여성의 정체성과 철학상담

김선희(Sun Hie Kim) 철학연구회 2010 哲學硏究 Vol.0 No.89

In this paper, I will discuss how feminist philosophical counseling is possible, by reexamining the problem of women`s identity in the patriarchy society. How can the philosophical counseling method based on self-identity apply to the feministic philosophical counseling? I argue that the philosophical counseling method based on self-identity and feminist thought share the understanding of the political characteristics of women`s identity. According to the politics of identity, the identity is affected by the politics of gender, race, class, sexuality, and disability. In other words, the feelings I have, the reasons I act upon are all deeply political. My identity and individuality is shaped by political force. Politics are inseparable from the construction of the self and self-identity. Especially, gender identity is highly political in the patriarchy. Feministic philosophical counseling accepts the insight of identity-politics, and reexamines critically how politics and women`s identity are linked. We need to reassess of identity and the politics of identity, and then have to examine the connection between women`s problems and the patriarchal value system. It provides the opportunity that women grasps the politics of gender identity. As a result, they can adjust their identity to solve their own problems. Each individual creates her own identity when she perceives the politics of identity, although she is constrained by circumstance. Feministic philosophical counseling helps women clients find acceptable creative self-identity by understanding of the identity politics.

언어의 정치와 정체성의 재구성 - 아프리칸스(Afrikaans)와 아프리카너(Afrikaner) 민족정체성을 중심으로

한국외국어대학교 아프리카연구소 2013 Asian Journal of African Studies Vol.33 No.-

<P>&nbsp;&nbsp;Afrikaans language politics has always been in a close relationship with the socio-political situation in South Africa. This paper discusses how Afrikaans (one of the official languages in South Africa) plays a role of a political agency for the re-positioning of Afrikaner identity in the new historical chapter of post-Apartheid South Africa. It is significant to discuss various case studies of socio-cultural phenomena where we could observe the politics of Afrikaans language and of Afrikaner identity in the multicultural context since 1990.</P><P>&nbsp;&nbsp;Since 1652 the relationship between Afrikaans language politics and Afrikaner identity has developed according to the historical and socio-political situations. Under British colonial rule and during the Anglo-Boer War Afrikaans was an important medium for constructing the Afrikaner identity. Since 1994, under the new political atmosphere, the Afrikaners are trying to re-position their languageand ethnic identity. In this study, prosperous Afrikaans festivals, debates on the medium of instruction at the historical Afrikaans universities, De la Rey phenomenon, publications like &quot;Annelike Afrikaans&quot;, or attitudes of Afrikaans media and writers prove this. The socio-political condition of a society is inseparable from the national/ethnical identity, and again the naitonal/ethnical identity is closely related to the politics of language. According to this study, an expanding multicultural phenomena in South Africa goes with a strong will to preserve the Afrikaner identity. Facing multiculturalism on the one hand, and keeping their own identity on the other, is a dilemma for which Afrikaners should find a way to solve.</P>

언어의 정치와 정체성의 재구성: 아프리칸스(Afrikaans)와 아프리카너(Afrikaner) 민족정체성을 중심으로

문지희 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 아프리카연구소 2013 Asian Journal of African Studies Vol.33 No.-

Afrikaans language politics has always been in a close relationship with the socio-political situation in South Africa. This paper discusses how Afrikaans (one of the official languages in South Africa) plays a role of a political agency for the re-positioning of Afrikaner identity in the new historical chapter of post-Apartheid South Africa. It is significant to discuss various case studies of socio-cultural phenomena where we could observe the politics of Afrikaans language and of Afrikaner identity in the multicultural context since 1990. Since 1652 the relationship between Afrikaans language politics and Afrikaner identity has developed according to the historical and socio-political situations. Under British colonial rule and during the Anglo-Boer War Afrikaans was an important medium for constructing the Afrikaner identity. Since 1994, under the new political atmosphere, the Afrikaners are trying to re-position their language- and ethnic identity. In this study, prosperous Afrikaans festivals, debates on the medium of instruction at the historical Afrikaans universities, De la Rey phenomenon, publications like 'Annelike Afrikaans', or attitudes of Afrikaans media and writers prove this. The socio-political condition of a society is inseparable from the national/ethnical identity, and again the naitonal/ethnical identity is closely related to the politics of language. According to this study, an expanding multicultural phenomena in South Africa goes with a strong will to preserve the Afrikaner identity. Facing multiculturalism on the one hand, and keeping their own identity on the other, is a dilemma for which Afrikaners should find a way to solve.

EXPLORING POLITICAL BRAND IDENTITY AND POLITICAL BRAND IMAGE IN NON-PARTY CONTEXTS FROM A MULTI-STAKEHOLDER PERSPECTIVE

G. Armannsdottir,C. Pich 글로벌지식마케팅경영학회 2018 Global Marketing Conference Vol.2018 No.07

Introduction Understanding political brands is a pertinent concern for the British Crown Dependency of Guernsey. Guernsey is a Channel Island, part of the British Isles yet not a member of the European Union. In addition, Guernsey currently has a nonpolitical party system and all thirty-eight Members of Parliament [otherwise known as Deputies] are independent figures. Further, deputies stand as individuals, and members often form informal alliances repeatedly referred to as collections of constantly changing coalitions of support or ‘quasi-political parties’ Guernsey is set to hold an island-wide referendum by March 2018 on the island’s electoral process, moving from seven constituencies to one island-wide constituency. The Guernsey Government believe the 2018 referendum will impact the way Members of Parliament are elected and envisage the creation and introduction of ‘political parties’, or formal alliances in anticipation for the 2020 General Election. The creation and introduction of political parties [political brands] on Guernsey would be unprecedented to the current-historic political environment of a non-party system structured by independent, individual politicians. Further, it is unknown whether the creation and introduction of political ‘party’ brands would have the same appeal, benefits and success compared with independent ‘individual’ political brands. This presents a unique opportunity for the proposed piece of research, which will have an impact as to whether political parties [political party brands] are desired by Guernsey’s elected representatives and Guernsey citizens-voters, and if so, how will new political parties be created and conceptualised. However, in order to address this we need to frame the study within the sub-discipline of political branding. The application of commercial branding theory to politics is nothing new (O’Cass and Voola 2011; O’Shaughnessy and Baines 2009; Rutter et al. 2015). There is a shared understanding that political parties, pressure groups, politicians, candidates and campaigns can be conceptualised as ‘brands’ (Guzman and Sierra 2009; Needham and Smith 2015; Peng and Hackley 2009; Pich et al. 2016; Scammell 2015; Smith 2009). Further, the sub-discipline of political branding has become a ‘critical’ and ‘priority’ issue that warrants continued attention (Speed et al. 2015). The application of branding to politics has been described as the most appropriate way to understand the political ‘product’ and a mechanism to frame the deconstruction process to understand the political promise put forward by political actors (Scammell 2015). Political brands are complex, multi-layered entities which are often difficult to unbundle (Lees-Marshment 2009; Lock and Harris 1996; Phipps et al. 2010). Further, political brands are powerful tools used as a short-cut mechanism to deconstruct the rational and irrational elements of the political offering (Scammell 2015). This is reinforced with continued calls for future research to focus on generating deeper insight into how political brands are developed and understood particularly in new settings and contexts (Needham and Smith 2015; Nielsen 2016; Ormrod and Henneberg 2011; Pich and Dean 2015; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Subsequently, the objectives of this study are to: - Investigate how current non-party political brands create, develop and communicate their brand identity from the perspective of elected representatives - Explore how current non-party political brand image is understood from the perspective of Guernsey voters - Ascertain whether elected representatives and Guernsey voters desire political ‘party’ brands for the 2020 General Election. Theoretical Background Political brands can be considered a trinity of elements including the party, leader and policy (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). The trinity of elements need to ensure clear identification and differentiation from political competitors (Ahmed et al. 2015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Smith 2008). In addition, effective political brands should be strong, appealing, trustworthy, offer resonance, act as a decision making driver which in turn will support strategy development and build awareness in the mind of voters-citizens (Ahmed et al. 2015; Baines and Harris 2011; O’Cass and Voola 2011). However, the existing literature has tended to focus on ‘party’ political systems and overlooked political brands from non-party political systems where all candidates and politicians are independent candidates and representatives. Nevertheless, what about other typologies of political brands like in non-party systems? In addition, the existing body of knowledge has not explained how political brands exist or develop without the ‘party’ element from the trinity. This proposition is supported the demand for more depth and understanding on political brands especially non-party ‘individual’ political brands [elected representatives] (French and Smith 2010; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Peng and Hackley 2009; Scammell 2015). Despite the calls for more research in this area, there are a few studies that have investigated ‘individual’ political brands. More specifically, studies have focused on politicians or candidates from political ‘parties’ in terms of brand personality, equity, identity or image and often compared ‘corporate’ and ‘individual’ political brands (Cwalina and Falkowski 2014; De Landtsheer and De Vries 2015; Milewicz and Milewicz 2014; Smith and Spotswood 2013; Speed et al. 2015). For example, Smith and Spotswood (2013) comparatively considered the brand equity of the UK Liberal Democrat Party from a corporate and individual-local perspective. Smith and Spotwood (2013) highlighted that successful political brands whether corporate or local-individual) communicated clear expectations, focused values, believable promises to constituents, which is often easier at a local rather than national level. Further, Smith and Spotwood (2013) argued that successful corporate political brands would depend on consistency between corporate and local-individual political brands. However, the work by Smith and Spotswood (2013) was developed from speeches, articles and other discourse rather than from the personal perspective of internal stakeholders. Therefore, more depth and understanding from a multi-stakeholder perspective would reveal greater insight into the individual-local political brand particularly in non-party contexts. Existing political branding research primarily adopts either an internal (Busby and Cronshaw 2015; Cwalina and Falkowski 2014; de Landtsheer and Vries 2015; Milewicz and Milewicz 2014; Smith and Spotswood 2013) or external perspective to frame studies (French and Smith 2010; Peng and Hackley 2009; Phipps et al. 2010). More specifically, research devoted to an internal ‘brand identity’ perspective directs its attention to the political party, candidate or politician. Brand identity can be conceptualised as the current intended projection formulated and communicated by the brand’s creator with the aim of attempting to establish a desired identity in the mind of the consumer (de Chernatony 2007; Kapferer 2008). Further, brand identity can be seen as a useful approach to generate a deep understanding from an internal standpoint and capture the ‘central ideas of a brand and how the brand communicates these ideas to stakeholders’ (de Chernatony 2007:45; Ross and Harradine 2011; Saaksjarvi and Samiee 2011). In contrast, research focusing on an external ‘brand image’ perspective considers the political offering from a citizen-voter orientation (Needham and Smith 20015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001). Brand image can be considered as the current-immediate associations perceived and formulated in the mind of the consumer, which is often out of control of the brand’s creator (Nandan 2005; Rekom et al. 2006). In addition, brand image is externally created, and manifested through unique associations and perceptions, experiences and expectations linked to physical and intangible elements of a brand (Bosch et al. 2006a; Nandan 2005). Therefore, future research should attempt to capture insight into how political brands develop and communicate identity and how political brands are understood from an internal [revealed by the politician] and external perspective [revealed by the voter] (Baines et al. 2014; Needham and Smith 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Pich and Dean 2015). However, how can we actually comprehend current political brand identity and political brand image? One study that explored an ‘internal-relational orientation’ of several individual political brands was the work by Pich and Dean (2015). Pich and Dean (2015) explored the internal brand identity of UK Conservative Party politicians prior the 2010 UK General Election with the support of Kapferer’s brand identity prism (Kapferer 2008). Further, the work by Pich and Dean (2015) not only revealed the complex related yet distinct nature of individual political brands and their relationship with their ‘corporate Conservative Party’ political brand but also demonstrated the problematic nature of applying the brand identity prism in its original form to deconstruct the internal orientation of a political brand. Pich and Dean (2015) concluded with a revised framework known as the ‘political brand identity network’ and challenged future studies to consider this as a workable tool to understand individual political brands from an internal-relational perspective. However, Pich and Dean (2015) concluded that the ‘political brand identity network’ could also support the understanding of external brand image. Therefore, could the ‘political brand identity network’ aid the exploration of internal political brand identity and external political brand image of non-party political brands? Responding to this gap in the body of knowledge, this research will explore the internal brand identity of an ‘individual’ political brand from the perspective of elected representatives and investigate the external brand image of non-party political brand from the perspective of Guernsey voters. In addition, this study will assess the operationalisation of the ‘political brand identity network’ put forward by Pich and Dean (2015). Further, responding to the challenge from Pich and Dean (2015), this study will assess the usability of the political brand identity network to understand non-party political brand identity and political brand image. This will address the limited development of ‘appropriate models’ and frameworks that can be used to assist political entities in understanding their offering and support strategy development (Nielsen 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod 2011; Scammell 2015). Confusion and advancement can be addressed by building on existing research by assessing existing models and frameworks in comparison with new settings and contexts (Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod and Henneberg 2011; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Research Design As this study aims to explore non-party political brands from a multi-stakeholder perspective, a qualitative interpretivist approach is adopted (Creswell 2007; Welch et al. 2011). This is consistent with the calls across the political branding discipline for more exploratory empirical research (French and Smith 2010; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Peng and Hackley 2009; Scammell 2015). This study will involve two stages. Stage one involves twenty-one semi-structured interviews with current elected Deputies. Deputies from across the eight districts of Guernsey namely; Vale, Vale-West, St Sampson, St Peter Port-North, St Peter Port-South, South East, West and Castel (www.gov.gg) have been selected. Interviews will last between 60-90 minutes and will be conducted by the researchers from March 2018-May 2018. Stage two involves twelve focus group discussions with Guernsey citizens-voters. Focus group discussions will be organised according to voter age group following the conventional approach adopted by research organisitions such as YOUGOV and IPSOS-MORI to explore political brand image. More specifically, this study will adopt purposive sampling framework and Guernsey citizens will be grouped from 18-24, 25-34, 35-44, 45-54, 55-64 and 65+ and each group will serve to frame each focus group discussion (Gillham 2005; Malhotra and Birks 2003). Focus group discussions will be conducted July-September 2018. Pilot interviews and focus group discussions were conducted in October 2017 to assess the usability of the interview-focus group schedules and aided developmentrefinement (Gillham 2005). The ‘political brand identity network’ (Pich and Dean 2015) serves as a conceptual framework to provide some structure the interviews-focus group discussions and be incorporated into the interview-focus group schedules (Gillham 2005; Zikmund 2003).Transcripts from the semi-structured interviews and the focus group discussions will be thematically analysed with the support of Butler- Kisber’s (2010) two-stage analytical approach. Findings The findings from stage one of the study will generate insight on how current nonparty political brands create, develop and communicate their brand identity from the perspective of elected representatives. For example, the findings will highlight how non-party political brands create-develop communication strategies and tactics, the significance of individual political personality as a tool to provide differentiation and whether personal values are used to characterise the brands (Ahmed et al. 2015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Smith 2008). The findings from stage two of the study will reveal how current non-party political brand image is understood from the perspective of Guernsey voters. For example, the insights linked to political brand image will reveal consistencies and incoherencies with communicated identity and awareness of communication strategies-tactics, personality characteristics and personal-cultural values of Deputies (Pich and Dean 2015). Stage two will also reveal understanding as to whether Guernsey citizens-voters desire political ‘party’ brands. This will address the third objective of the study. This in turn will highlight the ideal conceptualised political brand for Guernsey developed from a multi-stakeholder perspective. Discussion This study will also reveal the relationships between current Deputies and constituents, personal-working relationships with stakeholders across government departments and understanding of attitudes and opinions of political issues such as the introduction of parties. This in turn will introduce first-hand accounts of current non-party political brand identities. In addition, this stage will reveal if the ‘party’ dimension is the only missing element from the triad and provide understanding of the relevance of the ‘policy’ and ‘leader-politician’ dimensions (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Further, this study will provide understanding into the relationships between voters and Deputies and highlight the perceptions, associations and imagery Guernsey voters ascribe to non-party political brands (Bosch et al. 2006a; Nandan 2005). This research will also reveal understanding as to whether Guernsey citizens-voters desire political ‘party’ brands. This in turn could result in a reconceptualization of political brands, which extends the political brand triad (Butler et al. 2011; Davies and Mian 2010; Pich and Dean 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Further, a revised definition could be tailored to the unique setting of island communities and this could have implications to other jurisdictions with non-traditional political brands. Finally, the applied findings will address the challenge put forward by Pich and Dean (2015) to assess the usability of the ‘brand identity network’ as a mechanism to explore internal political brand identity and external political brand image. This will go some way in addressing the limited number of ‘appropriate frameworks’ than can be used to assist researchers to understand brands and develop strategies to address any inconsistencies or misalignment between communicated identity and understood image (Nielsen 2015; O’Cass and Voola 2011; Ormrod 2011; Scammell 2015; Speed et al. 2015). Conclusion Subsequently, this study will seek to understand how independent elected representatives currently create and develop political brand identity and explore how Guernsey voters understand political brand image of non-party brands. Further, the findings will highlight a contribution to practice. For example, this study will reveal implications of the introduction of political ‘party’ brands to the prospective of an island-wide voting environment from the perspective of internal [Deputies] and external [citizens-voters] stakeholders. This research will offer internal political stakeholders insight into the perceptions, attitudes and opinions of external citizensvoters in terms of prospective political ‘party’ brands, desired configuration of political ‘party’ brands and highlight whether political ‘party’ brands have a role to play in the reformed electoral process on Guernsey. Further, the findings will offer internal political stakeholders the opportunity to design, create and develop their political brands in line with the wants and needs of the electorate, which in turn should strengthen political engagement, maintain personal relationships between politicians-voters and allow for the establishment of a tailored approach to political brand management in non-traditional political environments. Further, the findings will have a direct impact on the debate as to how Guernsey’s electoral process develops following the 2018 Island Wide Referendum and legislates prior the 2020 Guernsey General Election. The findings will also have implications beyond non-party systems of government for example it may offer existing party-systems of government practical methods and initiatives to strengthen voter engagement and develop stakeholder relationships across jurisdictions and constituencies. This study will also contribute to academic theory. For example, the addressed objectives will offer the researchers an opportunity reconceptualise political brands particularly in non-traditional contexts based on deep insight from the perspectives of citizens-voters, which in turn will allow the sub-discipline of political branding to advance-develop as an area of study (Needham and Smith 20015; Nielsen 2016; O’Cass 2001; Pich et al. 2016; Scammel 2015). In addition, this study will address explicit calls for future research in this area by outlining how independent political brands exist or develop without the ‘party’ element from the trinity assess the applicability of the ‘trinity’ concept to new jurisdictions. Finally, this study will assess the applicability of the ‘political brand identity network’ (Pich and Dean 2015) as a tool to explore internal political brand identity and external political brand image of non-party political brands from a multi-stakeholder perspective.

원불교의 정체성 정치와 위치

고병철(高炳哲) 원광대학교 원불교사상연구원 2015 원불교사상과 종교문화 Vol.63 No.-

이 글의 목적은 원불교가 전개한 종교 정체성의 정치를 검토하는 데에 있다. 이와 관련하여, 연구자들은 대체로 원불교를 불교나 신종교와 동일시하는 관점을 보여주었다. 그에 비해, 이 글에는 원불교가 정체성의 정치를 통해 중층적인 종교 정체성을 형성해왔다는 관점이 담겨 있다. 이런 관점을 토대로, 제2장에서는 종교 정체성의 변화를 드러내기 위해 원불교의 역사를 검토하였다. 그리고 이를 통해 저축조합(1917), 불법연구회기성조합(1919), 불법연구회(1924), 원불교(1948) 등으로 전개된 역사적 과정에서 스스로를 불교단체 또는 신종교로 인식할 수 있는 부분이 원불교 내부에 축적되었다는 점을 지적하였다. 제3장에서는 1970년대 이후, 원불교의 종교 정체성에 관한 연구 경향을 논쟁 형태로 분석하였다. 여기서 논쟁 형태는 불교와 차이를 드러내어 신종교임을 강조하는 연구 경향, 그리고 불교와 유사성을 강조하는 연구 경향의 구도를 말한다. 그리고 이런 논쟁 구도가 형성된 배경이 원불교 역사에서 축적된 중층적 종교 정체성에 있다는 점을 지적하였다. 제4장에서는 원불교가 사회적으로 전개한 종교 정체성의 정치와 효과에 관해 검토하였다. 이 부분에서는 원불교가, 비록 1970년대 중반 이후 한국불교종단협의회에 참여하지 않았지만, 1948년 이후 불교 연합체에 꾸준히 참여한, 동시에 1962년 이후 범종교 연합체에서 활동한 내용을 고찰하였다. 그리고 이 과정에서 사회적으로 불교와 다른 독자성을 강조하면서 국가장, 군종, 교화위원, 인구총조사, 학문 분류 등의 측면에서 여러 제도적 이익을 획득했다는 점을 지적하였다. 끝으로, 이상의 내용을 토대로, 원불교의 중층적 종교 정체성이 역사적 경험의 축적물이고, 원불교의 현재 위치가 특히 해방 이후에 종교 정체성의 정치가 만들어낸 산물이라고 지적하였다. 구체적으로, 원불교가 이런 중층적 종교 정체성을 가지고 불교나 신종교와 공존할 수 있었고, 불교와 다른 독자성을 강조하여 불교와 동등한 차원에서 여러 제도적 이익을 획득할 수 있었다고 지적하였다. 그리고 이런 공존 가능성과 제도적 이익을 고려할 때 앞으로도 원불교가 종파불교나 신종교단체 가운데 어느 한 쪽만으로 종교 정체성을 규정하기는 쉽지 않을 것으로 전망하였다. The purpose of this article is to examine the identity politics of Won-Buddhism in Korea. So far, many researchers have claimed that Won-Buddhism is a modernized form of Buddhism or a new religion. However, I take the view that Won-Buddhism has formed layered identities as both Buddhism and new religion, through the politics of religious identity. Based on this perspective, in chapter 2(‘Religious identities of Won-Buddhism’), I revealed the multi-layer dimensions of Won-Buddhists’ identities, examining the history of Won-Buddhism, And, I argued that Won-Buddhism can be regarded as a modernized form of Buddhism or as a new religion. In chapter 3(‘Controversy between a modernized form of Buddhism and a new religion’), I examined the research trends on identities of Won-Buddhism since the 1970s. Looking at these trends, the researches of the first type have exposed the differences between Won-Buddhism and Buddhism, and have emphasized Won-Buddhism as a new religion. By contrast, the researches of the second type have exposed the similarities between Won-Buddhism and Buddhism, and have emphasized Won-Buddhism as a modernized form of Buddhism. These trends were made because multi-layer dimensions of Won-Buddhists’ identities. Finally, in chapter 4(‘Won-Buddhism and Identity politics’), I examined the identity politics as Won-Buddhism. Here, I pointed out that Won-Buddhists, though they did not participate in Association of Korean Buddhist Orders since the mid-1970s, have worked in Buddhist association since 1948, not only in the pan-religious coalitions since 1962. As a result, Won-Buddhists could obtain various institutional interests through their identity politics. In summary, Won-Buddhists have formed multi-layer religious identities in their historical experiences, and Won-Buddhism could have existed between a modernized form of Buddhism and a new religion through its identity politics. And Won-Buddhism has obtained institutional interests at the similar level with Buddhists organizations. Considering these aspects, we can assume that multi-layer identities of Won-Buddhism will continue in the future.

홍콩 민주화 시위에 나타난 정체성의 정치 분석

박서현(Park, Seohyun) 글로벌교육연구학회 2015 글로벌교육연구 Vol.7 No.4

본 연구는 홍콩의 민주화 시위에서 나타난 정체성의 정치를 분석하는 사례 연구이다. 홍콩의 민주화 시위의 직접적 상황 요인은 홍콩인들의 정치제도 개혁의 열망과 민주화의 의지의 연장선상에서 태동 된 것이었다. 이는 홍콩인의 정치적 참여와 권리에 대한 오랜 차별과 배제의 불만이 폭발한 결과였다. 홍콩의 민주화 시위는 홍콩인들의 강화된 정체성을 구심점으로 하는 정체성의 정치 행위로 표출되었다. 이것의 본질은 중국 정부의 영향으로부터 빠져나오려는 강렬한 저항의 시도이자 자기중심의 자율성과 정체성, 정치적 권리를 확보하려는 과정에서 작동되는 정치 행위라 할 수 있다. 2014년 홍콩의 민주화 시위에 이르기까지 홍콩의 정체성의 정치 전략은 상황에 따라 다른 수준의 정체성의 정치 전략들이 구사되었다. 따라서 홍콩의 정체성의 정치 발전 과정을 동화(Assimilation)→적응(Accommodation)→책임(Accountability)의 3단계로 나누어 분석하였다. 75일의 홍콩의 민주화 시위는 지속되었으나 홍콩인들은 그들이 원하는 정치적 결과를 얻지는 못하였다. 그러나 홍콩의 민주화 시위는 시위에 참여한 홍콩의 젊은 세대들을 홍콩 정치의 새로운 주역으로 부상하게 하였으며, 홍콩 사회에 내재한 정체성의 심층 구조와 정체성의 정치 행위를 살펴 볼 수 있게 하는 사건으로서 정치사적 의의가 있다. The purpose of this case study is to research and analyze politics of identity demonstrated through democratic movement in Hong Kong. The democratic movement of Hong Kong broke out due to an extension of long desired political reformation and democratization of Hong Kong. This is a triggered result of violation of rights and discrimination toward political involvements of the people of Hong Kong. Democratic movement of Hong Kong broke out based on their reinforced identities. Those are political conducts through their own solidarity as the people of Hong Kong, a spark of awakening in their identity by opposing China’s political attempts. This political act is a result from strong resistance to Chinese influence while building Hong Kong’s own autonomy, identity, and political rights. To reach The 2014 democratic movement of Hong Kong the strategies of politics of identity based on situation were developed. Therefore the developed strategies of politics of identity by Dean (1996) were analyzed in three stages: Assimilation, Accommodation, and Accountability. Due to the disregard of Chinese government, the democratic movement that lasted 75 days did not get the results that people of Hong Kong desired. However, it is an evident political significance that the young generation has risen as the new leading role in politics of Hong Kong. Also it has political meaning to shown inherited inner structure of identities of Hong Kong and the case demonstrated conducts of politics of identity.

정체성 갈등 시대 정체성 정치문화에 대한 소고 : 자기 동일성으로서의 정체성 개념에 대한 비판적 접근을 중심으로

유용민(Yongmin Ryu) 경희대학교 인류사회재건연구원 2023 OUGHTOPIA Vol.37 No.3

정체성 정치는 현대사회 상이한 정체성 사이의 공존과 상호 인정을 도모하는 민주적 기획으로 환영할 수 있지만 동시에 정체성 사이의 과도한 긴장과 갈등을 불러오는 폭력적인 가능성을 안고 있다는 점에서 복합적인 성찰을 필요로 한다. 이 글은 정체성 정치에서 정체성 개념이 특권화되고 과잉 도덕화되는 경향이 정체성 정치에 갖는 의미에 주목해 보았다. 정체성은 불변하는 자아를 지지하는 관념인 것처럼 인식되는 경향이 있지만 자아의 동일성과 지속성에 대한 현대철학적 사유들은 실체로서 주체가 갖는 의미가 고정적이지 않음을 일깨운다. 정체성 정치가 자기 동일성에 대한 지나친 믿음에 기초할 때 그러한 정체성 정치가 민주주의와의 관계에 제공하는 함의는 무엇일까? 이 글은 자기동일성에 대한 데이비드 흄의 철학과 정체성 논쟁을 정치철학적으로 제기한 토머스 홉스 그리고 우연적 자아의 개념을 도입해 본질주의적 정체성 개념을 비판하고 비본질주의적인 주체의 개념을 상정하는 미국 프래그머티즘 논의를 탐색하면서 완벽한 정체성의 추구를 부르짖는 정체성 정치의 위험성을 진단한다. Identity politics is a controversial concept that requires complex reflection. The reason is that it has the violent possibility of causing excessive tension and conflict between differentt identities. This essay pays attention to the implications of the tendency for the concept of identity to be privileged and overmoralized in identity politics. Identity tends to be perceived as an idea that supports an immutable self. However, modern philosophical thoughts awaken that the meaning of the subject as a substance is not fixed in relation to the identity and continuity of the self. What are the implications of identity politics for their relationship to democracy when it is based on an over-belief in self-identity? This article examines David Hume’s philosophy on self-identity, Thomas Hobbes who raised the identity debate as a political philosophy, and American pragmatism that criticizes the essentialist concept of identity by introducing the concept of the contingent self and assumes the concept of a non-essentialist subject. Exploring the discussion, this author criticizes the dangers of identity politics calling for the pursuit of perfect identity.

정보 편식이 정치적 양극화에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구 : 정보 채널 레퍼토리와 정파적 일체감의 관계를 중심으로

김철용 동국대학교 사회과학연구원 2023 사회과학연구 Vol.30 No.2

The purpose of this study is to find out how unbalanced diet of information affects political polarization. Unbalanced diet of information was measured by using the concept of information channel repertoire representing the number and type of information channels used by an individual. A person’s diet of information can be said less unbalanced if his or her information channel repertoire is more diverse. Political polarization was measured by using the concept of partisan identity representing the emotional unity with a political party supported by an individual. Political polarization in societal level can be said severer if partisan identity in individual level is stronger. Specifically, there are two research questions in this study; (1) How does the information channel repertoire affect partisan identity? (2) How is the relationship between the information channel repertoire and partisan identity affected by demographic variables (gender, age, and education) and political variables (political knowledge, political interest, and political orientation)? To answer these questions an online survey was conducted targeting 906 individuals over the age of 18 (451 men, 455 women) nationwide. As a result of the analyses, the number and type of information channel repertoire had a significant effect on the partisan identity even after controlling for demographic variables and political variables. As the number of information channel repertoires increased, the sense of partisan identity strengthened, and those who access news using various information channel repertoires had a higher sense of partisan identity than those who use some limited information channels such as portals/youtubes, portals/messengers/SNS, or traditional media outlets, and those who consume less news. Political variables moderated or mediated the influence of information channel repertoire on partisan identity. Political orientation moderated the effect of the number of information channel repertoire on partisan identity. For those with a conservative political orientation, the number of information channel repertoire had a greater effect on the sense of partisan identity than for those with a progressive political orientation. Political knowledge and political interest partially mediated the relationship between information channel repertoire and partisan identity. Future studies should comprehensively consider not only information channels, but also information content, information use method, and information use intention. 본 연구의 목적은 정보 편식이 정치적 양극화에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지 밝히는 것이다. 정보 편식은 이용하는 정보 채널의 수와 다양성을 의미하는 정보 채널 레퍼토리 개념을 이용하여측정하였다. 정보 채널 레퍼토리가 다양할수록 정보 편식 정도가 작다고 할 수 있다. 정치적 양극화는 자신이 지지하는 정파에 대한 정서적 일체감의 강도를 의미하는 정파적 일체감 개념을이용하여 측정하였다. 개인적 수준에서 정파적 일체감이 강할수록 사회적 수준에서 정치적 양극화 정도가 커진다고 할 수 있다. 구체적으로 본 연구의 연구문제는 (1)정보 채널 레퍼토리는정파적 일체감에 어떤 영향을 미치는가, (2)정보 채널 레퍼토리와 정파적 일체감의 관계에 인구통계학적 변수(성별, 연령, 학력)와 정치적 변수(정치 지식, 정치 관심, 정치 성향)는 어떤영향을 미치는가이다. 연구문제에 대한 답을 얻기 위해서 전국 만 18세 이상 남녀 906명(남성451명, 여성 455명)을 대상으로 온라인 조사를 실시하였다. 분석 결과, 정보 채널 레퍼토리 수와 유형은 인구통계학적 변수와 정치적 변수를 통제한 후에도 정파적 일체감에 대해 유의한 영향을 미쳤다. 정보 채널 레퍼토리 수가 증가할수록 정파적 일체감은 증가했고, 다양한 정보 채널 레퍼토리를 이용해서 뉴스를 접하는 사람은, 포털/유튜브, 포털/메신저/SNS, 혹은 기존 언론사 등 일부 한정된 정보 채널을 이용해서 뉴스를 접하는 사람 및 뉴스 이용을 덜 하는 사람보다 정파적 일체감이 더 강한 것으로 나타났다. 또한 정치적 변수는 정보 채널 레퍼토리가 정파적 일체감에 미치는 영향을 조절하거나 매개했다. 정치 성향은 정보 채널 레퍼토리 수가 정파적 일체감에 미치는 영향을 조절했다. 정치 성향이 진보적인 사람들보다 보수적인 사람들의 경우, 정보 채널 레퍼토리 수가 정파적 일체감에 미치는 영향이 더 컸다. 정치 지식과 정치 관심은 정보 채널 레퍼토리와 정파적 일체감의 관계를 부분매개했다. 후속 연구에서는 정보 채널뿐아니라, 정보 내용, 정보 이용 방식, 정보 이용 의도 등을 종합적으로 고려할 필요가 있다.

국내 교사 정체성 연구에 드러난 교사 정체성 이해에 대한 비판적 고찰

소경희,최유리 한국교원교육학회 2019 한국교원교육연구 Vol.36 No.3

Recently, teacher identity has gained increasing interest in the field of education research. The purpose of this study is to analyze how understandings of teacher identity is being formed in the domestic educational academic discourses and to discuss their characteristics critically. For this purpose, researchers collected 25 researches on teacher identity published in the field of Korean education research and analyzed their strategies of discursive framing about teacher identity. The analysis results show that most of the research on teacher identity were carried out for the purpose of establishing the ‘institutional identity’ of specific teacher groups that have newly emerged in the school field due to the change of education system or are in charge of subject with relatively low status in school. In addition, the improvement of institutional dimension of teacher identity has also been stressed as a solution for teacher identity formation and development. This study discusses that teacher identity research in Korea has focused excessively on the institutional identity of the teacher and overlooked the search for political and ethical dimension that could be presumed in the process of teacher identity formation. In conclusion, it is suggested that there is a need for a study to be carried out on teacher identity of teachers in more diverse positions at school sites, as well as a study to attempt a political approach to teacher identity in Korea education research. 최근 교육 관련 연구 분야에서 교사 정체성에 대한 관심이 증가하고 있다. 이 연구의 목적은 국내 교육 학술 담론 내에서 교사 정체성에 대한 이해가 어떻게 형성되고 있는지를 분석하고, 이를 비판적으로 논의하는 것이다. 이를 위해 국내 교육 관련 학술지에 게재된 25편의 교사 정체성 연구물들을 대상으로, 이들 연구가 어떤 필요성과 목적으로 수행되었으며, 교사 정체성 형성 및 발달 과제를 무엇으로 보고 있는지가 분석되었다. 분석 결과, 국내 교사 정체성 연구의 대부분이 학교 현장에서 교과 위상이 비교적 낮은 비주지교과 교사 집단이나, 교원 제도의 변화로 인해 학교 현장에 새롭게 등장한 특정 교사 집단의 ‘제도적 정체성’ 확립을 목적으로 수행되고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 이들 연구들에서 제시하는 교사 정체성 형성 및 발달 과제 역시 제도적·문화적 차원의 개선을 강조점을 두고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 특징에 대하여, 본 연구에서는 국내 교사 정체성 연구가 교사의 제도적 정체성에 주된 초점을 둠으로써 교사 정체성 형성 과정에 전제될 수 있는 정치적·윤리적 함의에 대한 탐색을 간과할 수 있다는 점을 논의하였다. 제언으로는, 학교 현장에서 보다 다양한 위치에 있는 교사들의 교사 정체성에 대한 연구가 수행될 필요성과 함께, 교사 정체성을 이해하는 데에 있어 정치적 접근이 시도될 필요가 있음이 제시되었다.

디아스포라적 正體性과 差異의 政治 -재일코리안의 國籍, 言語, 이름을 통한 接近-

이상봉,박수경 한일민족문제학회 2013 한일민족문제연구 Vol.24 No.-

Diaspora is the results of the territorial boundary of nation state. ‘Politics of identity’ in modern which seeks the value of national identity, the differences of diaspora are the object of discrimination or exclusion, because ‘politics of identity’ could not afford to contain diaspora’s heterogeneity. On the other hand, ‘politics of difference’ in post-modern requires recognition of differences which can not assimilate into national identity. That is, the difference is not only a mechanism of discrimination but also a kind of post-modern value called hybridity. Among various diaspora, specially diaspora of Korean residents in Japan which has experienced colonial rule and division of nation has a wide and deep zone conflict with uniform national identity. This thesis deal with the repressive mechanism which has built national identity through the symbolic representation called nationality, language and name in the historical experiences and practical movements of Korean Residents in Japan. Furthermore we examine the possibility and meaning of diasporic identity which break up uniform national identity in the new project of ‘politics of difference’ and ‘diasporic space’. ディアスポラは国民国家の領域的境界が作り上げた産物である。同質性の価値を追求する近代の‘アイデンティティの政治’によってディアスポラに内在する差異は差別と排除の対象であった。近代の同質的アイデンティティとしては彼等の混種性を認めることができなかったからである。これに対して‘差異の政治’は普遍的同質性という言葉では同化されることができない差異を積極的に剥き出し、また、それを認めることを要求する。つまり、差異は差別のメカニズムとして働くこともあるが、混種性という積極的な価値として成り立つこともありうる。多様なディアスポラの中で、特に在日コリアンのように植民地と民族分断を経験したディアスポラの場合、国民国家中心の画一的アイデンティティと衝突する亀裂の地点が遥かに広く深い。彼等において、日常でアイデンティティを表す国籍、言語、名前という近代的表象は同質性を強いる差別のメカニズムであると同時に差異と混種の可能性でもある。このような問題意識に基づいて、本稿は在日コリアンのディアスポラの歴史的経験と実践的活動を中心に、近代国民国家の空間の中で国籍、言語、名前という象徴的な表象がアイデンティティを作り上げるメカニズムとその抑圧性を明らかにした。そして、更にディアスポラ的空間と‘差異の政治’という新たな企画の中で、これらの同質的アイデンティティの表象がディアスポラ的アイデンティティとして生まれ変わる可能性と意味を考察した。