodied Manet’s Le Dejeuner sur l’Herbe. The main female character of Bong-Beul-Gye, Gum-Hong was characterization as like as the naked woman on the front in Manet’s Le Dejeuner sur l’Herbe. Manet had painted the naked woman in the front of his master-piece from Victorine Meurent as a model. She was a famous prostitute boldly & wanton in her times. Lee Sang had described vividly Gum-hong had been parodied the naked woman in the front of Manet’s Le Dejeuner sur l’Herbe. And the main female character of Jong-Shang-Gye, Geong-Hee was described the woman with slip on the backyard in Manet’s Le Dejeuner sur l’Herbe. She are younger than the naked woman in front of his master-piece. Lee Sang had written the sentence in the Jong-Shang-Gye he had gotten the furniture in order to make sure with his coral whip. In the sentence, The furniture means Manet’s Le Dejeuner sur l’Herbe, & his coral whip means his master-pieces was created based on his real love story. In Jong-Shang-Gye & Bong-Beul-Gye there are some hints to be realized about those, as s puzzle. That seems to be Lee Sang’s trick in order to resist his destiny.

한양 北里 淸風溪의 장소적 의미와 鄭敾(1676~1759)의 〈淸風溪圖〉

이순미(Lee, Soon-mi) 고려대학교 한국학연구소 2020 한국학연구 Vol.72 No.-

한양의 문사들은 17세기를 전후해 재야의 山林과 달리 스스로를 ‘城市山林’이라 인식하며 현실의 공간에서 명공과 처사의 삶을 동시에 실현하고자 하였다. 성시산림의 공간이었던 金尙容의 淸風溪는 탈속과 충효의 이념성을 지니며 조선후기 한양 北里 문예활동의 대표 장소였다. 鄭敾과 청풍계와의 관계는 그의 고조부 鄭演이 청풍계 집안과 교류하며 시작되었고 그가 활동할 당시까지 지속되었다. 김상용의 출처에 영향받았던 그는 청풍계에서 이병연 등의 한양문사들과 학문과 시회 등의 모임을 공유했고 청풍계주인 金時保로부터 학문과 작화활동 등에 영향받았던 것으로 보인다. 고려대학교박물관소장 〈淸風溪圖〉는 1731년 10월 국가가 劉希慶에게 旌閭門을 하사한 사건과 관련되어 제작된 정선의 〈劉村隱林庄圖〉와 함께 한양 유거지 그림에의 관심을 확대시켰을 것이다. 정선은 청풍계의 자연적인 경관과 김상용의 절조 등의 이념성을 조화시키고자 강한 필치와 독특한 구도를 사용하여 청풍계도 를 제작하였다. 1732년경의 작품들은 이후의 청풍계도 제작에 영향을 주었다. 특히 정선의 말년 작품인 《壯洞八景帖》의 〈청풍계도〉에서는 간략한 구도와 빠른 필치로 장소의 특징만을 간일하게 그렸다. 정선의 〈청풍계도〉는 한양진경산수화풍의 성립과 전개 방향을 구체적으로 보여주는 중요한 작품이라고 할 수 있다. Unlike the intellectuals in the countryside around the 17th century, the intellectuals in the capital recognized themselves as “Sungshi Sanlim” (Crowd of intellectuals in the capital city) and tried to realize a life of fame and achievement along with a hermit in a real space at the same time. Kim Sang-yong’s Cheong-poong-gye became a symbolic place of escaping-reality-like literary activities in Hanyang Buk-ri of late Chosun dynasty as the space of escaping reality of Sungshi Sanlim, in addition of emphasizing the ideology of loyalty to king and parents. The relationship between Cheong-poong-gye and Chung Sun was established when his high-grandfather, Chung Yean interacted with the family of Cheong-poong-gye, and the relationship continued during the time of his activities. Cheong-poong-gye to Chung Sun was the gathering place where he shared his academics and poetry with the friends like Yi Byung-yeon, including the staying and hiding from reality (Chool-Cheo) of Kim Sang-young, while Kim Shi-bo, the master of Cheong-poong-gye, was assumed to be the person who influenced Chung Sun’s academic establishment and painting activity. He harmonized the natural scenery of Cheong-poong-gye with the philosophy of Kim Sang-yong, such as controlled in tune, in production of Cheongpoonggyedo featuring strong brush-strokes and a unique composition. His paintings around 1732 had a continuous influence after establishing typification. In particular, the Cheongpoonggyedo in 《Jangdongpalkyungcheop》, a fine work of his later years, featured the characteristics of a simple composition centered on scenic objects and high-speed brushwork, as if he wanted to tell only the features of the place. Chung Sun’s Cheongpoonggyedo can be a representative work that specifically shows the establishment and development direction of Hanyang Chingyong landscape painting style.

원폭문학에 나타난 원폭피해자의 삶과 환경 - 이성교의 「廣島(히로시마) 戀歌」를 대상으로 -

최도식 ( Choi Dosik ) 한국환경철학회 2019 환경철학 Vol.0 No.28

본 논문은 이성교의 「광도(히로시마) 연가」 연작을 통해 원폭문학에 내재된 원폭 피해자의 삶과 환경을 고찰했다. 패전 후 일본은 원폭을 소재로 한 다수의 작품들이 생산되면서 원폭문학을 하나의 장르로 형성한다. 반면, 한국은 세계에서 두 번째로 많은 원폭희생자를 낸 원폭 피해국이지만 원폭과 관련된 작품이 드물며 논의도 희소한 실정이다. 원폭문학은 히로시마와 나가사키에 투하된 원자폭탄으로 인해 발생한 희생자와 생존자의 삶에 대한 이야기를 소재로 한 문학이다. 그러므로 원폭문학은 희생과 피해의 문학이며, 살아남은 생존자의 삶을 다룬 생존의 문학이다. 이에 본고는 이성교의 「광도(히로시마) 연가」 연작을 애도, 공포, 연민의 관점에서 분석했다. 첫째, 「광도 연가」는 히로시마 원자폭탄 투하로 인하여 희생된 희생자의 넋을 위로하는 애도의 시이다. 시인은 원폭 투하의 역사적 현장을 애도의 공간으로 형상화한다. 히로시마의 한인 원폭피해자들은 일본정부와 일본인들로부터 차별을 받으며 살아왔다. 시인은 일본이 평화기념공원을 조성하여 평화 올림픽, 평화 기념식 등을 거행하지만 그것은 일본의 평화요 일본인만을 위한 평화로 인식했다. 따라서 우리 동포는 여전히 진정한 평화를 기다리고 있다. 진정한 세계 평화를 바라며 시인은 죽어간 원폭희생자의 넋을 애도한다. 둘째, 이성교 시인은 원자폭탄이라는 반인간적인 무기가 공포의 대상이며, 그 공포로 인해 트라우마를 안고 살아가는 원폭 피해자의 삶을 형상화한다. 시인은 공포의 트라우마를 “아픈 나무”로 비유한다. 시인은 화염과 폭풍으로 도시가 파괴되고, 이후 불타는 도시에 검은 비가 내리듯 방사능재가 도시를 뒤덮는 핵 공포를 형상화한다. 핵 공포에 대한 이미지는 돈호법, 청각적 이미지 등으로 형상화된다. 시인은 원폭의 공포를 주로 ‘검은 비’, ‘불비’로 상징화한다. 시인은 원폭의 공포와 그 기억의 상흔을 고스란히 감내한 우리 동포들의 서럽고도 슬픈 마음의 상처, 그들의 트라우마를 치유할 진정한 평화의 구원자를 기대한다. 셋째, 한일 원폭피해자는 방사능 피폭이라는 동일한 경험과 그 경험에 따른 신체적 손상, 감각에 각인된 극심한 고통을 공유한다. 하지만 히로시마에 거주하는 한인 원폭피해자는 그 이중고를 넘어 일본인들로부터 받는 차별과 냉대라는 삼중고를 견뎌야만 했다. 이성교의 「광도 연가」는 육체적 고통, 정신적 상처, 일본인들로부터의 차별과 냉대라는 삼중고를 견디며 살아온 우리 동포들의 삶을 연민으로 노래한다. 그리고 그들의 삶을 연민의 감정으로 연대한다. 더욱이 그들의 서러운 삶, 초조하고 불안한 삶이 끝나지 않고 계속 지속되는 삶이라는 사실에 시인은 그들의 삶에 맺힌 것들이 한 순간이나마 풀어지기를 소망한다. 우리는 핵무기와 원자력 발전소가 없는 세상을 만들어 가야 한다. 핵무기, 원자력 발전소에 의한 방사능 피폭은 우리의 삶을 처참하게 짓밟는다. 바로 「광도 연가」는 원폭피해자의 비참한 삶을 통해 우리에게 핵무기와 원자력 발전소가 없는 세상을 주문하는 환경 경계의 기록이다. The purpose of this study is to examine he life and environment of Atomic-bomb victims in Atomic-Bomb Literature of through Lee Sung-gyo's “Hiroshima Elegy” series. After the defeat, Japan produced a number of works based on the atomic bomb, forming a genre of atomic bomb literature. On the other hand, Korea is the world's second victim of A-bomb, but the literature work related to A-bomb is scarce and the discussion hard find. Atomic Literature is a literature about the lives of victims and survivors of atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Thus, atomic bomb literature is the literature of sacrifice and damage, and the literature of survival. In this regard, this paper analyzed Lee Sung-gyo's “Hiroshima Elegy” series in terms of mourning, fear, and compassion. First, “Hiroshima Elegy” is a poem of mourning for the souls of victims victimized by the Hiroshima atomic bomb. The poet portrays the historical scene of the atomic bombing as a space of mourning. In addition, Korean A-bomb victims of Hiroshima have lived in discrimination. The poet recognized that Japan established a Peace Memorial Park, held a Peace Olympics, a Peace Memorial, etc., but it was Japan's peace and peace only for the Japanese. Thus our Koreans are waiting for true peace. In hope of true world peace, the poet mourns the souls of the dead. Second, Lee Sung-gyo poets are feared by the anti-human weapon called the atomic bomb, and the fear embodies the life of the bomb victims who live with trauma. The poet likens the trauma of terror to a “sick tree”. And the poet embodies the nuclear fear of radioactive material covering the city, as if the city was destroyed by a fire and a storm, and then a black rain rains on the burning city. The image of nuclear horror is shaped by money protection law, auditory image, etc. And the poet portrayed the horror of the atomic bomb mainly as black rain or bull rain. The poet expects the sorrowful and sad wounds of our brethren who have endured the scars of that memory, the prophets of true peace that will touch their traumas. Third, the Korean and Japanese A-bomb victims share the same experience of radiation exposure, their physical damage, and the severe pains that are imprinted in their senses. However, the Korean bomb victim who lived in Hiroshima had to go beyond the double high and endure the triple highs of discrimination and coldness received by the Japanese. Lee Sung-gyo's “Hiroshima Elegy” sings with compassion the lives of our Koreans who have endured the triple pain of physical pain, mental wounds, discrimination and coldness. And they unite their lives with feelings of compassion. Moreover, the fact that their sorrowful life, anxiety and misgiving are endless and enduring, the poet hopes that the things in their lives will be released for a moment. We must create a world without nuclear weapons and nuclear power plants. It is a record of a borderless environment that asks us to create such a world.

두만강신의 성격과 의미 연구

임철호(Lim Cheol-ho) 우리말글학회 2010 우리말 글 Vol.49 No.-

Dumangang deity in the legend of Dumangang punishes the evil, defeats the invaders and gives birth to a hero who establishes a new kingdom. The deity also protects the Chosunjok people from the oppression of Chinese ruling class and defends the Chosunjok kingdom against the invasion of other races. Dumangang deity punishes the administrators and the landlords who plunder the poor farmers and peasants. Sometimes the deity warns them by appearing in public and sometimes punishes by killing or transforming them into a rock. The nationality of the people in the folk tales of Chosunjok is not obvious regardless of their positions. When the deity defeats the invaders, it is difficult to identify the nationality of the invaders and the invaded. This shows the author's intention not to make the story racial conflicts between the Chinese and the Chosunjok. The kingdoms which the Dumangang deity kept are Goguryeo, Balhae and Goreo which are not directly connected with the history of the Chosunjok. This means that the Chosunjok think of these kingdoms as their spiritual home. This is a kind of resistance to the racial discrimination of the Chinese who persecuted the Chosunjok on the reason that they lives in other people's country. Dumangang deity gives birth to Lee Sung-gye and Nurhach who are going to establish new Kingdoms. In the folk tale, Lee Sung-gye and Nurhach are the reincarnation of the dragon which is Dumangan deity. This story not only heroizes Lee Sung-gye and Nurhach but also emphasizes the greatness and miracle of the Dumangang deity. Though the two heros are described negatively in Korean folk tale, the Chosunjok describe both of them as heros in the folk tale. That seems to reflect the hope of the Chosunjok who want to live peacefully with the Chinese in China.

1900년대 이인직의 사회적 상상

박재익(Park Jae ik) 부경대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2014 인문사회과학연구 Vol.15 No.2

이 글은 이인직의 사회적 상상을 위해 전근대의 잔재들이 중요한 역할을 수행하고 있다는 점에 주목하고 있다. 유교규범, 미신과 같은 전근대적 규범들, 무당, 점쟁이, 귀신과 같이 주술적인 힘을 가진 것들은 신소설에서 배제의 대상이 아니라 재해석과 전유의 대상이었다. 이들은 소설 속 인물에 의해, 그리고 서술자에 의해 재해석되어 새로운 의미를 부여받는다. 이러한 의미에서 이들은 알레고리적 잔재로서, '사용법을 잃어버린 도구들'로서 신소설 속 세계에 흩어져 있다. 이인직이 '사회'를 재현하는 방식에 있어 가장 주목해야 할 것은, 무엇보다도 이 알레고리적 이미지들이 소설속 인물들과 서술자에 의해 반복적으로 재해석되고 새로운 의미를 만들어내는 과정이다. 그가 신소설을 통해 재현하는 '사회'가 지닌 유동성은 알레고리적 장치(dispositif)들에 기입되는 힘관계의 역동성을 그대로 드러내기 때문이다. 이들은 일상생활에서 인물들의 삶의 방식과 도덕질서에 대한 상상에 끊임없이 개입하고, 이들의 미래에 대한 전망, 공동체에 대한 상상을 가능케 하는 힘으로 제시된다. This article aims to flesh out the image of 'Sahoe(society)' in Lee-injik's narratives. A narrative, as a sequence of events in everyday-life, presents significant images of 'sahoe'. The images presented in Lee-injik's narratives are different from that presented in Lee-injik's leading article such as "Sociology", "Society", "The prospectus of Korean newspaper". The 'sahoe' in those narratives is usually 'imagined', so this article also aims to examine how Lee-injik imagines the image of 'sahoe'. Imagined 'sahoe' could get its substance from Confucianism, superstition of long standing, the ghost, and the fortune-teller, the shaman, the things regarded as pre-modern and illogical. This ironic nexus was possible because those 'pre-modern things' were interpreted as signs that's empty, meaningless word, as allegorical image. They were re-interpreted constantly, so they could make a new meaning infinitely. Lee-injik imagines 'sahoe' from these allegorical images. His narratives are filled with social etiquettes, rules, social order of ranks. In a word, His narratives are operated by 'engagement' between people who imagines society he belongs to. The engagements were embodied with the pre-modern ways of life. 'Sahoe' in this context are inevitably uncertain concept. Lee-injik's narratives presents this uncertainty with senses of unrest, terror. Furthermore, the 'modern' way of life, such as capitalism, social Darwinism, all the modern knowledges imported by the student who studied abroad became allegorical images, too. Lee-Injik relativized these newcoming values. For these reason, reading his narratives as a story of 'modernizing', or 'an expression of the desire of modernize' is a matter for debate. His narrative shows the world filled with meaningless, allegorical images. These images also made his concept of 'Sahoe' expand.

晩學堂 裵尙瑜의 漢詩에 대한 硏究

朴浚鎬(Park Jun-ho) 대동한문학회 2006 大東漢文學 Vol.24 No.-

  이 논문은 晩學堂 裵尙瑜의 漢詩를 구체적으로 검토하기 위하여 집필된 것이다. 晩學堂 裵尙瑜는 그리 널리 알려진 인물은 아니다. 그러나 磻溪 柳馨遠이나 葛庵 李玄逸 등 17세기의 저명한 학자들과 각별한 교분을 나누었다는 점에서 우선 특기할 만하다. 뿐만 아니라 그가 柳馨遠이 저술한『磻溪隨錄』의 傳播에 상당한 기여를 했다는 점에서도 주목할 만한 인물로 판단 된다.<BR>  한편 裵尙瑜는 관직에는 나아가지 않고 ‘崇禎處士’로서의 일생을 살았지만, 그의 학문적 성취에 대한 당시의 평판은 상당했던 것으로 여겨진다.<BR>  裵尙瑜의 시세계에서 가장 주목되는 것은, 儒者로서의 自我省察 및 先賢에 대한 追崇과 尊慕, 尊明意識과 春秋大義를 읊은 작품들이다. 즉 性理學的 思惟體系에 바탕한 儒者로서의 自己認識을 詩作을 통해 표출했다는 것이다. 그리고 自然에의 幽居와 述懷 및 情恨 등의 국면도 유의할 만하다.<BR>  이상의 견지에서 裵尙瑜는 17세기 후반의 한문학사에서 반드시 거론할 만한 인물로 판단된다. 그럼에도 그의 생애와 사상 및 문학에 대한 검토는 지금까지 제대로 이루어지지 않았다. 이러한 견지에서 지금까지 알려지지 않았던 晩學堂 裵尙瑜이라는 인물을 조사하여, 그 삶과 문학세계를 구명하는 작업은 일정한 의의를 가진다.<BR>  朝鮮中期 이후에 전개된 韓國漢詩史의 주류가 道學派라는 것은 부정할 수 없는 歷史的 事實이다. 따라서 이같은 실상을 간과해서는 漢詩史의 총체적 흐름을 확연하게 이해할 수 없다는 점에서, 앞으로 道學派의 문학에 지속적인 관심을 가져야 할 것으로 생각된다. 물론 이러한 연구를 수행하기 위해서는 성리학에 대한 이해가 선행되어야 함은 물론이다. 기실 도학파 문학에 대한 연구가 다소 소외되어 왔던 것도 이러한 난제에 기인한 탓이 크다고 여겨진다.<BR>  이러한 문제점을 풀기 위한 노력의 일환으로, 晩學堂 裵尙瑜의 文學論과 詩世界에서 특징적으로 포착되는 局面들을 고찰해 보았다.   This thesis to investigate Manhakdang(晩學堂) Be Sang-yu(裵尙瑜)"s poetic world concretely.<BR>  Even though Be Sang-yu(裵尙瑜) isn"t known to, he is a very important person in relation to Bangye(磻溪) Ryu Hyung-won(柳馨遠) and Galam(葛庵) Lee Hyun-il(李玄逸). And he is particularly remembered as the『Ban-Gye-Su-Rock(磻溪隨錄)』.<BR>  I think the reputation on his academic achievement was very high in my judgement. On the other hand, Manhakdang(晩學堂) Be Sang-yu(裵尙瑜) hasn"t served widely the important post. But he left very impressive traces, because it seemed that he was so competent as a Sung-jeong-chur-sa(崇禎處士; Moral Philosophy).<BR>  The most particular thing in his poem world is to have sung the self recognition(自己認識) as a confucian scholar.<BR>  It is judged that he is well known person to be raised necessarily in the history of chinese literature in the Chosun Dynasty, in particular in the late 17th century. However a study on his life and thought was not accomplished well so far. From this point of view, we could have the constant significance by searching the person Manhakdang(晩學堂) Be Sang-yu(裵尙瑜) who has not known well so far and by making clear the world of his life and literature.<BR>  It is difficult to deny the historical facts that the main stream of Chinese poem history in Korea appeared after the middle of Chosun Dynasty(朝鮮中期) is the moral philosophy school. Therefore I think we should have constant interests about the literature of moral philosophy school(道學派文學) from now on, considering that if we overlooked the situation, we could never understand the general stream definitely. To perform this kind of research, the understanding on the moral philosophy school should be preceded for sure. It is considered that being neglected the research on the literature of moral philosophy school is the cause of the difficult problems.<BR>  For this reason, I have considered the aspects expressed particularly in his Literature theory and poetic world in my own way.

조선시대 아산 지역 서원의 배향 인물

김기승 순천향대학교 인문과학연구소 2007 순천향 인문과학논총 Vol.19 No.-

This study deals with the nineteen Confucian scholars shrined in the private confucian schools, In Chosun dynasty, there were six Seowons in Onyang, Asan and Shinchang district in Asan Area. Sixteen confucian scholars were shrined in Insan-Seo won(founded in 1610), Chungtoe-Seowon(1634), Dosan-Seowon(1670) and Gumgok-Seowon(1837). These were large and regular seowons, being founded by leading yangban groups in Asan area. Three confucian scholars were shrined in small Oeam-Seosa(1802?) and Doksung-Seosa(1858) which were founded by their descendents. In the study, nineteen confucian scholars were classified by five groups. First, Maeng Hee Do(1337-?) was one of the "chuleipa" who were loyal to Koryu dynasty against Yi Sung Gye'revolution. And he was the first confucian scholar who taught and practiced confucian values in Asan area. Second group were the scholars of "sarimpa" such as Kim Goeng Pil(1454-1504), Chung Yeo Chang(1450-1504), Cho Gwang Jo(1482-1519), Lee Un Jeok(1491-1553) and Lee Hwang(1501-1570). Although they were not from Asan area, they were shrined in Seowon, having influence in the development of confucianism in Asan area. Third group were the confucian scholars from Asan area. They were Hong Ga Sin(1541-1615), Lee Duk Min(543-1681), Park Ji Gye(1573-1635), Cho Sang Woo(1582-1657), Kang Baek Nyeon(1603-1681) and Cho Yi Hoo(1610-1702). These six scholars were all from Asan area and established the foundation of confucianism in Asan area. Fourth group were Cho Ik(1579-1655) and Cho Geuk Sun(1595-1658) who were not born in Asan but taught and learned confucian values in Asan. By them, the confucianism of Asan was developed. Fifth group were Im Chang(1652-1723), Im Jing Ha(1687-1730) and Lee Gan(1677-1727) who were shrined in small Seowon, that is called "Seosa". Im Chang and Im Jing Ha were shrined by their descendent Im Hun Hoe(1811-1876) who was one of the most representive scholars in nineteenth century. Lee Gan was the famous scholar in eighteenth century. He led the discourse about the nature of man and thing which was continued over two hudred years between confucian scholars in Seoul area and in Chooungchung area. Kim Gu(1381-1462) and Ryu Gwan(1484-1545) were great confucian scholars who were born in Asan area. They contributed to establish and develop the confucianism of Asan area. So their descendents and pupils tried to shrine them in Seowon but failed.