조선시대 絶島定配地의 시기별 추이

이근호 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2018 한국학논총 Vol.50 No.-

This study investigates the change in the exile to the island for searching overall changes in island area. Including exile to the island, It was rule to send an exile to rough place. However, minimum standard of socio-economic level are required for exiles to keep their lives. Until the first half of the 17th century, several islands such as Geojedo, Jeju, Namhae and Jindo had been used for deporting exiles. At the second half of the 17th century, the problem that exiles are sent to only small number of islands repetitively was brought up, encouraging expansion of a target area. Separating before and after the 17th century, the current study analyzed 1,732 islands for exile appeared in Annals of the Choson Dynasty, Seungjeongwon Diary. The results show that the area mentioned by rule accounts for the majority. It confirms that many exiles were sent to Ganghwa island and Gyodong of Gyeonggi. Those cases were mainly done to prince, the royal family or king to prevent them from doing something corrupt in the future. Beside this, there were also Chuksando included in territorial sea of Gyeongsang Province and Pajido of Chungcheong Province, but they only took small proportion. In this process, Heuksando and Wido were started to be showed up at the late 17th century, which proves the fact that the number of islands for exile had increased at this time. During the Late Choson Dynasty, island for exile had expanded to various areas. While Geojedo and Jeju occupied main place, the number of exile to Heuksando also increased. In addition, lots of island of Jeolla province such as Geumgabdo, Chujado, Sinjido, Jido, Imjado, Yeodo, Sado, Nalodo, Mado and Baeglyeongdo, Chodo of Hwanghae Province were appeared. Though in small numbers, Gangwha island and Gyodong in Gyeonggi were also showed up. This trend of extending island for exile reflects the change in island, because gun and eup are needed in this area. In other words, island for exile areas had experienced changes under military and socioeconomic conditions since the second half of 17th century. They make island for exile areas extend. 본고는 도서 지역의 변화를 살피기 위한 목적에서, 절도정배지의 변화를 추적한 것이다. 절도정배를 포함한 流刑은 險地로 보내는 것이 원칙이지만, 유배인의 생활이 유지될 수 있는 정도의 사회 경제적 상황이 전제되었다. 규정상으로 17세기 전반까지는 거제도와 제주, 남해, 진도 등이 절도정배지로 활용되었다. 17세기 후반 정배를 보내는 곳이 적기에 疊送하는 폐단이 있다고 하면서 대상지를 확대하기 시작하였다. 본고에서는 조선왕조실록과 승정원일기 등에서 확인되는 1,732건을 대상으로 17세기 이전과 그 이후로 나누어서 절도정배지를 분석하였다. 그 결과 17세기까지는 규정상으로 언급되던 지역이 대부분을 차지한다. 경기의 강화도와 교동에 정배되는 사례도 다수 확인되며, 대상은 주로 대군이나 종친, 국왕 등인데 이는 후일에 있을 지도 모를 禍亂을 미리 예방한다는 차원이었다. 이밖에도 경상도 영해에 속한 축산도나 충청도의 파지도에 정배되는 사례가 있으나 비중은 미미하였다. 이런 과정에서 17세기 후반 이후에는 흑산도와 위도 등이 새롭게 확인되는데, 이후 절도정배지가 확대되는 양상의 시작을 보여준다. 조선후기에 절도정배지는 다양한 지역으로 확대된다. 이전 시기처럼 거제도와 제주도가 여전히 수위를 차지하는 가운데 흑산도에 절도정배가 되는 횟수가 증가하였다. 아울러 전라도의 古今島를 비롯해 金甲島, 楸子島, 薪智島, 智島, 荏子島, 蝟島, 鹿島, 呂島, 蛇島, 羅老島, 馬島 등과 황해도의 白翎島와 椒島가 추가로 등장하며, 경기의 강화도와 교동도 적은 횟수이지만 여전히 등장한다. 이렇게 절도정배지가 확대되는 것은 17세기 중후반 이후 島嶼 지역의 변화상을 반영하는데, 절도정배지는 ‘官守’가 전제되어야 하기 때문이다. 즉 17세기 중후반 이후 島嶼 지역이 군사적인 상황과 사회경제적 조건 속에서 새로운 변화를 맞이하였다. 그리고 그 변화 속에서 절도정배지가 확대되고 있었던 것이다.

유배가사 <북정가> 연구

김정화 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2013 민족문화논총 Vol.54 No.-

<Bukjeongga> is the long length exile Gasa composed in the 19th century, which is the first work introduced in the academic world. It is included in Donam bungo) 『Gagok 38』 possessed by Yeungnam University. It is an astonishing thing to discover another exile Gasa when there are just dozens of exile Gasa found so far. Furthermore, <Bukjeongga> was a work by a nobleman and is the latest exile Gasa. And, it is also unique in that it was enjoyed at women’s quarters. Lee Jungen is allegedly known as the author of <Bukjeongga>. He was born in 1837 and was in exile in 1886. The work was written not long after his exile. It might be 1886 or right after. <Bukjeongga> reaches almost 1400 phrases which are divided into three parts. Though they are long length works, they are organized very well. The first part has a double structure in which the author described his situation on exile and its reason for his destiny. In the second part, he described own history grown in the greatest family, life of exile and regret and satire on life. In the third part, he made up his mind to keep his own place. While many kinds of long length Gasa have partial disorganization, <Bukjeongga> is not. Exile takes its focal point and other contents support his improper and unjust exile, which demonstrates solid composition in terms of structure. Meanwhile, exile Gasa <Bukjeongga> describes hardships of exile life vividly. It is a matter of fact that a nobleman could not escape hardships of life of exile. <Bukjeongga> records sufferings from disease and lack of money and disgrace due to degradation of social position in several occasions. <Bukjeongga> describes social conditions in various hierarchies. Slanders were rampant, and there were many greedy thieves and shameful noblemen and scholars. This is his demurral as a nobleman who suffered from unfair exile. The result of sin that was not compromising with world was exile. This study examined the overall structure of <Bukjeongga> as an initial work, followed by the features of exile Gasa focusing on the author’s exile Gasa. Although study on contents is important, it needs thorough annotation in the first place and the study of formality is also needed. This study could not comprehend many due to the shortage of the length, it is expected that more specified study with comparison with others is carried out. 본고에서 살피고자 하는 <북정가>는 19세기에 창작된 장편 유배가사로 학계에는 처음 소개되는 작품이다. <북정가>는 영남대학교에서 소장하고 있는 도남문고본 『歌曲三十八種』에 들어있는데, 현재까지 알려진 유배가사가 10편 정도밖에 되지 않는 상황에서 또 하나의 유배가사가 발견되었으니 실로 놀라운 일이다. 게다가 <북정가>는 양반 사대부의 작품이면서 상당한 장편이고, 가장 최근의 유배가사이며, 규방 공간에서 향유되었다는 점 등 여러 면에서 비상한 관심을 끈다. <북정가>의 작자는 이중언으로 추정된다. 작자는 1837(정유년)년에 태어났으며 1885년 12월 추착(推捉)되어 1886(병술)년 2월 29일 유배를 떠나게 된다. 작품을 쓴 시기는 유배지에 도착한 후 얼마 되지 않은 시점으로, 1886년 내지는 그 직후일 가능성이 크다. 길이는 4율어(<음보>)를 1구로 했을 때, 약 1400구에 가깝다. 4율어구 정격구가 대부분을 이루는데, 각 율어를 이루는 음절의 수는 3음절과 4음절이 우세하고 2음절은 드물게 나타난다. 전체적인 구성은 서사, 본사, 결사로 이루어져 있는데, 장편임에도 불구하고 구성이 매우 정연하다고 평할 수 있다. 서사는 이중의 구조를 지니고 있는데, 유배를 떠나게 된 자신의 신세와 이 모든 것이 팔자 소관이라는 것을 말하고 있고, 본사에서는 대명가에서 성장한 자신의 내력과 본격적인 유배 및 사대부로 살아온 자신의 생애에 대한 후회와 여러 삶에 대한 풍자를 드러내며, 결사에서는 자신이 살아온 대로 분수에 맞게 살 수밖에 없음을 새롭게 다지고 있다. 장편 가사들이 구성면에서 대부분 부분적인 파탄을 지니고 있음에 비해, <북정가>는 그러한 부분이 매우 적으며, 유배가 주된 내용을 이루면서 다른 내용들도 자신의 유배가 부당하고 억울한 일임을 뒷받침해 주고 있다는 점에서 구조적으로 긴밀한 짜임을 지니고 있음을 볼 수 있다. 한편 유배가사 <북정가>에는 구한말 선비의 유배체험이 사실적으로 드러나 있는데, 두드러지는 점이 고생담에 대한 서술과 세태 고발이다. 사대부라고 해서 유배길에 고난이 없었을 수는 없다. <북정가>는 작자가 사대부이면서도 병으로 인한 고통, 노자 부족으로 인한 고생, 신분 하락으로 인한 치욕 등 자신이 받은 고난을 있는 그대로 표현하고 있다. 그렇다고 해서 굴욕적인 태도를 보이는 것은 아니다. 유배로 인한 고생담은 작자의 자기 토로이다. 이는 19세기에 오면서 가사의 장편화와 더불어 사실적이며 보고적 성격이 부각되면서 자연스럽게 나타난 것이다. <북정가>에서 각계 각층을 통해 드러내는 세태 현실은 매우 구체적이다. 참소가 부귀공명의 수단이 되고, 욕심에 눈이 먼 포군, 관속, 토호 등 모두가 도적과 다를 바가 없으며, 부끄러운 사대부와 학자가 들끓는 혼탁한 세상의 실태를 개탄한다. 이는 한편으로 자신의 억울한 유배에 대한 사대부로서의 항변이다. 백성에게 은택을 펼치지 못한 데 대해 사대부로서 책임 의식을 느끼는 것 또한 일종의 항변이다. 올곧게 살아온 자신이 세상에 대해 할 수 있는 일은 없다. 세상과 타협하지 못한 죄의 결과는 유배일 뿐이다. 자신의 유배가 억울하다고 하는 대신 세태를 고발하는 사대부로서의 항변은 <북정가>의 작품성을 보여주는 한 면이 될 것이다. 본고는 <북정가>에 대한 일차적인 작업으로 전체적인 구성을 간략히 살피고, 작품에 드러난 작자의 유배체험을 중심으로 유배가사로서의 특징...

유배문학의 산실, 남해도(南海島) -김구, 김만중, 류의양을 중심으로-

한정호 ( Jeong Ho Han ) 경남대학교 인문과학연구소 2013 人文論叢 Vol.31 No.-

남해도는 유배객들이 남긴 유배문학의 산실로서 상징적이며 대표적인 지역이 되었다. 그런 점에서 유배문학은 남해군의 역사·문화적 보물 가운데 하나라고 하겠다. 글쓴이는 오래 전부터 고향인 남해도의 유배문학에 관심을 갖게 되었다. 지금껏 남해 유배객에 대한 개별적 연구, 이를테면 작가·작품론은 더러 찾아지지만, 남해 유배문학에 대한 전반적 조망이 이루어지지 못한 것이 무엇보다 아쉽다. 이 글은 남해도의 유배문학 전통과 자산을 살피는 데 있다. 사실 우리 문학사에서 잘 알려져 있는 남해의 유배문학인으로 김구, 김만중, 류의양, 남구만, 이이명, 권도 등을 꼽을 수 있다. 이에 글쓴이는 김구의 「화전별곡」, 김만중의 「구운몽」과 「사씨남정기」, 그리고 류의양의 「남해문견록」의 특성을 살펴보았고, 이를 통해 남해도가 시가문학, 소설 문학, 기록문학 전반을 아우르는 유배문학의 산실임을 입증하고자 했다. 한편, 남해도에 유배 온 많은 유배객들이 한시 작품을 남기고 있다. 이에 글쓴이는 앞서 대상으로 삼았던 김구, 김만중, 류의양의 한시를 살펴봄으로써 남해 유배문학의 위상과 그 의미를 거듭 확인하고자 했다. 이들 유배객들은 남해도의 명소와 풍광, 그리고 자신의 체험을 작품 속에 끌어들이고 있다. 물론 남해도를 소재한 한 문학적 자취는 고대에서 근대까지 더러 남아 있다. 비록 그것이 ‘과차문학’의 입장을 지니고 있다고 하지만, 그 또한 남해도라는 장소를 배경으로 일구어진 것들임에는 틀림없다. 이렇듯 역사의 질곡 속에서 그나마 남해도가 문인들의 작품에 모습을 드러내게 된 것은 값진 성과이며 자랑이라 할 것이다. Exile literature meant to literary works made in a place of exile. That is to say, It were the works to figure as literature, the world of spirit that are faced by direct experience, emotional contents and exile situation of exile man at the Goryeo Joseon Dynasty period. Namhae Island became symbolic and representative region as repository of exile literature from exile man. That`s, I thought that exile literature was one of historical cultural treasure in Namhae County. The writer was concerned about exile literature for years. So far, Individual study on Namhae exile man, so to speak, Author-work thesis seek for sometimes, but, I missed that was not made to overall view about Namhae exile literature. This paper took a good look to generally trade and value exile literature of Namhae Island. In fact, It was well known that the exile literature man of Namhae were kim Gu, Kim Man-Jung, Loo Yei-Yaong and Nam Kuman, in history of literature. For this fact, the writer was willing to call in question over property of exile literature around of them. and then, I would like to see regional image of Namhae Island and the poetic figuration about objection to the exile Chinese poem of them. Therefore, the writer examined the character of kim Ku 「Hwajeonbyeulkog(화전별곡)」, Kim Man-Jung 「Kuunmong(구운몽)」 and 「Sassinamjeongki(사씨남정기)」, Loo Yei-Yaong 「Namhaemoonkyeunlog( 남해문견록)」. Through These, It proved to be the cradle of exile literature that Namhae Island was harmonized generally on poetry, novel and documentary literature. Meanwhile, An exile from exile of Namhae Island reserved a work of Chinese poem. However, the writer made certain again status and it`s meaning the exile literature of Namhae Island by looking into Chinese poem of kim Gu, Kim Man Jung, Loo Yei Yaong, earlier mention. These exile are attracting their experience in works, attractions and scenery of Namhae Island. Of course, there was some left, literature vestige to the material of Namhae Island, from ancient to modern. Even if it were standpoint of passing literature, In any case, also, Namhae Island must be background of place. Like this, in the fettlers of history, even so, It was valuable result and boast that Namhae Island was exposed by the works of literary man. In fact, This paper was put to inconvenienced depth handle. looking generally tradition and valuation of exile literature of Namhae Island, I was put to inconvenienced in depth untanned about the work and individual writer. A study on the expansion of such author thesis, the form of exile literature and rhetoric expression left next subject. Together, In consider collection of works about an exile of Namhae, It was the remainder of assignment that life and thought of an exile, the world of literature depth studied on influence in effect of Namhae culture.

『玆山錄』을 통해 본 19세기 후반 박우현의 우이도 유배생활과 섬 사회상

최성환(Choi, Sung-Hwan) 역사문화학회 2017 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.20 No.1

본 연구자는 섬 유배인의 기록을 분석하여 ‘섬주민과의 교류 관계’ 및 ‘섬의 사회상’을 조명하는 연구를 지속하고 있다. 이 논문의 대상지는 조선후기에 ‘흑산도’로 통칭 된 ‘우이도’ 이고, 분석 자료는 朴遇賢(1829~1907)이 우이도 유배시절을 기록한 『玆山錄』이다. 연구방향은 크게 네 가지이다. 첫째, 조선시대 흑산도 유배인의 추이를 살피고, 박우현이 남긴 『자산록』의 구성과 특징을 분석하였다. 둘째, 우이도 유배 길과 압송과정을 검토하였다. 셋째, 박우현의 우이도 유배생활 양상을 파악하였다. 넷째, 『자산록』에 담긴 정보를 바탕으로 19세기 후반 우이도의 사회상을 살폈다. 『자산록』에는 1874년부터 1884년까지 11년에 걸친 우이도 유배생활의 전말이 상세하게 담겨 있다. 일반적인 유배인 기록은 詩文으로 당시의 감회를 묘사한 것이 많은데, 이 자료는 일기형식의 備忘錄으로 당시 상황이 사실적으로 기록되어 있다. 섬 유배제도의 전통적 측면과 격동의 근대기가 시작되는 시기의 섬 사회상을 함께 살필 수 있는 장점이 있다. 본고의 성과는 섬 유배인에 대한 행정조치, 생활모습, 사회상과 관련된 실제 상황을 면밀하게 분석한 것이다. 행정조치는 압송 절차, 유배 섬까지의 육로와 해로이동 과정, 安置 등에 대한 문제를 확인했다. 생활양상과 관련해서는 우이도 주민들의 유배인에 대한 대응과 교류, 유배인의 섬 문화 인식, 유배생활의 고충, 최익현과의 만남 등을 살폈으며, 사회상과 관련해서는 黑山鎭의 설치시기와 別將 역할, 섬과 표류선 문제, 우이도 해역의 어업상황과 19세기 후반 기근으로 인한 최악의 경제상황 등을 고찰하였다. This researcher has continued research to analyze the records of exile in island and examine ‘exchange with residents in the island’ or ‘social aspects in the island’. The site that this author studies here is ‘Wooi Island’ that was popularly called as ‘Heuksan Island’ in late Chosun, and the material analyzed here is 『Jasanrok (玆山錄)』 on which Pak Woo-hyeon (1829~1907) wrote his life in exile in Wooi Island. This study will proceed largely in three ways. First, this author examines how exile was done in Heuksan Island in Chosun in general and analyzes the organization and characteristics of Pak Woo-hyeon’s Jasanrok. Second, this researcher looks into the administrative measures taken to exile in island and the aspects of living in island in detail. Third, based on the information found in 『Jasanrok』, this author examines the social aspects of Wooi Island in late Chosun. 『Jasanrok』 reveals the whole story of exile in Wooi Island for 11 years from 1874 until 1884 in detail. It is valuable in that it describes the aspects of the time in detail as a diary-type memorandum unlike other records about exile telling the sentiments of that period as a form of poem. This study is fruitful as it has analyzed the information associated with the administrative measures taken to exile in island, aspects of living, and also social aspects closely. Concerning administrative measures, this author has found issues related to how a person was sent to exile under escort, inland and sea routes to the exile island, enclosing, or Bosujuin. Regarding the aspects of living, this researcher has investigated Wooi Island residents’ responses to exile and their exchange, the exile’s recognition on the culture of the island, hardships in exile, and meeting with Choi Ik-hyeon. About social aspects, this author has considered the time to install Heuksanjin, roles of Byeoljang (別將), problems related to the island and the drifting ship, fishing industry in the sea of Wooi Island, or the worst economic condition resulted from famine in the late 19th century.

18세기 청조(淸朝)의 군류범(軍流犯) 관리와 신강(新疆)으로의 발견(發遣)

김한밝 ( Kim Hanbark ) 명청사학회 2016 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.45

This study analyzed that managing exiles was a key factor for deciding transition of exile in the 18th century, when military exile degenerated and ‘deportation’ escalated. Furthermore, in this study, it could be revealed that inertia of China's traditional criminal law functioned during transition of exile. Exile is a punishment sending criminals into a place of exile(peisuo), far away from their hometown. Criminals sent into a place of exile could not return their hometown forever. Executing exile costs money, a traffic network for sending criminals, and managing effort for not making criminals escape. Nevertheless, exile had been used widely in China's traditional criminal law for punishing criminals and deterring crime. There were three kinds of exile in Qing dynasty. Liuxing, one of wuxing, was a punishment had settled in Tang dynasty. It sent criminals into a place of exile by decided sentences, 2000li, 2500li, 3000li distance, and made them lead a life at a place of exile forever. Military exile had been an exile sending criminals into weisuo and serving for the military. However, in Qing dynasty, military exile degenerated like liuxing. Criminals who sentenced as military exile were not sent into weisuo, but sent into zhouxian. ‘Deportation’, uprising in Qing dynasty, was a punishment sending criminals into frontier, a northeastern area of the empire or newly acquired area, Xinjiang. After sending criminals, ‘deportation’ made them serve as a slave or carry out their duty. What made transition of exile in Qing dynasty was reduction of weisuo in the 18th Century. Reduction of weisuo, rolled as a place of exile for the military exiles in Ming dynasty, forced military exiles to be sent into zhouxian. This made military exile same as liuxing. Zhouxian, have supervised only liuxing exiles, had to supervise military exiles too from the 18th Century. Liuxing and military exile, both of them were exile for life, so the number of exiles in zhouxian became more and more. Qing tried to manage junliufan safely with various ways. At first, the empire tried to guarantee exiles' living for safety of the place of exile. Second, the empire toughened a law restraining exiles' second conviction. Third, the empire wanted to reduce the number of exiles in the place of the exile. Fourth, the empire limited a place of exile to some place safe and not important. However, these ways had limits because the effect was not continuous and the execution was difficult. Meanwhile, war with Zunghar came to an end. Qing sent criminals into Xinjiang just next year after the conquest. Exiles sent into Xinjiang were usually the people who were young, strong, and committing a mistake at the place of exile. Because they were potential risk factors for local safety, escalating of ‘deportation’ to Xinjiang related to issues of managing exiles. In the transition of exile in the 18th century, it is hard to find an intention of reforming entire criminal law. Qing was consistent in only modifying several problems on the inertia of the traditional criminal law system. Transition of exile in Qing dynasty shows a generous attitude in an execution of a death penalty, and restriction from the ancient times, which made them never think other punishment as a punishment which located in immediately below the death penalty.

조선 후기 유배인과 유배지의 실상, 김약행의 <적소일긔> 연구

이옥희 ( Ok Hee Lee ) 택민국학연구원 2011 국학연구론총 Vol.0 No.7

본 논문은 김약행의 <적소일긔(適所日記>를 대상으로 조선 후기 18세기 말의 유배인과 유배지의 실상에 대해 살펴본 것이다. 작품에 나타난 유배인과 유배지의 실상은 다음과 같다. 당시 유배인들에게는 유배인들의 침식을 돌봐줄 보수주인 제도가 있었으나 당시 섬주민들은 보수주인 맡기를 꺼려하였으므로 유배인들은 곤경에 처했다. 유배인들에게는 점고의 의무가 있었고 외부세계와 소통하는 것이 표면적으로는 금지되어 있었으며 이들의 주생활과 식생활은 매우 열악하였다. 하지만 일부 유배인들은 이러한 규제를 받아들이지 않고 마음대로 행동하기도 하였다는 것을 알 수 있다. 유배지의 실상은 유배인과의 관계를 중심으로 서술하였다. 작품을 통해 서원과 서당의 존재를 알 수 있었고, 집단기억으로 남아있는 삼별초 역사에 대해 알 수 있었다. 또한 유배인 문제는 유배지의 지역민들에게도 어려움을 야기했음을 알 수 있었다. 유배객들을 접대하느라 고생하는 지역민의 모습을 작품의 면면에서 발견할 수 있으며, 유배인들에게 고통으로 다가간 주식생활의 어려움은 바로 지역주민들의 주식생활의 실상이었다. 김약행은 조선 정조 때인 1781년부터 1788년까지 만 7년 동안 진도 금갑도에서의 유배체험을 68개의 에피소드로 정리하였다. <적소일긔>는 서사-본사-결사의 구성을 취하고 있는데, 서사에서는 유배를 오게 된 경위를, 본사에서는 유배생활을, 결사에서는 작품을 저술한 의도를 밝히었다. 68개의 에피소드는 작자가 유배 기간동안 겪었던 일들이나 소회 중에서 인상적인 사건이나 상황들을 다룬 것이다. 김약행은 유배인과 유배지의 실상을 효과적으로 드러내기 위해 국문 표기방식을 택했으며, 유배생활을 사실적으로 재현하기 위해 치밀한 묘사를 보여주었고 양반의 체면의식을 벗은 글쓰기를 했다. 또한 중요한 에피소드는 서술분량을 늘이는 것으로 선택과 집중의 형상화방법을 활용하였음을 알 수 있었다. <적소일긔>는 국문으로 기록된 유배일기로서 다른 작품들과 구별되는 독자성을 띤 문학작품이면서 지역사를 연구할 수 있는 소중한 문헌자료라고 하겠다. This study examines the reality of an exile and a place of exile in late eighteenth century Joseon with special reference to <Jeokso-ilgi(適所日記)> by Kim Yak Haeng. Kim arranged 68 episodes during his 7 years exile experience in Geumgap-do island of Jindo from 1781 to 1788 in the reign of King Jeongjo. <Jeokso-ilgi> consists of introduction - main body - conclusion structure. The reason of the exile is described in the introduction, and main body describes the exile life. Finally, the conclusion elucidates the intention of the writing. 68 episodes are all about impressive incidents and situations the author experienced during the exile period. The reality of an exile and a place of exile in the work is as follows. Although a serving master system was introduced to assist the meal and board for exiles, the contemporary island inhabitants were reluctant to take the role of serving master, which put the exiles into trouble. The exile was obliged to take the roll call and ostensibly they were prohibited to communicate with an external world. Their meal and board were extremely poor. However, it seems true that some exiles behaved arbitrarily without observing such regulations. The exile problem could cause difficulties to the local residents too. The hardships of the residents to serve the exiles were shown in many pages, and the difficulties of meal and board to the exile was actually routine for the local residents. Kim Yak Haeng decided to keep the diary in Korean to demonstrate the reality of an exile and a place of exile effectively, and he described the situations in-depth and threw away a sense of grace as a noble man in order to represent the exile life realistically. He also adopted a method of selection and concentration by controlling the length of important episodes after arranging 68 episodes of 8 years of exile. <Jeokso-ilgi> is a distinctive literature work written in Korean as well as a precious literary resource for the study of the local history.

조선시대 유배인의 현황과 문화자원의 활용-전남지역을 중심으로-

김경옥 호남사학회 2010 역사학연구 Vol.40 No.-

This is made to find out the periodic development of exiles in Jeonam province, The current situation of existing cultural resources related to exiles, and the ways of making use of exile-cultural resources. A result of searching exiles' situation in Jeonam from the Annals of the Chosun Period is that the number of exiles is 534 in all. The periodic development and the development by the type of counties and prefectures in the exiles' situation are below. First, the periodic number of the exiles is estimated to three in the 14th century, eighty-two 15th, twenty-eight 16th, thirty-one 17th, one hundred seventy-eight 18th, one hundred ninety-six 19th, sixteen the first half of the 20th. In other words, the development of the 18th century to 19th has a 70% of the number of the exiles in Jeonam province. The population of the southwest islands had increased suddenly at that time. The increase in the population of those areas changed provincial administrative organization. In other words, myuns for groups of islands were established in the 18the century, and three counties like Dolsan county, Wando county, and Jido county were created in the 19th century. Second, the allocated places of the exiles have been confirmed in 25 counties and prefectures and 36 places. The places of the exile of the highest frequency among them were islands like Jejudo, Kogeumdo, Jindo, Heucksando, Chujado, Sinjido and so on, and the next places were counties and prefectures in inland area located on the coast like Haenam, Kangjin, Heungyang, Kwangyang, Jangheung, and so on. In other words, the allocated places of the exile were isolated islands or counties and towns in inland area which had administrative jurisdiction over the islands. Third, there were connections between the allocated places of the exiles and the camp of the naval forces. The allocated places of the exiles were only Jindo and Jejudo during the early days of Chosun Period . In the late of Chosun Period , however, new places of exile were added like Kogeumdo, Narodo, Dolsando, Balpo, Yudo, Limjado, Sinjido, Jido, Heucksando, and so on. The camp of the naval forces in those islands were established more or created in the late of Chosun Period . In other words, establishment of the camp of the naval forces resulted in making use of the islands as the places of exile. Fourth, existing cultural resources related to the exile in Jeonam province are the living places of exiles, seodang established in the places of exile, the books written in the places of exile, historic sites related to the exiles, and so on. In the books written in the places of exile like collections of works, poetical works, diaries, letters, traveler's journals, the value of their materials have been noticed from the view of primary historic materials regarding Jeonam province. 이 글은 조선시대 전남지역 유배인의 시기별 추이, 현전하는 유배인 관련 문화자원의 현황, 그리고 유배문화자원에 대한 활용 방안을 모색하기 위해 작성되었다. 전남지역 유배인의 현황을『조선왕조실록』에서 검색한 결과 총 534명이 검출되었다. 유배인의 時期別·郡縣別 추이는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 시기별 유배인의 수는 14세기(3명), 15세기(82명), 16세기(28명), 17세기(31명), 18세기(178명), 19세기(196명), 20세기 전반기(16명) 순으로 집계되었다. 즉 전남지역 유배인의 추이는 18-19세기에 무려 70%를 점유하고 있었다. 이 시기는 서남해 도서지역의 인구가 급증한 시기이기도 하다. 도서지역의 인구 증가는 지방행정편제를 변화시켰다. 즉 18세기 섬에 諸島面이 설치되었고, 19세기에는 3郡(돌산군·완도군·지도군)이 신설되었다. 둘째, 유배인의 配所는 25개 郡縣, 36處에서 확인되었다. 유배지 가운데 빈도수가 가장 높은 곳은 제주도․고금도․진도․흑산도․추자도․신지도 등 섬이었고, 그 다음으로 해남․강진․흥양․광양․장흥 등 바닷가 연안에 입지한 郡縣이었다. 즉 유배인의 배소는 絶島이거나, 혹은 이들 섬의 행정관할권을 갖고 있던 내륙지역의 郡邑이었다. 셋째 유배인의 配所와 水軍鎭과의 관련성이다. 조선전기 전남지역의 유배지는 珍島와 濟州島뿐이었다. 그런데 조선후기에 이르면 고금도·나로도·녹도·돌산도·발포·여도·임자도·신지도·지도·흑산도 등이 새로운 유배지로 추가된다. 이들 섬은 조선후기에 수군진이 증설되거나 신설된 곳이다. 즉 섬에 수군진이 설치된 결과 유배지로 활용할 수 있었던 것이다. 넷째, 현전하는 전남지역 유배 관련 문화자원으로는 ①유배인의 적거지, ②유배지에 개설된 서당, ③유배지에서 작성된 저술, ④유배인 관련 역사유적 등이다. 이 가운데 유배지에서 작성된 저술(문집․시집․일기․간찰․기행문)의 경우, 전남지역에 관한 1차 사료라는 점에서 자료적 가치가 주목된다.

한시에 나타난 유배객의 생활 모습 -『정헌영해처감록』을 중심으로-

박동욱 한국어문교육연구회 2010 어문연구(語文硏究) Vol.38 No.3

The courtesy name of Jo Jeongcheol(1751~1831) was “Seonggyeong” and “Taeseong” and his pen name was Jeongheon and Daereung. His collection of works “Jeongheon Yeonghaecheogamrok(Jeongheon's writing on experience in a place of exile)” describes the life of an exile in greater detail than any other records. His poetry is like a dairy in an exile. He wrote his life in an exile by period in great detail. This study investigated the life of exiles with focus on the writing of Jeongheon. It is very natural for an exile to be exhausted because of poor living environment in a place of exile. However, it was very difficult for him to endure the life in a place of exile in reality because he couldn't help fully depending on the exile superintendent for eating and clothing. The residence was very small and exposed without protection to heat and cold as well as he was suffered from diverse kinds of insects and venomous snakes. Various types of surveillance and control made the life in a place of exile more difficult. In particular, checking appearance was enough to make exiles feel humiliation and shame. Reading was strictly prohibited and surveillance on whether to have books was more severe than that on reading books. Furthermore, it was banned to receive or send letters. Control and surveillance were very severe to the extent that an exile couldn't go out of a house even a step. Only exile superintendents could manage the relationship with local residents and humanity toward residents. While there wasn't known much about the exile superintendents, the writing of Jeongheon showed that exiles and their superintendents were not hostile each other all the time, unlike what we knew. Exile in the Joseon dynasty was very general phenomenon. Further studies need to examine various kinds of sensitive parts in the literature created during exile. This study will be a basis for multilateral approaches to the exile literature in the future. 趙貞喆(1751~1831)은 자가 成卿·台城이고, 호는 靜軒·大陵이다. 그는 조선 시대 최장기 유배객으로 문학사에서 그리 알려진 인물은 아니다. 제주도에서 무려 27년을 謫居하였으며, 총 29년 동안을 유배지에서 떠돌았다. 그의 문집인 『靜軒瀛海處坎錄』은 어떠한 기록보다 상세하게 유배객의 삶을 보여주고 있다. 본고에서는 이 기록을 중심으로 유배객의 삶을 조망하였다. 유배객으로 열악한 생활환경의 고단함은 당연한 것이고, 음식과 의복은 보수 주인에게 전적으로 의지할 수밖에 없었다. 다양한 방식의 감시와 규제는 유배 생활을 더욱 어렵게 만들었다. 그중 점고는 특히 유배객에게 굴욕감과 자괴감을 주기에 충분했다. 독서는 철저하게 금지시키고, 서적을 소유하는 것도 읽는 행위도 감시하고 막았다. 또, 서신의 반입과 반출을 금지시켰다. 문밖출입도 용이하지 않을 만큼 제약이 심해 현지인과의 유대와 인간애 부분에서는 보수 주인만을 다뤘다.

유배문학 연구의 과제

허춘 ( Chun Heo ) 영주어문학회 2012 영주어문 Vol.23 No.-

The study summarizes earlier researches on exile literature and suggests some issues to investigate further. Exile, one of the types of punishment in the Chosun Dynasty period, was as severe as the death penalty was. The nobility was a target, so arts and literature of the nobility had a lot to do with exile. For this reason, Studying on how "exile" has an influence on arts and literate of the nobility is very significant and meaningful. Earlier studies on exile literature have developed in three ways. First, bibliographical studies, that is, studies of contents, writers and social background, have been conducted. Second, based on bibliographical researches, writers` inner conflicts have been investigated. Third, literal conceptualization of exile literature in an area that needs more research. Setting up the concept of exile literature: The notion of exile literature needs to extend the scope of application. Exile literature should include not only experiences in a place of exile but events and feelings on the way to exile. Field survey and profiling : Each exile has different social and political background such social status and faction. Field survey and profiling of exiles should take precedence to understand the big picture of exile literature. A virtuous cycle and a vicious cycle resulted from exile: How exile affects political affairs he manages after being released from exile and literary works should be verified. Differences depending on a place of exile: How a place of exile (whether a island or the mainland) has an influence on an exile`s life and literary works should be taken into consideration. An attitude toward exile: An attitude toward exile can be categorized and investigated according to time, place and social status (the civil or military nobility). The importance of an integrated view-point: In addition to individual case studies of exile, it is important to integrate cases as literary works. Historical investigation of exile literature: It is necessary to accumulate data of literary works and to develop historical investigation of exile literature. This can make exile literature acknowledged as a significant field of literature.

유배형의 시대와 발견(發遣) ― 청대(淸代) 형벌제도에서의 역할을 중심으로 ―

김한밝 ( Kim¸ Hanbark ) 명청사학회 2021 명청사연구 Vol.- No.56

From the point of view of the punishment system, Qing era was an era of exile. Exile punishments were executed more widely than ever before, from ordinary exile (liuxing), which is one of the five punishments, to military exile (chongjun), which was transformed same as ordinary exile, and penal servitude (tuxing), which served as intra-provincial exile. In addition to that, there was deportation (faqian) established in the Qing dynasty. Deportation was a punishment for sending criminals to remote areas such as the northeast, Xinjiang, and southwest regions to respond to follow-up measures such as forced labor, cultivation, and slavery. It had an aspect different from other exile punishments. In particular, unlike criminals who were exiled to China proper tended to make a living on their own, criminals of deportation had to do their assigned works. I revealed that deportation was being used flexibly and responding to the demands of the era of exile. In this study, I analyzed the nature of the crime that was set to be punished with deportation. Looking at the code of 1680, it is confirmed that there were two functions in deportation, to punish bannerman criminals and to replenish slaves by criminals. However, as it was linked with the change of the situation in the northeast region, only the non-bannerman people were changed to exile to the southwest region. In such a situation, Qing conquered Xinjiang. There was a demand for labor in Xinjiang, and there was also an overabundance of exiles in China proper. Therefore, Xinjiang began to actively used as a new place for settling exiles. However, as in the northeast region in the past, the issue of exiles arose in Xinjiang, and the exiled criminals were sent to southwest again. What can be confirmed from the above process is that, unlike the fixed system of exile in China proper, deportation was used flexibly according to its needs and circumstances. Paradoxically, deportation could be used flexibly because it was not systematized. Military exile and ordinary exile had already settled as punishment according to distance, and there was relatively little room for arbitrariness in this. However, deportation lacked unity in follow-up measures and the place of exile, so there was room for application according to the situation. Internally, deportation was able to distribute the pressure of exiles in China proper, and externally, it was possible to respond to the needs of the border region.