E-politics와 한국 정치문화

호광석 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2006 한국민족문화 Vol.28 No.-

This paper deals with the characteristics of political changes in information society and Korean political culture. There are many theoretical debates on the changes of information society and itself. And optimism and pessimism coexist among scholars who describe political changes in information socy' Although it has elements of direct democracy, we can not assert that it is a democracy for very different views. In consequence of that, it is better to call it for 'caber politics' or 'e-politics' than for some democracies. This paper employs the terminology of 'e-politics' which represents the political aspects by the information and communication technologies in information society. A characteristic of e-politics is participant political culture and it likes to Ronald Inglehart's concept of the post-modem political culture based on postmaterialist value systems. In Korea, it is true that the spread rate of internet rise and the aspects of e-politics spread widely. The influences of `the Internet' on election are increasing more and more. Several study's analyzing the 17th National Assembly Election in 2004 show that 'the Internet' and online political activity increased electoral concern and influenced voting participation directly or indirectly. Although voting rate is low, the level of political concern and interest is high in that election. That is a characteristic' of the participant political culture of e-polity's and Inglehart's post-modern political culture. This paper finds the post-modern political culture has begun to emerge in contemporary Korea which entered into information society. In conclusion, Korean political culture is expanding into participant political culture with the spread of e-politics.

현대시에 나타난 ‘다문화(多文化)’의 양상들 -김수영, 김정환, 유 하의 시를 중심으로-

김수이 한국어문교육연구회 2009 어문연구(語文硏究) Vol.37 No.4

This paper aims to find out the effects of multi-culture(its acceptance attitude) on test formation of Korean literature by multi-cultural phenomena/symptoms represented in the middle and late 20th century. This becomes literary and, at the same time, cultural work which re- constitutes the previous history of Korean multi-culture through literary works. There are poets such as Kim Su-young, Kim Jeong-hwan, Yu ha who show self-conscious and characteristic recognition of ‘multi-culture' in their poems in the middle and late 20th centuries. First of all, Kim Su-young intends to offset the limping of Korean modern politics·history by cultural appropriation through positive rediscovery and restoration of Korean traditional culture and subordinate culture. While Kim Su-young attempts ‘cultural appropriation of politics·history, Kim Jeong-hwan attempts ‘political·historical appropriation of culture'. At this time, the subject of Kim Su-young's appropriation is Korean history and culture, he reaches affirmation toward Korean culture by way of historial experiences of multi-culture. Meanwhile, the subject of Kim Jeong-hwan's appro- priation is politics, economy and culture of other country that urge America, Korea, Japan, etc. to new colonization. Kim Jeong-hwan strictly awakens to and criticizes violence and un-ethicality of other culture/ multi-culture in violent reality under the rule of military dictatorship. Yu ha clearly realizes the reality in which other culture(/multi-culture) in 1990s became the subject of popularity and consumption under ‘cultural economic appropriation' phenomena. The cultural way of reading of reflecting on ‘economic phenomena of culture' conducted across the society in the name of popularity is highly political. Thus, Yu ha's political independence of culture is concentrated on bringing a charge against the deception and fiction of capitalistic system and the political system parasitic on it. The recognition of other culture(/multi-culture) showed by Kim Su-young, Kim Jeong-hwan and Yu Ha respectively reflects the current political, social and cultural paradigm and develops coping with the paradigm. The Korean society and literature in the middle 20th century formed peculiar scenery through various processes to cope with other culture(/multure-culture), and has established the site for happy co- existence with other culture(/multure-culture). 이 논문은 20세기 중·후반의 시에 나타난 ‘多文化’의 樣相 및 症狀을 분석함으로써, 한국문학의 텍스트 형성에 ‘多文化’(에 대한 수용 태도)가 끼친 영향을 규명하고자 한 것이다. 이는 문학작품을 통해 한국의 多文化의 前史를 재구성하는, 文學的인 동시에 文化的인 작업이 된다. 20세기 중·후반의 시에서 ‘多文化’에 대한 自覺的이며 특징적인 認識을 보여주는 시인들은 김수영, 김정환, 유 하이다. 김수영이 ‘政治·歷史의 文化的 專有’를 시도한 데 비해, 김정환은 ‘文化의 政治·歷史的 專有’를 도모한다. 김수영은 多文化의 歷史的 經驗을 經由해 韓國文化에 대한 肯定에 이르는 반면, 김정환은 軍部獨裁 治下의 暴壓적인 현실 상황에서 다른 문화/多文化의 暴力性과 非倫理性을 批判하는 데 집중한다. 유 하는 1990년대에 다른 문화/多文化의 ‘經濟的 專有에 대한 批判的 省察’을 통해 다양한 국적의 문화가 유행과 소비의 대상으로 화한 現實을 告發한다.

피스크의 문화적 대중주의에 대한 재고

신혜경 한국미학회 2002 美學 Vol.32 No.-

In this paper, I tried to examine the cultural populism of John Fiske, focusing on his main text Understanding Popular Culture and Television Culture. Recently, the somewhat oppositional standpoints about Fiske's cultural populism is represented among the korean left-wing theorists. Some criticize it, claiming that it falls into uncritical populism corresponding to laissez-faire conceptions of consumer sovereignty. For example, Kang Nae-Heui insists that the cultural populism approves the capitalist dominant culture and it is unconcerned about people's pursuits of the multiple ways of life. On the contrary, others defend it, suggesting that the cultural studies should reconstitute the cultural populism in order to activate people's multiple aesthetic attitudes to the utmost. Lee Dong-Yeon argues that the cultural populism could align itself with the minority's cultures inevitably. Therefore, under this circumstances the reappraisal of Fiske's cultural populism should be required. This paper consists of four chapters, as follows. Chapter 1: The historical context - Mapping the place of Fiske's theoretical status in the whole history of cultural studies. Chapter 2: The definition of the popular and the popular culture. Chapter 3: The popular pleasure and the popular discrimination. Chapter 4: The micro-politics of the popular culture. In ch.1, the birth of cultural populism is sketched in the context of new revisionism. New revisionism is characterized by the hermeneutic models of consumption, resulting in the shift from political aesthetics to popular aesthetics. This emphasis on the active consumptions of audiences rejects the main ideas derived from Althusser's theory of subject and ideology. Thus, the whole tradition of 'subject positioning theory' is called into question. Researchers turn their attention away from the ideological power of text and toward the individual pleasures and interpretive freedom of readers. Tudor identifies two different, but closely-related ways in this new direction, i. e. 'audience ethnography' and 'cultural populism'. And it is Fiske who is depicted as a Godfather of this kind of cultural study. In ch.2 & ch.3, brief introduction of Fiske's theory is offered. According to him, the popular is "a shifting set of social allegiances formed by social agents within a social terrain that is theirs only by virtue of their constant refusal to cede it to the imperialism of the powerful." Instead of the theories of subjectivity, he asserts those of the nomadic subjectivity which envision the social agent as moving among various subject positions. The activity of such agency is not that of voluntarism or free will, but is social in that it is the core experience of the subordinate in elaborated, capitalist societies. The people can turn cultural commodities to their own interests and find pleasure, in using them to make their own meanings of their social identities and social relations. For Fiske, the popular culture is to be found in its practices, its uses, its consumptions, not in its texts or their readers. Therefore he argues that all popular culture is a process of struggle or antagonism. "There can be no popular dominant culture, for popular culture is formed always in reactions to, and never as part of, the forces of domination." In ch.4, I explain the micro-politics of popular culture. Fiske distinguishes between the macro-politics and the micro-politics, between the radical political movements and the progressive popular cultures. On the one side; forces of dominances, processes of incorporation, insidious practices of dominant ideology. On the other side; tactics for coping, vitality and creativity, everyday resistance and evasion. In this respect, we can find easily Foucault's legacy in Fiske's terrain. Fiske argues that the social order, as Foucault analyzes it, depends on the control of people's bodies and behaviors. In other words, the struggle for control is waged on the material terrain of the body and its immediate context. So the culture of everyday life is a culture of concrete practices which embody and perform differences. This is the very sites of popular culture. In conclusion, I examine some assessments of Fiske's cultural populism. Thereby, I hope illuminate the present lessons from the critical insights of it. First of all, themes of audience empowerment, popular pleasure and everyday resistances in Fiske's theory play the role to correct the former 'pessimistic reductionism' of cultural studies. But Fiske's corrective is nothing but return to the opposed position against it. The same dualistic framework is remained unchanged. What is crucial is not an insistences on micro-meaning and popular pleasure against macro-structure and constraint, but an attempt to rethink the form relation between these two in non-reductive and non-dualistic terms. Moreover, Pleasure is neither innocent nor progressive in itself. Pleasure and resistance cannot be valorized per se as progressive elements of the consumption of cultural resources. Likewise, the mere valorization of difference as a mark of opposition can simply help the free market ideology in the new liberalism. Therefore, the minority-culture movement aligned this kind of cultural populism, explicitly or implicitly, is required more careful examinations.

정치적 올바름과 살균된 문화

문형준 ( Moon Hyong-jun ) 한국비교문학회 2017 比較文學 Vol.0 No.73

18세기 미국에서 출현한 이후 1970-80년대를 거치며 성장하고 변모한 ‘정치적 올바름’의 스타일은 좌우파 모두에게 지대한 영향을 끼쳤지만, 현재는 언어와 문화를 통해 편견없는 정체성의 재현을 원하는 좌파들의 중요한 문화적 무기가 되었다. 오래 전부터 정치적 올바름은 그것의 ‘올바른’ 비판의식과는 별개로, 순수함과 올바름과 편견없음에 대한 과도한 열망이 그 자체로 아이러니컬한 검열과 통제를 불러일으킬 수 있다는 비판을 받아왔다. 2016년 강남역 살인사건 이래 페미니즘의 열풍이 강하게 불고 있는 한국에는 특히 소셜 네트워크를 중심으로 정치적으로 올바른 태도가 자리잡은 것처럼 보인다. 가부장적의식이 드러나는 언어 표현에서부터 성폭력에 이르는 다양한 ‘폭로’가 한국의 정치적 올바름에 깃든 한 중요한 특징이 되었다. 그리고 이 정치적 올바름의 태도는 여성차별이라는 실제적 문제와 결합함으로써 그 누구도 비판할 수 없는 신성한 영역 속에 자리잡았다. 조남주의 소설 『82년생 김지영』은 이런 분위기 속에서 베스트셀러에 오른 작품으로, 단순한 전개와 인물설정, 그리고 문학적인 방식이 사라진 르포식 묘사를 통해 문학계 내부보다는 외부에서 큰 반향을 얻었다. 이 소설은 정치적 올바름의 태도가 문학을 잠식하는 한 예로 볼 수 있는데, 이에 대한 비판이 거의 이루어지고 있지 않다는 게 문제라고도 할 수 있다. 정치적 올바름이 정의롭고, 깨끗하고, 올바른 상황만을 지향하는 문화적 경향성을 살균된 문화라고 부를 수 있을 것이다. 모든 오염되고 더럽고 모호하고 애매한 것들이 살균된 자리에 자신들이 믿는 건강하고 정의로운 올바름이 들어선다. 하지만 이 살균된 문화는 사실 병든 문화의 다른 이름이다. 모든 것을 살균시킴으로써 이 문화는 살균된 깨끗함 너머에 있는 체계적이고 구조적인 불평등을 보지 못하게 하며, 올바름을 외치는 ‘나’의 모순과 분열을 인식하지 못하게 하기 때문이다. 기실 문학은 이러한 정치적 올바름의 반대편에서 현실과 주체의 모순을 끊임없이 묘사하고 지적해왔다. 유토피아적 열망이 최악의 암울한 현실을 낳음을 보여주는 디스토피아 서사는 대표적일 것이다. 정치적 올바름의 시대가 가진 모순과 문제를 비판하는데 있어 디스토피아 서사는 유용하며, 우리로 하여금 문학과 예술의 자리란 언제나 분열과 모순의 가운데임을 환기하게 한다. Political correctness' (PC) usually refers to language, policies, attitudes, or measures that are intended to avoid offense or disadvantage to members of particular groups in society. First appeared in the 18th century and had been widely spread throughout 1970s and 1980s in the US during the flowering of so-called identity politics, the culture of political correctness has gradually gained influence in post-ideological democratic societies around the world. As what Stuart Hall says "the culturing of politics," politically correct style, in general, attempts to turn political problems into problems of culture, language, and representation. In order to enhance socially and culturally prejudiced climate on (sexually, racially, or economically) minor groups, political correctness almost obsessively emphasizes to use 'sanitized' language, which sometimes leads to heated debate on its ideas. As linguist Geoffrey Hughes observes, politically correct attitude "generates contradictions like positive discrimination and liberal orthodoxy." In Korean culture, especially since May 2016, when a woman was murdered by a mentally unstable man in a public toilet around Gangnam Station, political correctness has been appropriated by feminist groups as a key cultural tactic for correcting the patriarchal languages and macho ways of male life. In result, acts of attacks, disclosure, and criticism on men's behavior, from slip of tongue and prejudiced language to sexual harassment and rape, have appeared mostly in social network services such as Twitter and Facebook, many of which disrupts the then normal sexually discriminative culture in Korea. Cho Nam-joo's bestselling novel, Kim Ji-young: Born in 82, would be the perfect example that shows how a Korean novel reacts to the current situation. Depicting the life of a housewife whose career was hiatus because of child upbringing, the novel captured in episodes the discriminations and inequality many women in Korea face every day. Although timely and extremely popular, the novel itself is so simplistic on women's life by deliberately using situations that are inevitably interpreted by using politically correct attitude. Criticizing the novel's literary weakness even triggers harsh responses from women readers as well as feminist critics. Such atmosphere, in which feminism combined with political correctness, leads to a particular cultural tendency in Korea that might be called 'sanitized culture.' Sanitized culture briefly designates a cultural situation, in which only languages, attitudes, or values that are regarded free from dirt, infection, and disease are allowed to be circulated. Political correctness is in a central place in sanitized culture, for politically correct style itself only accepts unbiased, disinfected, correct, and unprejudiced expressions. Literature could play a role in making sanitized culture like Cho Nam-joo's novel does, but literature also provides us with the most radical criticism on sanitized culture. Dystopian narratives, for instance, depicts how a model society, where political correctness is fully realized, gone wrong by individuals who think differently and act against the correct, sanitized cultural system. One essential wisdom dystopian narratives give us is that desire to make reality a correct, perfect place is valuable and worthy, but the desire of perfection itself almost always bears serious problems that makes a society dystopian.

연구논문 : 한국의 정치문화 방향에 관한 소고

김태운 ( Tae Woon Kim ) 아시아문화학술원 2012 인문사회 21 Vol.3 No.2

본 논문은 한 나라의 정치발전은 정치문화가 중요한 역할을 한다는 인식을 바탕으로, 한국 정치문화의 특징과 현실을 검토하는 가운데 바람직한 정치문화에 대한 발전방향을 모색해 본 것이다. 개별국가들의 정치문화는 복합적으로 나타난다. 참여형이 주류 정치문화라고 하더라도 지방형이나 신민형의 정치문화가 복합적으로 나타날 수 있다. 한국의 정치문화 양상도 이와크게 다르지 않다. 여전히 유교적 전통이 정치문화 속에 강하게 배어 있는 가운데 온정적이고, 감정적이며 권위주의적 성격이 강하다. 특히, 혈연, 지연, 학연 등을 기반으로 하는 인적 네트워크 중심의 정치문화가 정치문화 전반을 지배하고 있다. 20세기와 비교하여 21세기의 한국사회는 정치, 경제, 사회문화적으로 크게 변화되었다. 성숙된 민주시민사회로의 변화, 다문화사회로의 급격한 변화 양상은 새로운 정치문화를 요구하고 있다. 이에 한국의 정치문화는 자유주의적 이념과 합리주의적 가치를 기초로 새롭게 정립될 필요가 있다. 특히, 광범위한 정치 참여를 통해 모든 구성원들이 인식할 수 있고 공유할 수 있는 정치문화 정립이 필요하다. 아울러, 다문화사회에 부응하는 사회통합형 합리주의적 정치문화를 정립·발전시켜야 한다. This thesis includes recognition that the political culture plays important role in a country``s political development and finds a desirable way of political culture by reviewing Korean political culture``s feature and reality. Each country``s political culture appears multiply. Participative could be the mainstream in political culture, but regional or subject political culture can appear multiply. Korean political culture is not big different with this appearance. Still, the confucian tradition is strongly soaked in political system, and has compassionate, emotional, and authoritarian character. Especially, personal networking political culture, which is based on kinship, regionalism, and school relations, rules the whole political networking. Compared with 20th Century, and 21st Century, Korean society materially altered in policy, economy, and sociocultural. change of matured democratic civil, and of multicultural society aspect requires fresh political culture. By this aspect, Korean political culture needs to be constructed newly, based on liberalistic ideology, and rationalism value. Especially, we need construction of political culture that all parties can recognize and share by pretending wide politics. Also, it needs to be set up and development the socially integrated rational political culture that accommodates multicultural society.

청년문화론에서의 ‘문화/정치’의 경계 문제

박대현 한국문학이론과비평학회 2012 한국문학이론과 비평 Vol.56 No.-

It is impossible to argue about youth culture in 1960s~1970s without premising the April Revolution. Because the minor generation experiencing the April Revolution is the subject of ‘youth culture’ formed at the end of the 1960s. The political consciousness inculcated after the April Revolution begins to decay rapidly after 5·16 military coup. As the subject of Revolution returned to their everyday lives in the repression of military regime, there is a serious crack between consciousness and behavior. The Self-governing subjects in the April Revolution returned to the helpless subject again. College Students’ voluntary ‘new life movement’ got to lose even the subjective will because of being absorbed into the military regime’s policies, and the new phenomenon called ‘youth culture’ became to occur in the late 1960s. ‘Youth culture’ seemed to take passive or unconscious resistance against system, but this was basically no more than a form of culture as indirect or suppressed politics. In this regard, it is supposed that ‘youth culture’ in the military regime occured in the process that political youth get down to de-political one. It is enough to say that the April Revolution symbolized by Kim, Ju-Youl dominated the time as a form of repetition compulsion, which shows exactly what ‘youth culture’was short of. And Lim Joong-Bin is likely to say what is the nature of ‘youth culture’, claiming that one shift ‘youth culture’ into student movement by inscribing the student movement to youth culture for the cultural revolution preceding a political revolution. The nature of ‘youth culture’ is just crack itself forming a boundary line of ‘Politics’ and ‘culture’. The very boundary line and crack are depth of ‘youth culture’, and give us a perspective to understand the source of youth culture. 1960~70년대의 청년문화는 4월혁명을 전제하지 않고는 논의가 불가능하다. 4월혁명을 체험한 미성년의 세대가 60년대 말에 형성된 청년문화의 주체이기 때문이다. 4월혁명 직후의 비등했던 정치의식은 5·16 군사쿠데타 이후 급격히 소멸되기 시작한다. 군사정권의 억압 속에서 혁명 주체들이 일상으로 돌아감으로써 의식과 행동 사이에 심각한 균열을 안게 되었다. 4월혁명 때 체험했던 자기통치적 주체들이 다시 무기력한 주체로 되돌아간 것이다. 대학생들의 자발적인 ‘신 생활운동’마저 군사정권의 정책에 흡수됨으로써 그 주체적 의지가 상실되고 마는데, 1960년대 말에 이르면 ‘청년문화’라는 새로운 현상이 발생한다. ‘청년문화’는 소극적이거나 무의식적인 체제저항성을 지닌 것으로 볼 수 있지만, 이는 기본적으로 정치를 문화의 형태로 간접화하거나 억압한 것에 지나지 않는다. 그런 점에서 군사정권 아래에서의 청년문화는 정치성에서 탈정치성으로 전락(顚落)하는 과정에서 발생한 것이다. 청년문화 현상이 지배적일지라도 김주열로 상징되는 4월혁명은 반복강박의 형태로 당대를 지배했다고 할 수 있는데, 이는 청년문화가 무엇을 결여하고 있는지를 정확히 보여준다고 할 수 있다. 정치혁명에 선행하는 문화혁명을 위해 학생운동을 청년문화에 기입함으로써 청년문화를 문화운동으로 전환시키자는 임중빈의 주장은 청년문화의 본질이 정확히 무엇인가를 말해준다. 청년문화의 본질은 바로 ‘정치’와 ‘문화’의 경계를 이루고 있는 균열 그 자체이다. 이 경계와 균열이야말로 청년문화의 심층을 이루고 있으며, 청년문화를 이해하는 근원적인 시각을 제공해준다.

연구논문 : 영화를 통해서 본 한국 정치문화의 이해 -영화 "우리들의 일그러진 영웅"을 중심으로-

김태운 ( Tae Woon Kim ) 아시아문화학술원 2011 인문사회 21 Vol.2 No.1

본 논문은 이문열의 원작소설을 영화한 작품 ‘우리들의 일그러진 영웅’을 통해서 현재진행형인 한국의 정치문화를 재조명해 본 것이다. 대중문화와 정치는 서로가 별개의 영역에서 작동하고 있지만 이들은 정치적인 것 또는 문화적인 것들과 상호 소통하고 있다. ‘우리들의 일그러진 영웅’은 그 시대적 배경이 1950년대 말의 자유당 정권기로써, 영화에서 읽혀지는 정치적 의미(정치문화, 정치권력, 정치과정)는 한국정치의 과거와 현재에 관한 것이라고 할 수 있다. 이 영화 속에 나타나는 다양한 상징들은 정치문화적 관점에서 권위주의, 온정주의, 정치적 무관심, 제도와 정치문화 간의 불일치 등과 관련이 깊다. 이 영화를 정치문화적 측면에서 재조명해야 할 이유는 영화에서 보여주는 상징이나 기호체계 등이 한국의 정치 이데올로기 및 정치문화적인 것들과 긴밀히 연계되어 있기 때문이기도 하지만, 정치발전에 있어서 정치문화의 중요성을 일깨워 주고 있기 때문이다. 정치문화가 정치발전을 견인하는 추동력이라는 점에서 볼 때 한국 정치발전을 위해서는 바람직한 정치문화가 필요하다. 한국정치는 그동안 많은 발전을 이룩해 왔지만 아직도 많은 과제를 안고 있다. 정치발전은 윈윈(win-win)을 넘어 시민사회의 새로운 게임의 룰을 정립해야 하는 윈윈윈(win-win-win)으로의 해결과제가 있다. 이를 위한 새로운 정치문화는 다문화사회와 21세기 시대적 조류에 부합할 수 있는 자유주의적 정치문화가 그 핵심이 되어야 할 것이다. 유럽의 경우 다문화시대에 적합한 정치문화와 관련하여 전통적인 시민권의 개념 수정이 이루어져 새로운 시민권의 개념이 등장하였음을 주목해야 한다. This treatise sheds new light on Korean Political Culture through a movie based on a Lee Mun Yeol``s original novel, "Our Distorted Hero" A pop culture and Politics are in different genre but these are connection with political things and cultural things. "Our Distorted Hero" set in 1950 Korea, when the Liberal Party takes a power. The political meanings(Political Culture, Political Authority, Political Process) which we can watch in the movie are related to the past and the present in Korean Politics. A variety of symbols in this movie are connected with an authoritarianism, a paternalism, a political indifference and disconnections with a system and a political culture in political cultures view. The reason why we have to shed new light in terms of political culture is symbols and a system of symbols in this movie closely associated with Korean Political ideology and Political Cultures. But. It awaken the importance of political cultures in improvement of politics too. From a point of view that political culture is an impetus leading a political improvement, we need a desirable political culture for political advancement. Although Korean politics have developed for a while, still it has many tasks. Political development has a task which establishes a new game rule for a civil society from win-win beyond win-win-win. A new political culture for this has to be a liberalism political culture which can coincide with a multi-cultural society and a flow of the time 21th. In Europe, in relation to political culture suitable for multi-cultural society, we should pay attention to appearing a new citizenship concept which is revised from a traditional citizenship concept.

한국 현대사 정치문화에 대한 고찰: 쿠데타군의 재집권시기를 중심으로

임선우(Im, Sun Woo),윤황(Youn, Hwang) 한국문화융합학회 2018 문화와 융합 Vol.40 No.5

이 논문의 연구목적은 한국현대 정치사에서 군부의 쿠데타 재집권체제적 주요 문화적 특성을 밝히고 21세기 지속가능한 정치문화를 민주주의와 연관해서 논의하는 데에 있다. 연구 분석 결과, 기본적으로 쿠데타군의 재집권체제적 정치문화는 국가체제를 유지하기 위한 모순과 한계로 나타났다. 그에 따른 국가체제는 민주주의의 제한성과 퇴행성을 가진 과도기적 민주정치문화의 형성에 큰 영향을 미친 것으로 분석되었다. 이 연구의 분석결과에 기초한 한국의 반민주적 정치문화의 주요 특성은 다음과 같이 도출되었다. 즉 첫째, 권위주의가 만연화되었다. 둘째, 중앙집권적 중앙집중주의가 심화되었다. 셋째, 계파/족벌주의가 보편화되었다. 넷째, 보수와 진보의 이념대립구도가 격화되었다. 이런 특성에서 벗어나 21C 바람직한 한국 정치문화의 방향은 한국문화의 고유적 특성과 결합된 국민주권의 시민 참여적 민주정치문화 창출로 나아가야 한다. 한국문화의 고유적 특성은 공동체가 강한 아시아적 가치로서는 문화자본이다. 이 자본과 결합된 시민의 정치정향에 따른 국민주권의식의 변화가 수반되어야 민주정치문화의 창출도 가능해진다. 비록 부진한 정치권의 개혁만이 아닌 그동안의 후진적인 사회 형태를 벗어난 시민의 권력으로 더불어 사는 새로운 새 시대의 비전을 향해 함께 나아가야 한다. 21C 대한민국 시민이 이룩한 촛불평화혁명은 박근혜 정권의 퇴진요구와 맥을 같이하는 지금까지의 불공정 ․ 불평등의 반민주적 적폐청산문화에 그 본질을 두고 있다. 이에 촛불혁명 이후의 방향은 기존 질서와 장벽에 막혀있는 동등한 권리와 기회를 요구한 시민참여의 민주정치문화를 새롭게 형성해 나가는 것을 요구하고 있다. 이는 바로 한국 민주주의 회복에 당위성을 둔 세계시민사회를 향한 휴머니즘에 의한 삶의 대화이자 연대성의 정치환경에 부응하는 것이기도 하다. The purpose of this paper is to identify the major cultural characteristics of the military second coup regime in the modern Korean political history, and to discuss sustainable political culture in relation to democracy in the 21st century. As a result of this study, the political culture of the ruling system of the coup is basically a contradiction and limitation to maintain the state system. It was analyzed that the national system had a great influence on the formation of the democratic political culture with the limitation and degeneracy of democracy. The main characteristics of anti - democratic political culture based on the results of this study are as follows. First, authoritarianism has become prevalent. Second, centralized centralism deepened. Third, the field / nepotism was universalized. Fourth, ideological confrontation between conservatism and progress has intensified. Apart from these characteristics, the direction of desirable Korean political culture in the 21st century should move toward the creation of citizen participatory democratic political culture combined with the inherent traits of Korean culture. The inherent character of Korean culture is cultural capital as a strong Asian value of community. It is also possible to create a democratic political culture with a change in the sovereignty of the people in accordance with the political orientation of the citizens combined with this capital. Though it is not only the reform of the sluggish political realm, but it should go along with the vision of a new era of living with the power of the citizen out of the backward social form. The candlelight peace revolution achieved by Korean citizens in the 21st century has its essence in the culture of anti-democratic abolition of inequality and inequality that has been in tandem with the demand for the resignation of Park Geun-hye. Therefore, the direction after the candlelight Revolution calls for the formation of a democratic and political culture of citizen participation that requires equal rights and opportunities that are obstructed by existing order and barriers. This is correctly a response to the political environment of solidarity and dialogue of life through humanism toward the global civil society, which is in accordance with the recovery of Korean democracy.

청소년 문화 연구의 대안적 접근 - 문화정치학을 중심으로 -

은지용 ( Ji Yong Eun ) 한국사회과교육학회 2002 시민교육연구 Vol.34 No.2

When we look into the existing paradigm in adolescent culture studies, the studies have been focused on adolescent developments and socialization processes. Many of the studies were about characteristics in growth and development, about non-adaptation problems, about the characteristics of socialization and about deviation problems. On the other hand, the studies are being introduced, which are focused on analyzing the constitution process of adolescents` lives and on interpreting the meaning in the viewpoint of the constructivist, interpretative approaches emphasizing understanding of adolescents` ordinary lives escaping from the study tendency making adolescent an object as a passive existence. With this, the necessity of ethnographic study is being raised focused on understanding of the adolescent life vividly in everyday life field. However, to illuminate the adolescent culture in the practical future-oriented point of view, we need to speculate situations critically where life is alienated and crooked with culture study paradigms mentioned above. In other words, we need to study and speculate the adolescent life in the liberating perspective as well as to understand adolescent everyday life arising dynamically in the field of life. In this article, a cultural-political approach has been made as an alternative to adolescent culture studies, based on these issues. A cultural-political approach focuses on how an ordinary culture is composed and what are the social and political dynamic relations deviated from ordinary culture`s composition processes. The result of analysis of adolescent culture through the cultural-political approach is as follows; Adolescents show effort to reveal their cultural identity by resisting against the older generation`s cultural taste in school and everyday life. They seem to emit their cultural tastes as a symbolical resistance method against the existing system. The resistance against school culture or older generation`s culture is a symbolic expression that they will not be passively associated with the dominating culture, and a practical behavior to create their own spaces. They want to confirm their cultural identity continuously in the filed of their culture. What do the cultural-political analysis and discussions on adolescent culture imply? First, we should overcome the restrictions of the concept of conventional culture which is `homogeneous, non-changing and shared thing`. The cultural studies should be performed, based on new concept of culture such as `active meaning creating process and competitive concept of culture such as `active meaning creating process and competitive process surrounding defining`. Second, in the perspective of cultural-political viewpoint, following questions should be asked; `How does the adult generation exclude ways of thinking of the adolescent generation?`, `How do adults establish the meaning of their assertion and how do they justify their concept as useful and authoritative?` and `How do adolescents try to resist to compose their own cultural identity?` Third, we need to approach to adolescents with the sense of partnership, in other words, we need to understand that they are the independent beings who nurture themselves autonomously just like adults. Fourth, we need to critically analyze adolescent socializing mechanism which are one-sided and high-handed. Fifth, we need to study how to include creative and productive elements in popular culture spaces by acknowledging educational meanings and functions. Sixth, adolescent culture study should be expanded to the study on human rights of adolescents. Seventh, the studies on how to provide adolescents with criticizing insights on cultural aspects are needed. To make a long story short, the cultural-political approach is not only a work describing conceptualization processes between adolescent generation and adult generation as well as the process of production and consumption dynamically overcoming t

신문화사의 공간과 문화의 정치경제학

장세룡 문화사학회 2014 역사와 문화 Vol.27 No.-

이 연구는 기존의 담론 중심의 문화정치가 공간을 사유하며 문화의 공간 정치로 확장을 시도하고, 기존의 정치경제학이 공간에서 전개되는 기호와 일상의 담론에 주목하며 미시적 문화의 영역으로 섬세화시키는 양상을 검토했다. ‘문화적 전환’이 설득력을 확장하면서 문화 그 자체는 점차 생산과 소비, 노동과 놀이까지도 포섭하여 자율적인 수용과 전유를 통하여 창조력을 재생산하는 ‘신개척지’로 평가받고 있다. 그 결과 문화연구는 지적 ‘전위성’에 ‘일반성’까지도 인정받았고, 심지어 문화는 곧 정치라는 간결한 선언으로 새로운 정치 인식의 지형도를 제출하리라는 기대감마저 불러일으켰다. 그것은 문화정치, 나아가 공간을 성찰하는 문화의 공간 정치 영역을 열어 주었고, 사회학과 경제학의 문화적 전환까지도 자극하여 문화의 정치경제학에 관한 전망을 수립하는 데 기여했다. 밥 제솝이 주도하는 문화의 정치경제학은 문화를 인간 중심으로만 보는 한계를 넘어 물질적 공간 자체가 가지는 존재론적 현실에 관심을 기울인다. 그것은 공간의 물질성 가운데서 출현한 기호학적 양상의 문화적 의미를 탐색하는 과정에서 새로 생성되는 영향력에 주목하도록 시야를 확장시킨다. 그리하여 현실에서 작동하는 인간의 담론성과 물질성의 결합과 담론성이 물질성을 거쳐 표명되는 양상에 관심을 기울이도록 촉구한다. 그러나 이 기획이 기호와 담론에만 배타적으로 관심을 쏟는 것은 아니다. 기호와 구조화가 서로 결합하여 표명하는 권력관계, 경로의존성 및 구조적으로 새겨진 선택성을, 다양한 변형, 선택 및 유지 보존의 진화적 메커니즘의 조건에서 탐색하는 것이 중요하다. 이런 맥락에서 경제활동의 행위자가 수행하는 테크놀로지의 역할을 조명한다. 문화의 정치경제학이 정치경제학 분야에서 전개되는 사건과 과정, 경향과 구조를 기호학으로 설명하는 것은, 경제와 정치의 물질성 기호의 차원으로 축소시켜 경제와 정치의 관계를 분절시킨다는 비판을 받는다. 공간 정치와 문화의 정치경제학은 기본적으로 현재진행형 이론이다. This article focused on the aspects of one that the Cultural Politics transformed to the Space Politics of Culture through reflections on spatiality and placeness, and the another that the old Political Economy transformed to Cultural Political Economy which represents delicate and detailed spirit that implied in micro realms through attentions on semiotics and everydaylife discourse in space and place. By ‘Cultural Turn’, the culture itself was estimated as a ‘new reclaimed land’ that reproduces creative forces through autonomous reception and appropriation subsuming production, consumption, labour and play. In result, cultural studies even could acquire the intellectual avant-guardness and generality. Moreover, the proclamation that “culture is politics” provoked feeling of expectations that culture would suggest newly topographical map for political cognition. It opened up more productive realm of Cultural Politics of Space which reflects on spatiality and placeness and contributed to establish the prospects of Cultural Political Economy by stimulating ‘Cultural Turn’ of Sociology and Economics. The researches for the notions of Cultural Political Economy led mainly by Bob Jessop’s group had concerns for ontological reality based on the material space itself beyond the limit of human-centered culture. It leads to focus on the newly affective forces generated in works to explore cultural meanings of semiotical aspects that emerged in the materiality of space. This urges us to get down to the aspects of conjunctions of discoursality and materiality, the discoursality expressed through materiality. For example, as such a cultural city, entrepreneurial city etc, brand city project and Knowledge-Based Economy which seek in the name of creative economy or creative industry by local governance. But this project does not only focus on the semiotics and discourse exceptionally. It searches for power relation, path- dependency and institutionally engraved selectivity on condition of evolutionary mechanism of various transformation, selection and maintenance of Political Economy. Furthermore, the technological roles in relation to the economic activities will be lightened in this context. But notions of Cultural Political Economy are criticized for their reducing economy and politics materiality to semiotics dimension and so segmenting the relationship between economy and politics with the accounts for accidents and processes, trends and structures developed in Political Economy in terms of semiotics. The Space Politics of Culture and Cultural Political Economy are ongoing theories which are in the process of configuration, basically.