브레히트의 독자, 랑시에르 -"불화"의 연극과 리얼리즘의 갱신-

김겸섭 ( Kyoump Sup Kim ) 대구가톨릭대학교 인문과학연구소 2013 인문과학연구 Vol.0 No.20

This paper will try to look into Jacques Ranciere` Reading of Brecht who was a theatre practitioner of the 20th century and innovator. In his speech on The Emancipated Spectator, Jacques Ranciere examines the ideas of the spectator and the theater. He aligns Artaud`s, Brecht`s criticisms of the theater and spectacle with Plato`s fulminations against mimesis(representation and art) and spectatorship with passivity. He explains that the actor-spectator relationship is too much like traditional pedagogy: hierarchical, passive, stultifying. Brecht and A. Artaud hoped their innovative theatres can awaken a intelligence and sensibility of passive spectators. But Ranciere argues that these theatrical reformers failed to make new audiences because they couldn`t change unequal relationship between the stage and audience. For Ranciere, Brecht and Artaud are no different than reformative schoolmasters who have been reform-minded, but adhered traditional relation between teachers and students. Ranciere argues that all of the members within theatrical ecology have equal intelligence and creativity, such as students of Joseph Jacotot who was described in The Ignorant Schoolmaster. So one must accept premise of equality and construct new theatrical practices on the basis of it. But Ranciere, reader of Brecht, misreads Brecht` the epic theatre and artistic perspective. Brecht believed all spectators have potential power to become rational and change their problematic situation. He worked from this premise of equality, as his theatre and culture theory have shown. Of course, Ranciere also admits theatrical authenticity when he translates Verfremdungseffekt(“making strange” effect) into ‘deplacement’ and seeks practical possibilities of such a translation. One may construct an alternative artistic discussion, by appropriating Ranciere`s translation of V-effekt. Brecht` opened Realism can help we construct new critical art. It complements vacuum of Ranciere` Brecht-reading. Brecht was open realist who actively accepted heterogeneous artistic tendencies and the socialistic realism that was designed by Stalin` totalitarian political system and was schematic, ideological. Though Ranciere misunderstands Brechtian the epic theatre, he can go with Brecht, because Brecht was open to a heterogeneity and challenging and experimental arts. Especially, they stress that art should be on accord with the development of politics. One can imagine new critical thoughts that might help to overcom contemporary thoghtlessness.

자크 랑시에르의 문학의 정치의 재맥락화: 진은영의 문제제기를 중심으로

정의진 ( Eui Jin Jung ) 국제비교한국학회 2015 비교한국학 Comparative Korean Studies Vol.23 No.2

Eunyoung Jin`s “The Re-distribution of the Sensible: On Poetry of the 2000s,” which was published in the journal “Creation and Criticism (Winter, 2008)” caused a great stir in Korean literature and triggered various follow-up discussions. In this piece, Eunyoung Jin made references mostly from “Politics of Aesthetics: The Distribution of the Sensible” by Jacques Ranciere, a French scholar of politics and aesthetics. Her referential focus was to newly consider the relationship between literature and politics. Even afterwards, Eunyoung Jin had drawn from Ranciere new thoughts that could turn a dichotomously contrasting relationship between a poet’s participation in reality and poetry’s artistic value into a (more) productive interactional relationship. In order to plan and practice a reformation of senses and thoughts whose literary and artistic creativity are based on social customs and on a larger scale, a new reformation of the society’s political geography, Eunyong Jin underwent various activities to re-contextualize Ranciere’s argument on constant reformation of “The Aesthetic Regime of Art” for situations in Korea. Writers who actively engaged in situations such as the Yongsan disaster and the Duriban struggle, while choosing to share various poetic tendencies and texts that hover between a so-called dichotomy of art and society are one good example. Ensuring that poetry and literature will maintain a continuous openness toward fluid and complex realities of the society, thereby giving the sensibility of a poet himor herself new artistic and political motives and reset the relationship between literature and politics above a new horizon was the position held by and practiced by Eunyoung Jin. Looking back at Eunyoung Jin’s work from a socio-economic context, her work is interlocked with the need to fundamentally change the way of thinking in respect of Korean society and the current economic system based on capitalism and a series of domestic and foreign situations such as the 2008 Candlelight Protest (in South Korea), the Financial crisis of 2008 that originated in the U.S. subprime mortgage crisis and the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers and later spread worldwide and the Yongsan disaster in the beginning of 2009. These situations provided an opportunity to newly refresh in mind the Korean literature’s history of rapid advancement along with the modernization process of and also of rapid decline in the 1990s, i.e., the memory of literature`s revolutionary tendency. However, this memory is also connected with the evils of thought and practice that treat literature as a tool for revolutionary movement(s). Literary practice to confront the socio-economic contradiction that was structural and fixed from an abstract social-scientific perspective often simplified the reality of society where more diverse, complex and foreign situations coexisted and interpenetrated one another. In this regard, the reason Eunyoung Jin actively accepted Jacques Ranciere’s argument that emphasized the independent and creative confrontation of literary works, at least to overcome the abovementioned issue, rather than obsessing over the socio-economic foundation and the structural contradiction can be understood. In the end, regardless of the different socio-economic contexts between France and Korea, (it is clear that) the main idea for both Jacques Ranciere and Eunyoung Jin is the study and practice of possibilities. Eunyoung Jin is faithful to Ranciere’s fundamental principle that there is no pre-determined truth. Therefore, although the task of critically reviewing Eunyoung Jin`s understanding of Ranciere from a perspective of theoretical accuracy is necessary and has meaning, but is not without limitations as the focus of the problem is the study and practice of possibilities.

Belles-Lettres에서 Litterature로의 역사적 전환과정에 대한 Jacques Ranciere의 관점

정의진(Eui Jin JUNG) 프랑스학회 2016 프랑스학연구 Vol.75 No.-

La theorie de la philosophie politique et de l’esthetique de Jacques Ranciere, ayant de l’impact mondial sur les recherches dans plusieurs domaines de la science humaine, est egalement connue en Coree, surtout depuis 2008 avec la traduction de ses ouvrages majeurs comme Le Partage du sensible : Esthetique et politique ou Aux bords du politique. Quant a la recherche de la litterature, Politique de la litterature est largement cite et commente par les chercheurs et critiques litteraires. Or dans le champ de la recherche et critique litteraire coreen, il y a un cha non manquant. En s’interessant d’abord a l’aspect general de la theorie de Jacques Ranciere, on ne remarque pas suffisamment l’aspect specifique de sa theorie artistique et litteraire, basee sur l’histoire de la litterature francaise du 17eme siecle au 19eme siecle. Selon Jacques Ranciere, l’emergence premiere de la litterature est un phenomene particulierement francais parce que c’est la France des ⅩⅦ et ⅩⅧ qui avait fixe et impose a l’Europe les canons des Belles-Lettres. La destruction du modele des Belles-Lettres, a savoir la transition historique des Belles-Lettres a la litterature est donc plus clairement lisible en France. Jacques Ranciere definit d’abord quatre principes du modele des Belles-Lettres : primat de la fiction ; genericite de la representation, definie et hierarchisee selon le sujet represente ; convenance des moyens de la representation ; ideal de la parole en acte. Il montre ensuite le processus de son renversement en analysant la nouveaute du roman de Victor Hugo, Notre-Dame de Paris. Ainsi se figurent les principes de la poetique nouvelle, de la litterature : Au primat de la fiction s’oppose le primat du langage. A sa distribution en genres s’oppose le principe antigenerique de l’egalite de tous les sujets representes. Au principe de convenance s’oppose l’indifference du style a l’egard du sujet represente. A l’ideal de la parole en acte s’oppose le modele de l’ecriture.

'미학의 정치'에 있어 유희의 역할 : 랑시에르의 칸트 이해를 중심으로

성기현 이화여자대학교 이화인문과학원 2011 탈경계 인문학 Vol.4 No.3

The purpose of this paper is to read Ranciere's "Aesthetics as Politics" in relation to Kant's aesthetics. The relations between Ranciere and Kant are found in two aspects. The first is the re-joining of two meanings of aesthetics. Following Kant's terminology, aesthetics has been used in two different senses: as a theory of human sensibility and as a theory of art (more exactly, what he calls the "aesthetic regime of art"). Combining the two in his own way, Ranciere argues that politics has a characteristic of the theory of human sensibility (aesthetics of politics) in the same manner that the theory of art has a political characteristic (politics of aesthetics). Especially for the latter, the politics of aesthetics, he makes reference to Kant's "Analytic of Beauty" in the Critique of Judgment. Ranciere defines it as a politics of aesthetic experience/ education, for which Kant's concept of play is used as a theoretical model. In the Kantian sense, play means a sort of aesthetic attitude. It takes on a double role: The first is the transition from regulative judgment to reflective judgment. Through this transition, reason loses its control over sensibility. The second is the indifference of aesthetic judgment. Benefiting from this indifference, aesthetic judgment can assert its universality, despite being a singular judgment. Existing theories of modernism have explained the political function of art based on the autonomy of the artwork and the personality of the artist. Contrary to such theories, Ranciere insists that the main point of his aesthetics is in the aesthetic experience/education (more exactly, the possibility of expanding a certain aesthetic attitude, i.e., play), not in the artwork or the artist. However, the thing with Kant is, he only rediscovers the order of nature in play. In contrast to him, Ranciere expresses sympathy with Schiller's view, insisting on the advent of renewed humanity through aesthetic experience/education. If a new distribution of the sensible (Le partage du sensible) can be established, it would be possible in the aesthetic experience/ education acquired and expanded in play.

자기 해방으로서의 정치와 미학 -랑시에르의 정치와 미학의 동일성-

전혜림 ( Jeon Hye Rim ) 성균관대학교 인문학연구원(성균관대학교 인문과학연구소) 2017 人文科學 Vol.0 No.64

프랑스의 정치철학자 자크 랑시에르는 정치와 미학을 `감각적인 것의 나눔`의 문제로 파악함으로써 미학을 정치의 토대에 위치시킨다. 서양 고대 정치철학의 전통 안에서 정치는 인간 본성에 근거한 `자질`의 `나눔`으로 간주되었다. 각 개인들의 자질에 의해 그가 있어야 할 자리가 나누어지는 것이다. 하지만 랑시에르는 나눔이 정치의 토대가 아닌 정치의 대상이라고 주장하며 나눔 그 자체를 사유할 것을 촉구한다. 나눔은 장소들의 나눔이며, 이는 무엇이 중심에 있고 무엇이 주변에 있으며, 무엇이 안에 있고 무엇이 바깥에 있는지, 무엇이 보일 수 있고 무엇이 보일 수 없는가에 관한 경계들을 설정하는 것이다. 즉 나눔은 근본적으로, 시공간과 관련된 감각적인 것의 나눔인 것이다. 그리고 이것이 미학과 정치의 공통점이다. 미학과 정치 모두 감각적인 것의 나눔의 형식, 다른 말로, 감각적 경험의 문제이기 때문이다. 랑시에르의 정치에 대한 작업은 정치가 `미학적 문제`라는 것을 보여주기 위한 시도에 다름 아니며, 랑시에르의 예술론은 그의 정치철학을 경유해서만, 혹은 반대로, 그의 정치철학은 미학을 경유해서만 이해될 수 있다. 본고는 우선 랑시에르의 예술론을 그의 정치철학적 사유와의 연관성 속에서 살펴볼 것이다. 그리고 이 과정에서 랑시에르의 예술론이 가진 해방의 가능성과 더불어 거기에서 비롯되는 문제를 제기하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 랑시에르는 칸트와 실러의 미학이 보여주는 `탈정체화로서의 미적 실천`을 정치의 발생으로 파악한다. 하지만 미적 실천의 물질적 조건에 대해선 함구한다는 것과, 탈정체화를 핵심으로 하는 미적 실천을 곧바로 정치와 동일시한다는 점에서 논의의 여지를 남긴다. The uniqueness of Jacques Ranciere`s thought is that he grasps politics and aesthetics as the distribution of the sensible, and by doing so he locates aesthetics in the foundations of politics. Ancient political philosophy founds politics a distribution of faculties based on human nature. However, Ranciere argues the distribution is not the foundation of politics but the object of politics, and encourages us to think about the distribution itself. Distribution is the distribution of place, which is to establish borders regarding what is inside and what is outside, what is seen and what is not seen. That is to say, it is basically the distribution of the sensible, and it is what politics and aesthetics have in common. Aesthetics and politics, both of them are the matter of form of the distribution of the sensible and sensible experience. Ranciere`s work on politics is an attempt to show politics is a matter of aesthetics; therefore, his theory of art should be understandable through his political philosophy. This thesis aims at examining Ranciere`s theory of art by means of his political thought, and suggesting the limit of his thought.

텍스트의 정치: 버지니아 울프와 자크 랑시에르의 미학적 체제

이주리 ( Joori Lee ) 한국제임스조이스학회 2015 제임스조이스저널 Vol.21 No.1

This paper explores ways of rethinking politics of the works of Virginia Woolf with particular reference to Jacques Ranciere’s conceptions of the distribution of the sensible and the aesthetic regime of literature. Ranging from the feminist and marxist scholars from the 1970s to the critics today, a number of academic readers have struggled to draw political meanings from the textual surfaces of Woolf’s texts. Despite their contributions to placing Woolf’s works in political discourse on class, gender, and nation, their studies have been exclusively focused on the act of deciphering political codes and symbols inscribed in her texts. In challenge of the critical reception in which Woolf’s texts are reduced to political allegories, this paper seeks to argue that the works of Woolf become political not because her texts convey the author’s political messages but because they engender new forms of discourse, what Ranciere called an aesthetic regime or a dissensual community. Relating Woolf with Ranciere, both of whom believe that politics begins when impossibilities are challenged, this paper presents the ways in which Woolf’s texts create the “dissensual” effects on the existing social system. By focusing on two lectures addressed to working-class men and women, this paper is to reconsider the politics of Woolf’s texts.

자크 랑시에르의 평등 개념 : 평등 개념의 방법론적 위상에 대한 분석을 중심으로

정의진(Jung, Euijin) 인천대학교 인문학연구소 2021 인문학연구 Vol.36 No.-

자크 랑시에르의 작업을 관통하는 핵심 문제의식은 평등이다. 랑시에르에게서 평등의 문제는 연구의 기본 대상이자, 이 개념을 통해 사유의 형식과 전개 양상이 구체화 되는 이론적 방법론의 위상을 동시에 점하고 있다. 그의 평등 개념은 역사학, 정치철학, 미학, 문학론, 이미지론 등 랑시에르의 작업과 연계된 연구 영역이 변화하는 과정을 관통한다. 평등 개념이 랑시에르의 작업 전반을 가로지르고 있는 만큼, 이 개념은 다양한 해석과 논쟁의 대상이다. 그런데 그에게서 평등 개념은 이론적인 개념인 동시에 구체적인 실천적 개념이기도 하다. 랑시에르의 평등의 방법론은 1968년 5월 운동을 전후한 시기 그의 정치적 경험, 이에 연계된 그의 이론적 작업, 이로부터 촉발된 1830년 7월 혁명 이후의 노동자들의 글에 대한 연구 등을 모태로 하고 있다. 현재적 상황에 대한 역사적 성찰을 통해 문제를 재구성해 나가는 랑시에르 이론의 실천적 성격을 포괄적으로 고려할 때, 그의 평등 개념의 방법론적 역동성을 이해할 수 있다. Jacques Ranciere’s core consciousness of a problem that consistently penetrates his works is equality. To Ranciere, the issue of equality is not only the basic subject of research, but also occupies the lofty position within theoretical methodology to realize the form of thinking and development aspect through this concept. The concept of equality is evident Ranciere’s overall work, so this concept serves as the object of various interpretations and disagreements. However, his concept of equality is not only a theoretical concept, but also a very concrete and practical notion. The dynamic nature of his theory on equality originated from his own political experiences around the May Movement in 1968, his theoretical work connected to it, and his research on laborers’ personal notes after the July Revolution in 1830 which were triggered by it.

공동의 공간형성의 관점에서 바라본 화면에서 스크린으로의 전환에 대한 고찰

김희영(Hee-Young Kim) 서양미술사학회 2013 서양미술사학회논문집 Vol.39 No.-

This paper pays attention to a conceptual path from the picture plane to the screen by alluding to the metaphor of the window, with which Alberti invented the perspectival system in Renaissance, and goes on to investigate the socio-cultural, aesthetic, and political implications of the screen-based art by referring to Jacques Ranciere’s notion of the aesthetic regime. It starts with the material and conceptual continuity between the flat surface of canvas and that of screen, on which reality has been represented to be open onto other worlds. A medium is essential for the work of art as a physical and conceptual site. It is a space where images are made, viewed, and interacted with the viewer. Yet, Greenbergian Modernism has crystallized the medium of picture plane into an autonomous realm of art, separating it from life. Against the autonomy in art, Ranciere proposes to embrace differences to revitalize art deprived of life. To remedy the lost link between art and life, he stresses that the picture plane has never been as pure as the Modernist aesthetic claims because it is contaminated by ideas and words. Taking on Ranciere’s notion of the flat surface as “a surface of conversion,” this paper examines the screen as an arena, in which conventional boundaries are blurred. The binaries of inside and outside, front and back, here and there, now and then, the material and the immaterial, the self and the other no longer determine and condition our perception of the world. Owing to the technological development, the screen has radically transformed our viewing experience and challenged the traditional relation between the self and the world. This paper asserts the theoretical relevance of Ranciere’s notion of the aesthetic regime in understanding the goal of new media art. As opposed to the representative regime, the aesthetic regime eliminates the hierarchy imposed on the rules of representation, thereby asserting equality among differences. By provoking the viewing subject to become an active participator, physically and conceptually, the screen-based art has contributed to generating changes in life as well as in art. In search of the active meaning of the new media art, this paper ultimately aims to resurface its embedded spirit of the avant-garde, which seeks to bring life back into art.

포스트드라마 연극에 나타난 ‘불화’의 무대 구성과 관객

임성민 ( Im Sung Min ),김현희 ( Kim Hyun Hee ) 한국예술교육학회 2020 예술교육연구 Vol.18 No.4

지난 1999년 한스-티스 레만의 『포스트드라마 연극』이 독일에서 출간된 이후 ‘포스트드라마 연극’이라는 용어와 개념은 국제적으로 많은 관심을 받으며, 드라마적 텍스트의 모방과 재현을 거부하는 동시대 연극에 대한 참조점으로서 유용성을 확인해 왔다. 한국에서도 2000년 그 소개가 이루어진 이래 지속적 논의와 탐구가 진행되어 이론 및 실천 양 영역에 걸쳐 주목할 성과를 이루고 있다. 그러나 일각에서는 포스트드라마 연극론과 그 국내 담론화에 대한 비판적 견해가 제기되기도 했다. 이러한 관점은 크게 한국에서의 포스트드라마 연극론 수용이 국내 학계 전반에 자리해 왔던 서양에 대한 무비판적 선망에서 비롯된 현상이라는 주장, 포스트드라마 연극은 연극의 사회적 목소리를 잃은 예술을 위한 예술이라는 주장, 그리고 포스트드라마 연극 개념과 그 범위가 모호하다는 주장으로 압축할 수 있다. 상기한 부정적 견해가 나름의 정당성을 토대로 하지만 재고의 여지 역시 충분히 지니고 있다. 한국의 포스트드라마 연극 담론화는 독일에서 그 개념이 발표된 직후 소개가 시작된 이래, 서양 동시대와 지속해서 소통해 가며 함께 개념의 정교화를 이루었다. 이러한 점은 한국의 현대연극 담론 수용에서는 드물게, 서양에 대한 지체 현상을 극복한 하나의 실례라는 긍정적 평가 가능성을 열어준다. 포스트드라마 연극의 사회적 역할에 대한 문제 역시 꾸준한 고민이 이루어져서 공동체 재건을 비롯한 다양한 역할 혹은 가능성에 관한 설명이 이뤄지고 있다. 한편 레만을 비롯한 여러 연구자들이 포스트드라마 연극의 개념과 범위를 더 명확히 하고자 노력해 왔다. 그 결과 포스트드라마 연극에서 비판과 단절 대상으로 삼는 ‘드라마 연극’이라는 것이 구체적으로 무엇을 의미하는지와 같은 유의미한 설명이 이루어졌다. 그러나 포스트드라마 연극 현상이 ‘드라마적 텍스트’를 전제로 하지 않는 오늘날의 다양한 탈재현적 공연들과 구별되는 지점이 무엇인지 선명하게 설명하는 데까지는 추가적 논의가 필요한 것으로 보인다. 본 연구에서는 정치철학자 자크 랑시에르의 관점에서 한국의 포스트드라마 연극 현상 안에서 나타나는 ‘새로운 관객’을 분석할 것이다. 연극의 모습은 그것이 성립하기 위한 필수 조건 중 하나인 관객이라는 존재와 어떻게 혹은 어떠한 소통을 지향하는지와 밀접하게 닿아 있는 것으로 볼 수 있다. ‘감각의 분할’이라는 관점에서 예술을 실천적 정치 행위로 간주하는 랑시에르의 ‘해방’ 사유는, 감각적 지각을 통한 관객과의 소통이 강조되는 포스트 드라마 연극과 전제를 공유하며 그것을 보다 구체적·현실적 차원에서 숙고해 볼 가능성을 제공할 것으로 본다. Since Hans-Ties Lemann's Postdramatic Theatre was published in Germany in 1999, the term and concept of ‘Postdramatic Theatre’ has received much attention internationally and has confirmed its usefulness as a reference point to look at contemporary theatre that refuse to imitate and represent dramatic texts. Since its introduction in Korea in 2000, Continuous discussions and exploration have been carried out to produce remarkable results across both areas of theory and practice. However, It has been really some critical views about postdramatic theatre and it’s discussion in Korea. This view is largely due to the claim that the acceptance of postdramatic theatre theory in Korea is a phenomenon derived from the uncritical envy of the West, which has been in the whole of domestic academia and postdramatic theatres are compressed by the claim that they are nothing more than art for art that lost the social voice of the play, and the claim that the concept and scope of postdramatic theatres are ambiguous. But It must be reconsider some negative postdramatic theatre discussion as though They have somewhat their own justification in the case of Korean postdramatic theatre discourse, the concept has been elaborated through continuous communication with the Western contemporary since the introduction of the concept in Korea immediately after the concept was announced in Germany. This fact opens up the possibility of positive evaluation that it is an example of overcoming the lag phenomenon of the West in the acceptance of discourse of modern theater in Korea. The issue of the social role of postdramatic theatre has also been constantly agonizing over it, explaining various roles or possibilities, including the reconstruction of the community. Meanwhile, several researchers including Lemann have tried to clarify the concept and scope of the postdramatic theatre. As a result, meaningful explanations were made such as what the 'dramatic theatre', which postdramatic theatre make it the object of criticism and disconnection, specifically refers to. However, it seems that further discussion is still needed until the phenomenon of postdramatic theatre can clearly explain what is distinct from today's various post-representative performance practices that do not presuppose 'dramatic text'. This study will analyze the new audience shown in the postdramatic theatre phenomenon of Korea according to the viewpoint of political philosopher Jacques Ranciere. The appearance of the theatre can be seen as closely related to how or what kind of communication it aims for with the audience, one of the essential conditions for it to be established. Ranciere's thought of emancipation, which considers art as a political practice from the viewpoint of the distribution of the sensible shares the postdramatic theatre and premise that aims to communicate with the audience through sensory perception. It is expected that it will provide a possibility to ponder on a concrete and realistic level.

정치적 레즈비언 주체들: 영화 『더 월 2』

김경희 ( Kyung Hee Kim ) 한국비교문학회 2014 比較文學 Vol.0 No.62

This paper tries to explore the interface between Jacques Ranciere`s aesthetic politics and Judith Butler`s gender politics through If These Walls Could Speak 2. In the interface, the political lesbian subjects are born. Ranciere`s aesthetic politics reveals ``the distribution of sensible`` which signifies the rules allotting and regulating the position of people according to the norm of ``universal consensus``. Judith Butler`s gender politics shows the non-sovereign performativity which is connected to the cultural and social constructivism of gender and speech act. If These Walls Could Speak 2 consists of "1961"(dir. Jane Anderson), "1972"(dir. Martha Coolidge), and "2000"(dir. Anne Heche) as a HBO trilogy. The subjectivation courses of the political lesbian subjects take place in the same house of the three films. What links the three films that make up These Walls Could Speak 2 is the footage of feminist and lesbian and gay demonstrations. The significant footage supports this film`s practical politics. The house of lesbians is a place of lesbian intimacy but it is figured as a political zone in each film. In the film "1961", as ``a zone of those without portion``, a lesbian Edith who is excluded under the norm ``family`` which is constituted by ``universal consensus`` of heterosexual society is an unintelligible person outside the counting. In the "1972", as ‘a zone of various genders``, a lesbian Linda and ``a drag`` Amy re-draw the dichotomous gender norm, showing the limits that feminists and lesbians re-appropriate the power of ``police``. In the last film "2002", as ‘a zone of re-constituting gender discourse``, a lesbian couple Fran and Kal try to make a post-family through artificial insemination. The lesbian couple`s post-family is an attack on the parental and Oedipal family. So, If These Walls Could Speak 2 is a political zone where the subjectivation courses of political lesbian subjects happen.