조선총독부 도시계획 관련 정책 심의기구 연구

이송순(Lee Song-Soon) 한국사연구회 2006 한국사연구 Vol.134 No.-

This study analyzes the city planning policy implemented by the Government-General of Joseon and its policy deliberative committee. Joseon urban planning during the colonial era included the project to improve cities and districts launched in 1912, and the Joseon City Planning Decree promulgated in the 1920s. However, urban planning began to be seriously carried out in 1934 with the implementation of urban district planning. While the main actor in terms of Joseon city planning was the Government-General of Joseon, the important organizations were the Government-General of Joseon’s Public Works Committee and the Urban District Planning Committee. The Government?General of Joseon’s Public Works Committee(1910-1932) was responsible for the investigation and deliberation of the public works projects deemed necessary to the establishment of the social infrastructure of Joseon. However, its structure was organized in such a manner that the people of Joseon’s opinions were not reflected in its undertakings. The Government-General of Joseon’s Public Works Committee was abolished in 1932 and replaced by the Urban District Planning Committee(1936-1943), whose mandate was that of discussing urban planning in a more focused manner, created as a result of Urban District Planning Decree announced in 1934. In terms of the composition of its staff, the Urban District Planning Committee featured a more bureaucratic and hierarchical structure than the Government-General of Joseon’s Public Works Committee. The Urban District Planning Committee featured a Secretariat(Officials from the Government?General of Joseon who oversaw the actual implementation of the relevant affairs)-centered structure under which the latter was responsible for policy explanation, the coordination of the roles of each department, and the securing of the necessary collaboration from related organizations. This indicates that the Urban District Planning Committee exhibited the characteristics of a hierarchical bureaucracy structure which was mainly put in place to promote and coordinate the policy of the Government-General of Joseon, rather than to deliberate and adjust the policies in a manner that reflected the interests of the citizens of the relevant area. This denouement is closely related to the strengthening of colonial control over administrative affairs and society at large as a result of the establishment of the wartime control system during the latter half of the 1930s.

공민왕대 관제개편의 내용 및 의미

李康漢(Lee Kang-hahn) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.201

In 1356, as his first revision of the government's structure, King Gongmin resurrected the government structure that had been designed during the era of King Munjong(from the early days of Goryeo), in order to set the government free from the institutional changes imposed upon it by the Mongol Yuan empire, and also in the spirit of restoring the old conventions of the Goryeo dynasty. Yet several years later, in 1362, he initiated another revision of the governmental structure, which led to the rescinder of Munjong's design and quite interestingly the adoption of the governmental structure that was designed by King Chungseon in the early l4th century(and put to a test in Goryeo-Yuan relationship). The revision of 1362 was required because King Gongmin was facing the needs of abandoning the previous pursuit of old Goryeo conventions because such efforts were going nowhere at the time, and also reinforcing Garyeo's relationship with the Yuan government to protect the kingdom from the attacks of Yuan royal family members(like Queen Gi). But later in 1369, King Gongmin launched yet another structural revision of the government, as the need to maintain diplomatic relationship with Yuan decreased while the need to establish a new one with Ming escalated, and also because it became necessary to revitalize the cause of 'restoration of old conventions' in order to keep Shin Don and his followers in check. This revision produced a result in which not only the governmental structure of King Munjong(which was already used in 1356), but also some aspects borrowed from King Chungseon's as well, were integrated into the structure of the government. And in 1372, determined to rearrange the factions inside the post-Shin Don government, and also fully utilize not only Ming's pressure upon Goryeo but also all kinds of cultural details that were being introduced from Ming to Goryeo in enhancing the institutions and administrations of Goryeo, King Gongmin revised the government's structure for the last time. This time he abandoned 1369's structure as it was too much based upon the old Goryeo conventions, and resurrected the government structure that he used in 1362 in a very similar situation(punishing powerful entities that were threatening the King). And the chosen structure was the one which was designed and used by King Chungseon as King Gongmin figured that it would be safe to use this particular structure again, because it had already been sanctioned by Yuan when it was still powerful and condescending, just like Ming in the early 1370s. As we can see, this series of revision of the government's structure, was carefully designed and executed based upon both domestic needs and changes in foreign situations. And in many cases it showed various versions of reincarnations, which heavily reflected the governmental structure that had been designed by King Chungseon. King Chungseon spent most of his lifetime in Yuan, and was well-versed in all things Yuan. Yet at the same time, he was fully aware of the fine traditions of Goryeo, and was also eager to restore its culture and conventions in many ways. Mirroring this unusual hybrid of opposite traits inside this unique King, the governmental structure he designed also displayed a wonderful contradiction inside it. And that very aspect must have served as an extraordinary inspiration to King Gongmin. King Gongmin was weathering a major power shift in China, and domestically he at times pursued the restoration of old Goryeo conventions yet at times he was forced to abandon such pursuit. In those situations, the very structure of the government, the key of government operation and also the symbolic entity of the Garyeo governance, was changed, altered and transformed to serve many political, diplomatic, and cultural purposes, and in doing so King Gongmin had to consult how King Chungseon, his own grandfather, designed and operated his own government. In the process, the governance of the Goryeo dyna

최린의 미국과 유럽 여행(1927.6~1928.4) - 협력자 탐색과 자치독립안 구상의 여정

조규태 동학학회 2021 동학학보 Vol.- No.60

이 글은 3·1운동 당시 천도교의 민족대표였고 자치운동을 추진한 최린이 1927년 6월부터 1928년 4월까지 미국과 유럽을 여행한 내용을 통해 그의 자치독립안과 국가건설론을 추적해본 연구이다. 최린의 여행 회고록, 신문기사 등을 통하여 그의 여행지와 면담자를 파악함으로써 그 의미를 도출하고, 감상과 논평 등을 통해 그의 자치독립안과 해방 후 건설하려한 사회의 모습을 제시해보고자 하였다. 연구의 내용은 첫째 최린의 미국과 유럽 여행의 배경을 검토하였다. 그리하여 그가 자치운동을 전개하다가 실패한 후 세계 각국의 정치 상황을 파악하고 협력자를 구하며 자치독립안을 다듬어보고자 미국과 유럽을 여행하였음을 밝혔다. 둘째 최린이 미국에서 북미대한인국민회와 기독교의 지도자를 만난 것은 이들을 그의 자치운동에 견인하려던 의도였음을 밝혔다. 셋째 최린이 유럽에서 영국·프랑스·독일·아일랜드의 정부기관과 사회시설을 방문하고 정치지도자를 만나 독립운동의 방안과 국가체제관을 다듬어 나갔음을 규명하였다. 넷째 그의 독립운동안과 국가체제관의 형성과 개요에 대하여 검토하여 다음의 사실을 밝혔다. 그는 절대 독립을 염원하지만, 현실적으로 그것이 어렵다면, 일본의 우산 하에서 행정만이 아니라 입법·사법·군사·외교 등의 보다 많은 자율권을 행사하고 이후 완전한 독립을 이루고자 하였다. 그는 한국의 정치체제를 러시아와 같은 사회주의체제가 아니라 미국·영국과 같은 자유주의체제로 만들려고 하였다. 그런데 경제체제는 공업 중심이 아닌 농업 중심의 체제로 만들려고 하였다. 이 연구는 첫째 자치운동론자의 해외 민족운동세력과의 제휴 노력, 자치독립안과 이상사회관을 제시함으로써 1920년대 민족주의 우파의 민족운동을 이해하는 데 도움을 줄 것이다. 둘째 자유주의적 민족주의자의 독립운동론과 이상사회관과 경제체제관의 다양한 모습을 체계적으로 설명하는 데에도 기여할 것이다. This article is a study that traces Choi Rin, who was the national representative of Cheondogyo during the March 1st Movement and tried to do the self-government independence movement, traveled to the United States and Europe from June 1927 to April 1928. Through Choi Rin's travel memoirs and newspaper articles, I searched his travel destination and interviewer and derived its meaning. And I presented his self-government independence plan and his view of the state system after liberation through appreciation and comments. The first of the contents of the study is a review of the background of Choerry's trip to the United States and Europe. Thus, I revealed that after failing to carry out the self-government movement, he traveled to America and Europe to understand the political situation of countries around the world, seek cooperators, and refine the self-government independence plan. Second, Choi Rin's meeting with the Korean People's Association of North America and Christian leaders in the United States was intended to drive them to his self-governing movement. Third, Choi Rin visited government agencies and social facilities in Britain, France, Germany, and Ireland in Europe and met with political leaders to refine the self-government independence plan and the view of state system. Fourth, the outline of his self-government independence plan and the view of the state system was reviewed. He wished for absolute independence, but in reality, if it was difficult, he wanted to exercise more autonomy in legislation, justice, military, and diplomacy, as well as administration under Japan's umbrella. . He tried to make Korea's political system a liberal system such as the United States and the United Kingdom, not a socialist system like Russia. However, the economic system was intended to be made into an agricultural system, not an industrial one. This study will first help to understand the national movement of the nationalist right in the 1920s by presenting efforts to cooperate with overseas national movement forces, the self-government independence plan, and the view of ideal society. Second, it will also contribute to systematically revealing the various aspects of liberal nationalist independence movement theory and the view of ideal society and economic system.

문재인 정부 자치경찰제안에 대한 평가와 개선방안

송무빈 한양법학회 2019 漢陽法學 Vol.30 No.4

The local autonomous police system has been continuosly debated since the establishment of government in our country. In particular, the autonomous police system has emerged as a regular topic during the transition period as the local autonomy system was implemented in earnest in 1995. Moom Jae-in, the government is local autonomous police as a presidential elecion pledge, then go about it, and suggested local autonomous police to prepare a draft plan. The government's plan will introduce a metropolitan and provincial police system, retaining most of the current national police system under a two-way system, It will introduce the Provincial Police Committee, the administrative body of the agreement system and operate district police headquarters and police stations in the city, county and district under its example. The necessary personnel will be transferred to 43,000 people, which is the majority of the current national police force's personnel at district police stations. This study was used as a comparative data for the current government plan by looking at the Jeju local autonomous police system, which has been in place for the first time in Korea since 2006 when it was the foundation of the current government plan. Further, from April 2018, the government analyzed the pilot implementation of the government plan in Jeju, drawing problems and suggesting improvement measures. As a result, this study suggested ways to become a local autonomous police system suitable for the nation's actual situation. First, it was suggested that the national police should take charge of running away from home, missing, sexual violence, robbery, thef and violence, which are likely to develop into a wide-area crime, by abolishing commen duties in the division of work and to organize the jurisdiction into one institution to prevent overlapping and confusing. Second, recognizing the validity of the government's plan in terms of personnel, it proposed tranfering the investigation personnel for sexual violence, school violence, domestic violence and traffic accidents to the current employees of the Nation Police Agency, the local autonomous police agency. Third, in addition to the Government's plan in terms of authority, it was necessary to give the Government the right to dispose of notice for violators of basic order, the right to dispose of notices for violators of traffic laws, the right to summary trial, and the authority to control drinking. Fourth, in connection with political neutrality, when selecting members of the local police committee, the number of people nominated by the provincial governor in charge of the local autonomous police should be the same as those recommended by city and provincial council, and institutional devices such as banning the prodution and distribution of election-related information, no contact with candidates for bannning election participation, and the movement of long term workers to prevent adhesion was proposed. Fifth, I strongly support the establishment of new tax for local police in terms of the financial resources reqired. However, in cases where it is not feasible, it proposed to expand state subsidies and to manage the inclusiosn of a criminal buget. Sixth, it was recommended that the current eleven class system should be balanced by adjusting it to a nine class system, the same as that of ordinary local government officials.

일본의 지방분권과 관련법제개정의 동향

최철호(Choi Chol-Ho) 부산대학교 법학연구소 2006 법학연구 Vol.47 No.1

지방분권추진위원회의 권고를 받아서 1999년 제정된 일본의 地方分權推進一括法에 따른 분권개혁의 가장 큰 특징으로는 기관위임사무의 폐지와 이의 대응제도로서 사무구분의 재구성이었다. 즉, 국가와 지방의 관계를 상하 · 주종의 관계로 하여 지방자치단체의 자주성 · 자립성의 확보에 큰 장해요인으로서 집권적 행정의 핵심으로 되어 있었던 제도 중의 하나가 바로 이 기관위임사무제도였었는데 이번 지방분권개혁 과정에서 이의 폐지를 핵심적 과제로 설정하여서 추진한 결과 종전의 기관위임사무를 自治事務와 法定受託事務의 2개의 사무로 재구성하였다. 따라서 종래에는 도시계획법에 있어서 도시계획사무의 대부분이 시정촌(기초자치단체)에서는 단체위임사무, 도도부현(광역지방자치단체)에서는 국가의 기관위임사무로 되어 있었던 것이 지방분권일괄법에 따라 그 대부분이 자치사무로 되어서 종래와 같은 국가의 포괄적 · 일반적인 지휘 · 감독권은 형식적으로는 모두 소멸하고 도시계획제도에 있어서 상당 부분 지방자치단체의 자주성, 자립성을 확보할 수 있었다. 마찬가지로 환경법 분야에서도 환경관련사무의 많은 부분이 지방자치단체가 독자적으로 집행할 수 있는 자치사무로 되었다. 이러한 지방분권개혁을 통해서 과거에는 지방자치단체가 제정하는 조례를 적용할 수 없었던 기관위임사무가 없어지고 조례를 적용할 수 있는 자치사무가 확대되어서 지방자치가 법제도로서 보충되었다고 하겠다. 본 논문은 도시계획행정과 환경행정에 있어서 일본의 지방분권개혁과정의 개요를 관련법제도의 변천 등을 정리 · 평가하는 것을 통해서 분석하여 향후 우리나라에서 추진해 나가는 지방분권개혁에 시사점을 얻고자 하는데 그 목적이 있다. The main topic of this thesis is the study of Significance and its Problems of the amendment of Local Autonomy Law and City Planning Law, Environmental Law, by analyzing the theory about the new classification of Local Governments’ Affairs. In past, Since most part of Local Government’s Affairs were the functions to be given from Government named "Delegated Affair", Local Government performed the functions as lower-administration of Government according to Government’s ordinance. But by amendment of Local Autonomy Law and City Planning Law, Environmental Law in 1999-2000, most of the Government's Affairs were changed to "Original Local Governments’ Affair" and to "Legally Entrusted Affair". Owing to decentralization reform, much part of Local Government’s affairs that used to be under the control of Government can be independently handled by local governments now. As a result, the city planning and environmental affairs that were not affected by the ordinances enacted by a local government in the past are under the control of local government now. And the local government’s authority on city planning and environment administration has been expanded. In general, the regulation standards of environment protection laws are national minimum. Therefore, to protect the local environment, the local government should be able to enact ordinances that have higher legal and regulation standards than the national standards and are applied to wider scope. The purpose of this study is to clarify the affairs of local government for future city planning and environment administration by organizing and evaluating the important points of decentralization regarding city planning and environment administration. Finally according to investigating the Local Autonomy Law and City Planning Law, Environmental Law and Legal System enacted and implemented by Japan which experienced revision of legal system of Local Autonomy Law and City Planning Law prior to Korea, I hope that It will be applied to improve the legal system of Local Autonomy Law and City Planning Law in Korea.

문재인 정부의 건강보험 보장성 강화대책

박은철,Park, Eun-Cheol 한국보건행정학회 2017 보건행정학회지 Vol.27 No.3

Moon Jae-in Government announced the Government's 5-Year Plan on July 19, 2017, President Moon directly announced the Government's Plan for Benefit Expansion in National Health Insurance on August 7, 2017. The main contents of the announced expansion include benefit coverage for all medically necessary services with control over non-covered service occurrence, a decrease in the cost-sharing upper limit, and monetary support for catastrophic medical costs. Although past governments have been continuously striving for benefit expansion in the last 15 years, this plan has its breakthrough aspect in that all medical services will be covered by the National Health Insurance. In alignment, there are important tasks to solve: attaining a proper fee schedule, reforming the healthcare delivery system, and improving healthcare quality. This plan is a symptom oriented action in that it is limited in reducing patients' out-of-pocket money, unlike the systematic approach of the National Health Insurance. The sustainability of the National Health Insurance is being threatened due to South Korea's low birth rate, rapidly aging society, and low economic growth, in addition to the unification issue of the Korean Peninsula, medical utilization of the elderly, management of non-communicable diseases, and so on. Therefore, the Government needs to plan the National Health Insurance system reformation including actions addressed toward medical consumers.

서울시 도시계획체계의 진단 및 계획별 개선과제 분석: 전문가 설문조사를 중심으로

맹다미,성수연 SH공사 도시연구원 2024 주택도시연구 Vol.14 No.1

이 연구는 전문가 설문조사 결과를 분석하여 서울시가 지난 10년간 운영해 온 도시기본계획-생활권계획-도시관리계획의 도시계획 3단 체계와 계획별 문제점을 진단하고, 3단 체계의 안착과 도입 취지에 부합하는 계획별 수립ㆍ운영을 위한 개선방향을 도출하였다. 전문가들은 3단 체계 개편의 주요 성과로 생활권계획을 수립하여 대도시 서울에 부합하는 계획체계를 마련하고, 도시기본계획의 내용을 생활권별로 구체화했다는 점을 꼽았다. 다만 생활권계획의 위상과 역할이 여전히 모호하고, 이에 따른 계획 간 중복 문제, 상호 연계 및 역할분담 미흡 등을 주요 개선과제로 지적하였다. 향후 서울의 특성을 반영한 도시계획 3단 체계의 실효성을 높이기 위해 계획별 역할과 내용을 재정립하고, 관련 부서 간 연계 및 계획 간 내용적 정합성을 높이는 협력적 체계를 강화할 필요가 있다. 이 연구는 서울시 도시계획체계에 한정된 논의라는 한계를 지니고 있어, 향후 도시별 여건과 다양한 특성을 고려하는 도시계획체계로 논의를 확장해나갈 필요가 있다. This study analyzed the results of an expert survey to diagnose Seoul’s three-tier planning system and to identify ways to improve its operation in line with the system’s objectives. The experts noted that a major achievement of the three-tier system was the establishment of the Neighborhood Plan, which defined the specifics of the Comprehensive Plan. However, there were issues with the role of the Neighborhood Plan, as well as redundant content and insufficient links between the plans. The proposed directions for improving Seoul’s planning system are as follows: firstly, redefining the roles and contents of each plan to enhance the effectiveness of the three-tier system; and secondly, establishing a collaborative planning system that fosters better coordination among municipal departments and ensures consistency across related plans. It should be noted that this study specifically focuses on Seoul’s planning system and further discussions are needed to explore planning systems that take into account different urban conditions.

미군정기 이승만의 방미외교에 대한 재평가: 이승만 사상과의 연관성을 통하여

유나영 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2017 한국학 Vol.40 No.4

This article aims to re‒evaluate Syngman Rhee’s diplomacy in America during the U.S. Military Government Era. Past studies evaluated the subject only from the perspectives of domestic and international politics. However, his diplomacy needs to be re-evaluated by connecting Syngman Rhee’s ideology and nation building plan. Syngman Rhee carried out his diplomacy based on his core ideologies of independence, liberal democracy, liberal economics, anti-communism, and realistic international politics. After liberation, indepen‒dence was difficult in the Korean peninsula due to the intensifying conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union’s attempts to establish a separate government in the north, the breakdown of the Joint Soviet-American Commission, and the U.S. Military Government’s efforts to establish a Left-Right Coalition made Syngman Rhee’s nation building plan difficult. As a result, Syngman Rhee went to America and tried to conduct his diplomacy based on his ideologies. In an era of intensification of the Cold War, Syngman Rhee laid the foundation for constructing a liberal democratic nation in the southern half of the Korean peninsula with his diplomacy. 이 논문의 목적은 미군정기 이승만의 방미외교를 재평가하기 위한 것이다. 이 주제에 대한 기존연구는 다음과 같은 한계가 있다. 첫째, 이승만의 방미외교를 국내정치적으로만 해석했다는 것이다. 둘째, 이 외교를 국제정치적 측면에서만 평가했다는 것이다. 그러나 이 외교는 이승만이 가지고 있던 사상과, 국가구상과의 연관성을 가지고 평가해야 한다. 이승만은 그의 핵심사상인 자주독립, 자유민주주의, 자유경제, 반공, 그리고 현실주의적 국제정치사상에 근거하여 방미외교를 했던 것이다. 해방 이후 한반도는 미국과 소련의 대립심화로 자주독립이 되기 힘든 상황이었다. 또한 북쪽에서 소련의 단독정부 수립 움직임, 미소공위의 결렬, 좌우합작 시도 등도 이승만이 가진 국가구상 실현을 힘들게 했다. 이에 이승만은 방미하여 그의 사상에 기반한 외교를 행했다. 냉전의 심화와 맞물린 외교를 통해 이승만은 자유민주주의 국가 건설의 초석을 쌓게 되었다.

한국민주당 창당과 데마고기 - 송진우의 동향에서 발원한 경로를 중심으로 -

김인식 ( Kim In-sik ) 숭실대학교 인문과학연구소 2023 인문학연구 Vol.52 No.-

정당이 난립하는 해방정국에서 1945년 말경에 이르면, 정견을 발표할 역량을 지닌 정당은 朝鮮共産黨·朝鮮人民黨·國民黨·韓國民主黨(한민당) 4개 정당으로 압축되면서 통칭 ‘4대 정당’으로 불리었다. 신국가건설운동의 視空間이었던 해방정국에서, 이들 유력 정당이 민중들의 정치 열망을 수렴하여 어떻게 정치활동으로 표출하는가는 곧바로 국가건설의 방향성을 결정짓는 일이었다. 해방정국기 ‘4대 정당’의 지도자들이 주도한 정당의 이념과 노선은 과거 식민지시기 독립운동의 연장선에서 표현되었다. ‘4대 정당’은 식민지시기 항일 운동의 경력이 존재하였고, 대표되는 인물로 구심력을 형성하였다는 데에 공통점이 있었다. 한민당은 朝鮮人民共和國(人共)처럼 ‘벽보 내각(조각)’을 졸속하게 구성하지 는 않았지만, 미군 진주를 앞두고 人共에 대항하여 급속하게 발기한 정당이었다는 점에서, 양자는 일치하는 특징을 지녔다. 이 점에서 한민당은 정강·정책의 동질성에 근거한 이념정당이 아니라, ‘反조선건국준비위원회’·‘反인민공화국’이라는 대립의식과 적대성을 공유하는 정치세력들의 연합체로 출발하였다. 정당이 타 정치집단·정당과 정치 이념·노선을 둘러싸고 政戰함은 상례이지만, 특정 정치세력을 향한 적대성을 結黨의 명분으로 삼은 예는 ‘4대 정당’ 중한민당이 유일하였다. 한민당의 창당에는 정적을 배격하는 데마고기를 유포하면서 이 명분을 합리화하였다는 데에서 다른 정당과 구별되는 특징이 있었다. 데마고기의 방향은 건국준비위원회와 人共을 친일·공산주의·親蘇 세력으로 매도하면서, 重慶의 대한민국임시정부를 과대평가하여 絶對支持하는 이른바 ‘중경임시정부 절대지지론’의 두 가지로 진행되었다. 이러한 데마고기는 한민당 구성원의 해방 전후의 동향과 밀접한 상관성이 있었고, 그 중심에는 송진우가 자리잡고 있었다. 이 논문은 8·15해방 직후 한민당 결당의 명분이 된 데마고기가, 8·15해방 전 송진우의 정국 구상에서 발원하였음에 주목하면서 송진우와 한민당 인사들의 정국 구상을 살펴보려는 데 목적이 있다. As the Korean Peninsula transitioned into a state of liberation with multiple political parties after World War II, by the end of 1945, the political landscape was dominated by four prominent parties: the Communist Party of Korea(朝鮮共産黨), the People's Party of Korea(朝鮮人民黨), the National Party(國民黨), and the Korea Democratic Party(한민당), collectively referred to as the 'Four Major Parties.' In the post-liberation period, these influential parties had the responsibility of channeling the political aspirations of the people, and their ideologies and policies played a crucial role in determining the direction of the nation's reconstruction. The ideologies and approaches of the 'Four Major Parties,' led by their respective leaders in the post-liberation era, were an extension of the independence movement that took place during the colonial period. These parties shared a commonality in having a history of anti-Japanese activism during the colonial period and were represented by figures who had gained prominence. While the Korean Democratic Party did not form a 'puppet government' like the Korean People's Republic(人共), it quickly emerged as a party that opposed the the Korean People's Republic(人共) in the face of the imminent arrival of U.S. forces. Hence, the Korean Democratic Party began as a coalition of forces that harbored a sense of opposition and hostility, rather than an ideological party based on a specific set of principles and policies. It is customary for political groups and parties to engage in political warfare against other groups and parties based on political ideologies and policies. However, the Korean Democratic Party was unique among the 'Four Major Parties' in using hostility towards specific political forces as the raison d'être for its existence. The Korean Democratic Party rationalized its existence by propagating anti-people's government and anti-communism, thus setting it apart from the other parties. Demagoggi's direction was two-fold: criticizing the Preparatory Committee for Korean Rehabilitation and the Korean People's Republic as pro-Japanese, communist, and pro-USSR forces, and overestimating and supporting the Joongkyung Korean Provisional Government under Jung Gyeong, the so-called ‘absolute support theory for the Joongkyung Korean Provisional Government’. Demagoggi was closely related to the post-liberation activities of Korea Democratic Party members, with Song Jin-woo at its core. This paper aims to examine the roots of the rationale for the founding of the Korea Democratic Party immediately after August 15, the day of liberation, and Song Jin-woo's vision for the country's governance prior to August 15.

미래창조과학부

김성수(Kim, Seong-soo) 서울행정학회 2013 한국사회와 행정연구 Vol.24 No.2

한국의 과학기술행정체제는 초기 과학기술부를 중심으로 하는 집중형에서 점차 여러 부처들이 R&D 업무를 수행하는 분산형으로 변화하였다. 이후 증가된 조정수요에 대응하기 위하여 국과외를 설치하여 다부처 활동에 대한 조정기능을 강화하였고 동시에 연구회를 통해 출연연구기관에 대한 자율적인 관리 시스템을 도입하였다. 이러한 변화의 큰 방향성은 집행부서의 분화 및 다원화, 전담조정기구의 제도화 및 전문화, 공공연구기관 관리의 자율성과 책임성이고 할 수 있다. 박근혜 정부는 미래부를 설치하며 과학기술과 정보통신을 통합하여 이전 이명박 정부에서 폐지되었던 과학기술부를 부활하였고, 대신에 국과위를 폐지하고 부처에 분산되었던 연구회를 다시 미래부 산하에 통합·이관하면서 국가연구개발원 논의는 다시 잠복되었다. 본 논문은 이러한 개편내용은 그 동안 한국의 과학기술행정체제의 발전과정에서 나타나는 방향성과는 상충되는 역행적 특성이 있다는 문제의식 하에 미래부 출범과정에서 제기되었던 주요 쟁점과 고려사항들을 선거과정 및 인수위원회 시기를 중심으로 검토하고, 미래부의 조직과 기능을 중심으로 한국의 과학기술행정체제 발전과정에서 갖는 의의와 과제를 논의하였다. The Korean government structure for science and technology (S&T) has evolved from the early centralized form of the Ministry of Science and Technology to the current decentralized form, which delegates research and design tasks to related ministries. In response to the system differentiation, the National Council of Science and Technology (NSTC) was established to enhance the coordination over delegated activities and the research council system was also introduced for more autonomous management of government research institutes (GRIs). Over the last four decades, the evolution of the S&T system has led to differentiation and diversification of the executive ministries, institutionalization and specialization of the coordination mechanism, and increased autonomy and responsibility for GRIs. In 2013, the new government established the Ministry of Science, ICT & Future Planning (MSIP), which merged the Ministry of Science and Technology with the Ministry of Information and Communication. The MSIP can be seen as the return of the Ministry of Science and Technology, which had been abolished under the previous government, as well as the replacement of the NSTC, taking over its responsibility for the GRIs. This study reviews the major issues relating to the MSIP"s launch, which were raised during the 2012 presidential election and following the actions of the government transition committee, and finds that the MSIP scheme is in some ways a regression of the Korean government’s S&T structure. The importance and future challenges of the MSIP, particularly its constitution and function, are discussed in light of the evolution of the Korean government’s S&T structure.