Outsiders in the Family : Abuse of Migrant Domestic Workers in Taiwan

PAN, Shu-Man,YANG, Jung-Tsung 이화여자대학교 아시아여성학센터 2012 Asian Journal of Women's Studies(AJWS) Vol.18 No.1

This study examines violence against female migrant workers employed in Taiwanese households by using the feminist perspective of gender politics. Data from in-depth interviews with twelve live- in domestic workers and ten staff members from government and non-government organizations (NGOs) were examined to identify the dynamic of abuse faced by live-in domestic workers. The study results have shown that female migrant workers endure various forms of violence perpetrated by employers and their families. There is a lack of access to services for victims of domestic violence, therefore, migrant domestic workers are abused. The feminist perspective on gender politics in relation to domestic violence has to be re-evaluated in order to clarify how patriarchal power influences daily family relations through direct and indirect strategies.

‘코로나19’ 발병과 방역을 통해 본 중국 국내외 정치:언론 내용을 중심으로

김진호 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2020 평화학연구 Vol.21 No.2

Corona19 began to develop in China, and its propagation power became pandemic. The Chinese government coped with the Chinese method in the process of quarantine and had some effect. However, it doubts about how effective China's efforts have been in international deductions. In other words, there is much disagreement between China's efforts and the international community's pandemic and international claims. In this regard, it is worthwhile to analyze the relationship between Chinese politics related to the issue of China's corona19 treatment and the reaction of the international community. In particular, the current relationship between China and the international community is not cooperative, and between the United States and China will be even worse in situations where trade, security, science and technologies, and international cooperation are in conflict. Therefore, analyzing Chinese domestic politics and China's foreign strategy in the outbreak and prevention process of Corona 19 will help to understand the relationship In particular, studying how the Chinese government defines the Corona 19 issue, which has developed from a domestic issue to an international one. And linking research Chinese domestic politics with international relations will help to understand the connection between the Chinese Communist Party's internal and external politics. According to the results of the analysis, the Communist Party of China effectively uses foreign relations in domestic politics, which seems to be due to the environment of policy relevance where only the Communist Party can rule in. The Chinese government's domestic politics and external relations related to Corona19 can be said to be similar. 코로나19는 중국에서 발병되기 시작하였고, 그 전파력은 팬데믹이 되었다. 중국 정부는 방역 과정에서 중국방식으로 대처했고 어느 정도 효과를 봤다. 그러나 중국의 방역과정과 국제사회의 팬데믹과 관련된 주장 사이에는 이견이 많다. 이러한 측면에서 중국의 코로나19 방역 문제에 관련된 중국 국내외정치의 연관성과 국제사회의 반응을 분석해 보는 것은 가치 있는 일이라 본다. 특히, 현재 국제사회와 중국의 관계는 서로 협력적이지 않고, 미국과 중국의 관계도 무역ㆍ안보ㆍ과학기술 및 국제협력영역에서 대립하고 있는 상황에서는 더욱 그럴 것이다. 이에, 코로나 19 발병과 방역과정에 나타난 중국 국내정치 현상과 그 대외전략을 연결하여 분석하는 것은 중국 국내정치와 대외관계의 상관성을 이해하는 데 도움이 될 것으로 보인다. 결과적으로 중국 국내정치 상황과 대외전략을 분석해 보면, 중국 공산당은 국내정치에 대외관계를 효과적으로 활용하고 있는데, 이는 공산당 일당 통치가 가능한 환경에서 나오는 중국 국내외 정책의 상호관련성 때문으로 보인다.

The Impact of Domestic Politics on North Korea’s Foreign Policy

김동수,최용석 통일연구원 2012 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.21 No.2

One of the most promising theoretical perspectives in the study of foreign policy is that it is heavily influenced by domestic politics. In this study, we will examine North Korea’s foreign policy with respect to its domestic political situation. In particular, we will attempt to uncover the influence that domestic politics has in North Korea’s foreign policy behavior, specifically in regard to weapons of mass destruction. Whether or not and to what extent domestic politics influence the nuclear issues are the primary questions that we will attempt to address in this paper. In answering these questions, we will analyze three of the most recent nuclear crises: the first nuclear crisis of 1993-1994, the missile crisis of 1998 and the second nuclear crisis of 2002-2003. The diversionary theory will be utilized as the primary theoretical framework to analyze the cases. Based on suggestions from the diversionary theory, we will test the hypothesis that North Korea conducts its foreign policy in a risky manner as a means to divert the people’s attention outward when the regime is (or perceives that it is) facing difficulties in domestic politics. For that purpose, we will examine the domestic political situation in North Korea during these periods and analyze the perceptions of the Pyongyang regime in such circumstances.

한국 정치적 현대성의 젠더화된 구조와 가내성(家內性)의 정치적 부상

구자혁(Ja Hyouk Koo) 한국사회학회 2014 韓國社會學 Vol.48 No.4

이 글은 ?제3정치성?, ?시민정치? 등으로 개념화되어온 2000년대 초 이후의 한국사회의 새로운 정치참여, 집합행위의 양상, 그리고 이를 통해 정치적으로 부상한 ?개인?의 성격을 이해하기 위해 한국적 현대성의 구조화의 일면을 젠더화의 과정으로서 개념사적으로 재구성한다. 한국의 정치적 현대성에 고유한 것은 서구적 공론장 모델에 내재한 남성지배, 성별분업의 다소 보편적인 상황이 한국사회에 고유한 사회문화적 상황과 결합하여 공적인 것과 사적인 것, 정치적인 것과 비정치적인 것의 구분, 그리고 국가와 시민사회의 관계조차도 젠더화된 상상과 문화모델로 구조화되었다는 점이다. 그 결과 시민사회는 사적이고 개인적인 것, 욕망, 이익의 장소, 즉 ?가내성?의 장소로 정위되어 ?여성성?이 할당되고, 공적이고 정치적인 것, 이념과 가치의 세계로서의 ?남성화된? 국가와 대립된다. 이러한 사회적 편제에 의해 지배적이 되는 초월적 공공성의 정치의 이상과 ?초연적 남성성?의 정치주체성의 모델은 한국의 정치사회를 ?가치의 정치?와 ?욕망의 정치?로 이중적으로 구조화하였고, 공식 정치사회의 엘리트적 과두화와 자율화를 낳았다. 이러한 체제의 균열은, 시민사회의 탈가내화와 남성 중심의 형제애에 기반한 질서를 지향했던 사회운동 중심의 저항적 공중이 아닌, 여성성으로 간주되었던 사생활과 가내성을 수용하고 그 가내성 자체를 정치화하려는 대중적 움직임에 의해 결정적으로 이루어졌다. ?기러기 아빠?와 ?유모차 부대?로 상징적으로 집약될 수 있는 이 새로운 정치주체성은 가내화된 사적 공간이 그 동기적 원천일 뿐 아니라, 내거는 목표와 참여의 양상, 그 주체에 있어서도 가내화된, ?정치화된 가내성?으로 개념화될 수 있다. 탐욕스럽고 반사회적인 것으로 간주되어 정치적, 공적 공간에서 추방되었던 가내성은 자신을 공적인 것, 정치적인 것으로 승화, 전화시키면서 전통적인 공화주의적 정치참여의 모델을 균열시켰다. 이러한 사사화된 정치주체성의 등장은 저항적 공중으로 시민사회를 환원해온 사회과학의 기존 문제틀을 수정하고, 사적이고 개인적인 것에 의해 구축되는 ?사회적인 것?의 다양한 공간과 그에 수반되는 공론장의 현대적 형태를 분석적으로뿐 아니라 규범적으로도 적절히 수용할 필요성을 제기한다. In this study, I attempt a conceptual historical reconstruction of one facet of Korean modernity in order to achieve a better understanding of features of political participation, collective action, and nature of ‘persons’ or ‘individuals’ rising therefrom, which have been conspicuous in South Korean political development toward so-called ‘the third political,’ or ‘citizen politics’ since the early 2000s. What is argued here to be unique in Korean political modernity is that the more or less universal process of genderization and social division of labor between two sexes, with its combination with socio-cultural situations specific to Korean society, led to the structuration of the division of the public and the private, of the political and nonpolitical, and even the relationship between the state and civil society into gendered imaginaries and cultural models. As a consequence, civil society assumes ‘femininty’ as a locus of the private, the personal, desire, interests, i.e. that of ‘domesticity,’ and categorically stands against the ‘masculinized’ state as a locus of the public, the political, and of the worlds of ideologies and values. ‘Transcendental publicness,’ as an ideal for politics, and ‘masculinity of aloofness,’ as a model of political subjectivity, became dominant in official political society of Korea by virtue of gendered social formations mentioned above, and resulted in dualistic structuration of political society between ‘politics of value’ and ‘politics of want,’ and in the elitist oligarchization and autonomization of political society. The decisive rupture of this social formation came from mass upheaval based on politicization and self-acceptance of domesticity and private life, which had been regarded as femininity, rather than from protest publics of social movements oriented toward the de-domestication of civil society and toward an order based on male-centered fraternity. This new aspect of political subjectivity, which can be symbolically epitomized into the images of ‘wild goose dad’ and ‘squad of baby stroller,’ can be conceptualized as ‘politicized domesticity’ in that not only its motivational sources were domestic private spaces, but also it was domestic in nature in its goals, exhibited participatory features, and even socio-demographic properties of participants. This transformation or sublimation of domesticity, from being greedy, anti-social, resulting in its excommunication from the political, public spaces, to the public and political being, has disrupted every problematic element of the conventional ‘republican’ model of civic engagement in Korea. This advent of privatized political subjectivity calls attention to theoretical needs 1) to modify the conventional theoretical framework in which civil society is reduced into protest publics, and 2) to accommodate, both analytically and normatively, diverse spaces for ‘the social,’ newly rising from the private and the personal as well as the contemporary forms of public sphere accompanied by those spaces.

김대중ㆍ노무현 정부의 대북정책과 국내정치: 문제는 '밖'이 아니라 '안'이다

신종대 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2013 한국과 국제정치 Vol.29 No.2

North Korea policy and inter-Korean relations are closely associated with each other. This paper analyzes the role of domestic politics and its effects on North Korea policy process under the Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun administrations. This paper took the two administrations as object of analysis because they promoted the most proactive engagement policy toward North Korea unlike their predecessors, resulting in tensed domestic discussion concerning North Korea policy. In that regard, this paper set such a time frame to capture the relations between engagement with North Korea and engagement of domestic constituents most properly, which will facilitate understanding of links between promoting North Korea policy and domestic supports for it. With that in mind, this paper analyzed and assessed divisions and frictions in domestic politics in the course of the two administrations’ developing North Korea policy. It found that one of the biggest problems with North Korea policy during the two administrations was that they overlooked the importance of building domestic consensus for North Korea policy in both political arena and the civil society. That is, they were so preoccupied with engagement toward North Korea that they underestimated the need to undertake domestic engagement which is the source of gaining a right momentum to execute the policy. Therefore, the most important question concerning execution of North Korea policy is base for domestic support; we can say that “It’s the ‘inside’!”

법원의 국제인권조약 적용 현황과 과제

이혜영 ( Hyeyoung Lee ) 사법정책연구원 2020 연구보고서 Vol.2020 No.1

The Republic of Korea has signed and ratified the seven core international human rights treaties: International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women; Convention against Torture; Convention on the Rights of the Child; and Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. In accordance with these treaties, Korea is obligated to give effect to its treaty obligations. Since article 6(1) of the Constitution of Korea adopts the monist approach to the implementation of treaties that regards international law and national law as two parts of a single system, the treaties to which Korea has become a party are automatically incorporated into Korean national law. Consequently, domestic courts shall be required to apply the treaties just like they apply any national law. The Korean domestic courts shall ultimately answer the question of which law prevails and how to interpret national law in a way compatible with treaty obligations when there are inevitable clashes between international law and national law. It is, therefore, necessary to examine the courts’ judgments that applied human rights treaties in order to fully understand the normative status of these treaties and interpretive challenges associated with their domestic implementation in Korea. The application of international human rights treaties may not be a day-to-day task for domestic judges in Korea. Statistics have, however, shown that it has become more frequent occurrence in recent days. Additionally, judgments providing concrete reasoning of domestic effect, status of international human rights treaties, and interpretive principles of them have begun to appear. Nevertheless, many commentators have argued that such recent practices have not yet been sufficient to dispel concerns over the legal culture in Korea in which most of judges are unfamiliar with international human rights treaties. Moreover, the provisions of these treaties are not sufficiently effective in application in Korean courts. With these concerns in mind, this research aims to examine the quantity and quality of judgments that applied international human rights treaties in Korean courts. This research also seeks to offer policy suggestions for expanding court resources to increase judges’ familiarity with international human rights treaties and to support judges in interpreting and applying them. For these purposes, this research proceeds as follows. Firstly, this research provides an overview of important interpretive principles, jurisprudences and resources available in both the international and national legal arena, which would help domestic judges get a better (and basic) understanding of what issues and challenges they would face in applying international human rights treaties in domestic courts and of what rules and principles they could make use in order to arrive at the proper outcome. In particular, it introduces relevant interpretive sources published by major human rights treaty bodies, and sets forth general rules of international law on the interpretation of treaties codified in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties as well as the existing specialized rules for human rights treaty interpretation that have been developed in the jurisprudence of the major human rights supervisory bodies and international courts. In addition, this research provides constitutional grounds for incorporating international law into domestic law and the hierarchical normative status of international law in the domestic legal system in Korea. Furthermore, it introduces developed interpretive approaches in resolving inevitable clashes between international law and national law to improve reciprocal engagements between the two legal systems. Next, this research examines the state of application of international human rights treaties in Korean courts by conducting quantitative and qualitative evaluations of judgments rendered in Korean courts. For quantitative evaluation, a complete enumeration-based survey through an internal data search system on judgments that applied the seven core international human rights treaties shows variations in the number of judgments that applied the seven core treaties by each treaty, year, and litigation type. In addition, this research provides statistics on the acceptance/rejection rates of claims involving violations of the core seven treaties in judgments. Using qualitative evaluation methods, this research divides judgments into two groups and examines the reasoning adopted and steps taken by judges to arrive at different conclusions―judgments in support of or in denial of the claims involving international human rights treaties. By applying such analytical methods, this research shows that Korean courts tend to avoid making determinations upon international law in dealing with cases involving violations of international human rights treaties; instead, Korean courts tend to base their decisions on more familiar, national laws. This tendency effectively prevents the development of jurisprudence in international human rights treaties from being incorporated domestically. The research on judgments in Korean courts affirms the unfamiliarity of most Korean judges with international human rights treaties, which has significant policy implications. Based on the implications drawn from the empirical research on judgments rendered from Korean courts, this research offers suggestions to increase judges’ familiarity with international human rights treaties and to assist judges in engaging with those human rights treaties. In this regard, it is taken into account that the lack of both opportunities in getting trainings in international human rights law and interpretive resources have negatively contributed to the unfamiliarity of judges with human rights treaties. It is, therefore, suggested to incorporate the original text of the seven core international human rights treaties and relevant interpretive sources published by major human rights treaty bodies into the data search system in Korean courts and make them accessible and available to judges. Moreover, it is also recommended that courts expand and reinforce opportunities for judges of training in international human rights law and its application in domestic courts. By offering these recommendations, this research aims to help the Korean Judiciary to fulfill its obligation and accountability to interpret national law in a way compatible with treaty obligations in order to protect and promote universal human rights.

전시체제와 가정성: 가정생활과 주부역할에 관한 논의를 중심으로(1937-45)

안태윤 ( Ahn Taeyoon ) 한국여성사학회 2004 여성과 역사 Vol.- No.1

The colonial government attempted to change Korean traditional domestic life styles and customs in the name of "life-improvement" under the wartime system from the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937. This project of domestication of war differed from the life-improvement campaign since the beginning of colonization in that it emphasized the role and responsibility of housewife supporting the homefront. The wartime government forced Korean women to cooperate with the Japanese war effort, bestowing national meaning on the wartime role of housewife. This paper examines the ways in which the colonial government attempted to intervene in Korean domestic life and define the role of housewife according to the wartime politics, and women responded to (conformed to, resisted or negotiated) the policies of the wartime government. In conclusion, while women advocated some issues common to wartime polices such as savings and frugality, they expressed their intention to correct traditional practices under male chauvinism and Confucian patriarchy. Furthermore, they continued to stress the rationalization and scientification of homemaking and hygiene, and demanded men`s cooperation with the improvement of domestic life. However, after the outbreak of World War II, female intellectuals supported for the government`s wartime policies of domestic life. They did not criticize the government`s use of domestic life for war effort, otherization of women as objects of enlightenment and its interpellation of housewife as an instrument for the state`s mobilization. The colonial government propagandized the devoted performance of housewives` role as contribution to the state and female intellectuals conformed to the state mobilization by understanding it as an opportunity to improve women`s social position. Further studies need to be conducted in order to examine the consistency and similarity of the policies and the ways of mobilization of women between wartime and after liberation and during the Korean War.

EU Referendums Framed by Domestic Politics

Sangtu Ko,Geeyoung Hong 한국국제정치학회 2012 The Korean Journal of International Studies Vol.10 No.1

Facing the decline of permissive consensus, EU member states increasingly use referendums on European issues in order to develop policy legitimacy. However, EU referendums can be used as an instrument for securing EU policy legitimacy only when they are used at the European level. We examine whether EU referendums are framed by European factors. Analysis of the French case at two levels that is, political actors’ motivation and voters’ behavior reveals that in both 1992 and 2005, the political actors’ decisions for calling an EU referendum were strongly related to their domestic strategic considerations, and that in non-required referendums, voters’ behavior is largely framed by domestic political context and thus is far from the ‘issue voting behavior’. These findings clearly indicate that EU referendums are closely related to domestic politics. Given the fact that EU referendums are strongly framed by the domestic political context, we can assume that EU referendums cannot be seen as an instrument for securing EU policy legitimacy.

EU Referendums Framed by Domestic Politics: President’s Motivations and Voters’ Attitudes in France

고상두,홍지영 한국국제정치학회 2012 The Korean Journal of International Studies Vol.10 No.1

Facing the decline of permissive consensus, EU member states increasingly use referendums on European issues in order to develop policy legitimacy. However, EU referendums can be used as an instrument for securing EU policy legitimacy only when they are used at the European level. We examine whether EU referendums are framed by European factors. Analysis of the French case at two levels—that is, political actors’ motivation and voters’ behavior—reveals that in both 1992 and 2005, the political actors’ decisions for calling an EU referendum were strongly related to their domestic strategic considerations, and that in non-required referendums, voters’ behavior is largely framed by domestic political context and thus is far from the ‘issue voting behavior’. These findings clearly indicate that EU referendums are closely related to domestic politics. Given the fact that EU referendums are strongly framed by the domestic political context, we can assume that EU referendums cannot be seen as an instrument for securing EU policy legitimacy.

일상생활과 젠더정치 -소비에트시대 초기의 여성부(Женотдел), 1919-1923-

기계형 ( Ki Kye-hyeong ) 한국여성사학회 2008 여성과 역사 Vol.- No.8

이 논문은 공산당 중앙위원회 산하에 설치된 여성부(1919-1930)의 활동 가운데 초기 5년을 중심으로 일상생활과 젠더정치의 관계를 해명하고자 한다. 소비에트체제 형성 초기의 급격한 변화는 일상생활에 대한 분석과 이론화의 영역을 더욱 확대하도록 해준다. 이 논문은 여성부 조직의 성공이나 실패에 집중되는 경향이 있었던 그간의 연구와 달리, 여성부의 중대한 역사적 의미는 새로운 사회주의 체제의 건설과정에서 일상생활의 가정의 영역, 사적 영역, 공적 영역을 재규정하고 재구성하려 했으며, `새로운 일상생활`을 만들어내려고 시도했다는 점에 있다고 주장하고자 한다. 본 논문은 공적 및 사적 영역, 가정영역에 대한 여성부 및 당의 입장, 그리고 정책의 변화를 추적하는 과정에서 여성부와 당의 입장은 반드시 일치하지 않았으며, 바로 이 일치하지 않는 지점에 `일상생활의 젠더화`의 역설이 있음을 살펴보고자 한다. This article explores relationships between everyday life and gender politics through activities of Zhenotdel, the Women`s Sections of the Communist Party. Rapid changes in building new society provide an expanded space for the analysis and theorization of the everyday life and gender politics. The works of Inessa Armand and Alexandra Kollontai on family, domestic sphere, sexuality, marriage and everyday life was exemplary of this shift. Leading scholars have focused upon either the success or the failure of the Zhenotdel to liberate women. But this article argues that the real historical significance of the Zhenotdel is how the body attempted to redefine and reconstitute the domestic sphere, placing women`s traditional family roles under state control. Of course, Zhenotdel had played important roles in women`s emancipation. But as Michelle Fuqua sees, the significance of the Zhenotdel lay in the use of gender politics as a means of spreading the Bolshevik word, of gaining access to and mobilizing a key section of the population in the service of the new state, and of extending the sphere of state control into the private household. This study is focusing upon the Zhenotdel`s attempts to transform the private domestic sphere and to spread party influence among women, goals which were considered crucial for women`s liberation in the years 1919-1923. Through the activities of the Zhenotdel, I investigated how representations of women functioned in Soviet efforts at state-building and the construction of socialist political and social order. In examining women`s sections, I found multiple, and often contradictory, conceptions of gender over how women would be integrated into the new society, that is, paradox of `gendering of everyday life`.