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안주홍 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2020 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.73
이 글은 애장왕대의 종묘개편에 반영된 지위 관념을 분석한 글이다. 애장왕대의 개편은 『예기정의』와 대력 14년(779)의 묘의를 참고하여 王肅의 설에 따라, 제후 5묘로서 二昭二穆의 친묘 4를 부묘하고 태종대왕과 문무대왕의 불훼묘를 소목의 수에서 별립한 것이었다. 두 대왕은 여전히 종묘에 모셔진 것이므로, 두 대왕의 별립을 근거로 원성왕계의 확립을 말하기 어렵다. 혜공왕대의 개편으로 태종대왕과 문무대왕은 백제와 고구려를 평정한 大功德으로 대대로 허물지 않는 宗이 되었다. 이는 천자가 功德에 따라 祖宗을 세운 것과 같다. 신문왕 12년(692)의 태종 묘호 논쟁은 조종의 호를 둘러싼 갈등이었다. 태종호에 반영된 천자의식은 혜공왕대의 개편으로 문무왕까지 확대되었다. 조종은 시조와 같은 불훼묘였는데, 이는 시조와 같은 공통의 조상이 된 것을 의미한다. 이러한 인식 속에서 원성왕은 ‘조종의 만파식적’을 계승할 수 있었고, 애장왕은 두 대왕을 계속 종묘에 모실 수 있었다. 皇祖, 皇考의 皇은 황제, 皇家를 의미한다. 이는 漢 宣帝가 皇考廟를 설립한 것과 唐 중종이 신룡 원년(705)에 종묘를 복원하며 皇家의 태묘, 皇考, 皇兄이라 표현한 것을 통해 알 수 있다. 애장왕대에 친묘 4를 부묘한 것은 증조 할아버지인 원성왕과 함께 할아버지인 혜충대왕을 계속 모시기 위한 것이었다. 섭정인 김언승은 개편을 통해 원성왕이 구축한 황가가 황조 혜충대왕과 황고 소성대왕으로 이어지는 것을 드러낼 수 있었다. 결국 애장왕대의 개편은 원성왕계라는 왕족의 확립이자 인겸계라는 근친 왕족의 분지화를 꾀한 것이라 하겠다. This text analyzes the Jongmyo reforms that occurred during the second year of the reign of King Aejang (801) and traces the concepts of rank reflected in the reforms. The reforms at the time referred to the discussion on the Jongmyo(廟議) in the 14th year of dali(大曆) of Tang(779) and lijizhengyi(禮記正義) that follows Wang Su(王肅)'s interpretation. Therefore King Taejong and King Munmu were excluded from the number of zhaomu(昭穆). Placed the four shrines of blood relatives(親廟 4) means that the number of the ancestral tablet(廟數) was five royal shrines(諸侯五廟) of two of zhao(昭) and two of mu(穆). The two great kings still was placed the Jongmyo. Therefore it is hard to say that King Wonseong's bloodline was established because their tablet was located in another place. During the reign of King Hyegong, King Taejong and King Munmu became the permanent ancestral tablet(宗) for their great achievements(大功德) in conquering Baekje and Goguryeo. This follows the logic of Giving the name 'Jojong(祖宗)' to ancestors with great achievements in the Cheonja seven shrine system. And Jojong means common ancestor. The dispute of The title Taejong in the 12th year of the reign of King Shinmun (692) was a conflict over the title of Jojong The title Jojong was extended to King Munmu due to the reform of King Hyegong's reign. This perception continued into the reign of Aejang. Hwang(皇) in Hwangjo(皇祖) and Hwanggo(皇考) means emperor and Imperial Family. This can be seen through two things. One is that king Xuandi(宣帝) of Han(漢) built a Hwanggomyo(皇考廟). The other is the discussion on the Jongmyo(廟議) in the first years of Shenlong of Tang(705). It can be said that the reforms were made to maintain the permanent memorial tablets of the two kings, who were common ancestors, while at the same time keeping the memorial tablets of King Wonseong, who was the king's great-grandfather, and King Hyechung, who was the king's grandfather. In the end, through reform, the near-chin royal family called the lineage of Ingyeom(Hyechung) was established within the royal family called the lineage of King Wonseong.
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18세기 조선의 ‘황조인(皇朝人)’ 정책과 창원(昌原) 공씨(孔氏)에서 곡부(曲阜) 공씨로의 정체성 변화
채홍병 한국역사연구회 2022 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.123
Examined in this article is a state-wide policy of the Joseon governmentregarding the “Hwangjo-in figures” (‘People from the Empire who naturalizedas Joseon citizens’) that was actively promoted in 18th century Korea. Thespecific issue examined here is how the Joseon society perceived the Gonghouse members(孔氏) in each period, how it treated them, how the Gongfigures came to regard themselves in response to the Joseon society’s suchtreatment of them, and how their identity changed accordingly. Till the mid-17th century, it was not the Joseon society’s general perceptionto view figures with the last name Gong(孔) living on the Korean peninsula asdescendants of the ancient Chinese sage Confucius himself. Even the Gongcommunity never showed a consensus in either way, supporting or denyingsuch perception to begin with. Later on, however, such perception began to bereflected in certain genealogy records and then further spread throughout theJoseon society. Even the Joseon government began to accept this newbornsocial belief during the reign of Sukjong, and provided benefits (for example,to be exempted from state duties) to the Gong figures, under the name ofrespecting their status as ‘Descendants of the Grand Sage(大聖後裔).’But the Gong figures were yet to receive full recognition as Confucius’descendants, until the reign of King Jeongjo. Regarding several efforts of certain‘Chinese-in-Joseon’ figures to secure proofs -such as genealogical records orpictures- from Qing, the Joseon government actively supported them if theywere made by original Ming citizens who had earlier come to Joseon and gotnaturalized (who could also be called as Hwangjo-in a narrower sense). On theother hand, regarding similar efforts made by the Gong figures, the Joseongovernment sometimes acted in a completely opposite manner. Then in 1792,16th year of King Jeongjo’s reign, the Gong figures in Joseon were officiallydesignated as ‘Descendants of Confucius’ (and as Hwangjo-in in literally abroader sense), and their official home region(‘Gwan-hyang, 貫鄕’) waschanged from Chang’weon to Gokbu. Commemoration projects were initiated while the government changed its previous stance of being uncooperative tototally supporting the import of relevant materials from Qing. This sort ofturnaround also heavily affected the Gong figures in Joseon, who finally cameto perceive themselves as members of the Gokbu Gong House. Such newperceptions were also reflected in the Gong House genealogy records publishedin this period.
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李奎象이 『幷世才彦錄』에 쓴 明人 기록의 등장 底邊 -「寓裔錄」, 「風泉錄」의 意義와 관련하여-
서신혜 한국어문교육연구회 2010 어문연구(語文硏究) Vol.38 No.2
In this thesis, I explained the meaning of u-yelog and pungcheonlog in byeongsejaeeonlog written by LeeGyusang focus on a naturalized citizen. LeeGyusang had written one book about many contemporary people. This is byeongsejae-eonlog. The book had 18 chapters. There were u-yelog and pungcheonglg in the book's chapters. It were written about many naturalized citizen of Joseon in that chapters. Most of those people were the ruined people of Myeong. There was a naturalized citizens’ register be written by the Royal court, but not by personal's register. This is the reason that this book is well worth studying. So I proved that the respect for Myeong were reflected in these chapters; and the class named hwangjo-in were reflected, etc. 이 글은 李奎象의 『幷世才彦錄』에 인물분류 유형으로 들어있는 寓裔錄과 風泉錄의 의미를 조선시대 歸化人과 관련하여 살펴본 것이다. 人物誌를 만들면서 외국으로부터 조선에 들어온 인물을 별도의 項目으로 설정한 것은 이규상이 처음이다. 이런 특징은 이규상의 당대인 18세기에 이들 인물들이 사회에서 중요한 의미를 차지하고 있었다는 증거가 된다는 점에서 매우 중요하다. 이규상이 특히 明에서 조선에 들어온 인물들을 한 유형으로 설정한 것에는 몇몇 중요한 이유가 있다. 먼저는 당시 對明義理論을 强化함으로써 王權을 강화하고 臣禮를 보급하고자 했던 영․정조의 政略이 영향을 미친 것이다. 이규상 개인적으로는, 『皇朝人事蹟』이라는 책을 펴내는 과정과 그 책의 독서 경험 때문에 이런 인물들에 대해 관심을 갖게 된 것으로 보인다. 교유했던 인물간의 공통관심사였던 점도 이규상에게 영향을 미쳤다.
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