소현세자의 왕세자 교육

김문식(金文植) 한국국학진흥원 2011 국학연구 Vol.0 No.18

인조는 맏아들인 소현세자를 훌륭한 국왕으로 키우기 위해 일찍부터 훌륭한 학자들을 스승으로 임명하여 교육시켰다. 소현세자는 부친이 국왕이된 직후 원자元子의 자격으로 강학청講學廳 교육을 받았고, 14세에 왕세자로 책봉되면서 시강원侍講院 교육을 받았다. 이때부터 본격적인 왕세자 교육이 시작되었다. 소현세자의 시강원 교육은 세 단계로 구분할 수 있다. 첫 번째 단계는 소현세자가 왕세자로 책봉되면서부터 병자호란이 일어날 때까지의 시기로, 교육이 가장 정상적으로 이뤄진 시기였다. 소현세자의 교육은 법강法講(朝講ㆍ晝講ㆍ夕講)과 소대召對ㆍ야대夜對로 구성되어 사서四書와 삼경三經ㆍ중국의 역사서ㆍ성리학 서적을 배웠고, 회강會講을 통해 학습한 내용을 점검받았다. 두 번째 단계는 조선이 병자호란에서 패배한 이후 소현세자가 인질의 몸으로 청나라 심양瀋陽에서 거주한 시기이다. 소현세자는 8년 동안 심양에서 인질 생활을 했으며, 이곳에서의 교육은 세자와 동행한 시강원 관리들이 담당했다. 소현세자는 전쟁 전에 공부하던 『서전書傳』을 계속하여 배웠고, 『정관정요貞觀政要』와 『근사록近思錄』을 학습하기도 했다. 그러나 1640년을 고비로 소현세자의 강의 횟수는 급격히 줄어들었다. 세 번째 단계는 청이 북경을 장악한 이후 소현세자가 고국으로 돌아와 사망에 이르는 시기이다. 인조는 청이 소현세자에게 자신의 왕위를 물려주라는 것은 아닌지 의심했고, 심양에서 병을 얻었던 소현세자는 부왕과의 갈등이 커지면서 귀국한 지 2개월 만에 사망하고 말았다. 이 시기에 소현세자의 왕세자 교육은 제대로 이뤄지지 못했다. 인조는 이괄의 난ㆍ정묘호란ㆍ병자호란을 겪으면서 많은 시련을 겪었고, 소현세자는 부왕 인조를 보좌하면서 시련을 함께 겪었다. 소현세자는 심양에서의 외교 활동을 통해 청 황실과 가까워졌는데, 인조는 이런 세자가 자신의 왕권을 위협한다고 판단했다. 소현세자는 귀국한지 얼마 후 사망함으로써 오랫동안 준비해 온 자신의 역량을 제대로 발휘할 기회를 갖지 못했다. King Injo educated his eldest son Crown Prince Sohyeon earlier on to make his son an excellent king. The Crown Prince could meet many a lot of great teachers in his life. When King Injo became a king, the prince started to receive Ganghak-cheong education(the second royal family education) as a king’s first son. Sohyeon was proclaimed the crown prince at the age of 14, he began to receive Sigang-won education(the royal family education only for a crown prince). There were three stages to Crown Prince Sohyeon’s Sigangwon education. The first one is the period from proclaiming the crown prince to the Manchu war of 1636. The prince received the most normal education at this period. He studied the Seven Chinese Classics the Four Books and the Three Classics, Chinese history, the Neo-Confucianism book from morning till night. And he should take examination semimonthly on Hoegang lecture which all the crown prince’s teachers gathered in. The second stage is the period that the crown prince lived in Shenyang as a hostage. After the Manchu war of 1636, Crown Prince Sohyeon should have lived for eight years in Shenyang with the agreement between the Joseon Dynasty and the Ch’ing dynasty. The prince studied Classic of History, Zhenguan Zhengyao(貞觀政要, Essentials of the government of the Zhenguan period), Jinsilu(近思錄, Neo-Confucianism book edited by Zhu Xi ). But after 1640, the number of the prince’s lecture decreased drastically. The third stage is the period that the prince returned to the motherland after the Ch’ing dynasty captured Peking. When King Injo met Crown Prince Sohyeon again, he doubted the emperor of the Ch’ing dynasty’s tried to abdicate the throne in favor of his son. Crown Prince Sohyeon’s disease became deeper and deeper with the conflict between father and son, Sohyeon died only two months after returning. King Injo and Crown Prince Sohyeon went through many trials together, the son discharged his duties to father. When the crown prince lived in Shenyang, he became intimate with the emperor and officials of the Ch’ing dynasty’s. After then, King Injo judged that the crown prince tried to seize his throne. Crown Prince Sohyeon came to an untimely end and he couldn’t have the chance to present his ability properly which he had prepared for a long time.

신라 상고기 ‘태자’의 성격과 등장 배경

김준형 수선사학회 2024 史林 Vol.- No.88

. This paper examines the records of Crown Prince(太子) before King Jinheung in the Samguksagi. It illuminates the nature of the Crown Princes as portrayed in the historical records and traces the background of their designation as princes in the Samguksagi. In the case of Silla, individuals referred to as Crown Princes are confirmed from the early period covered by the Samguksagi. However, the term “Crown Prince” may not have been used to address them during their time, given that the term could arise after using the title of king or emperor. Nevertheless, the fact that they were specifically recorded as princes in historical records suggests that they shared certain characteristics. The individuals identified as Crown Prince in the records include Namhae, Yuri, Jima, Ilseong, Goljeong, and Uro. The case of Namhae is associated with the characteristics described in the Samgukyusa. The Samguksagi commentary also records a prince in the accession year of the father, which corresponds to Yuri. Jima is mentioned as a Crown Prince in the context of the origin of the royal title of Judah(酒多). it is noted that this article uses the title of king, not Isagum, indicating a later expression. Ilseong's complex genealogy raises doubts about the accuracy of the article recording him as Crown Prince. Goljeong and Uro, despite not ascending to the throne, are considered as their sons succeeded to the throne and were later addressed as Crown Prince. In conclusion, Indiviuals identified as “Crown Prince” in the historical records were all credible heirs to the throne, recognized as such to the extent that they were expected to ascend. However, merely holding the title of Crown Prince did not guarantee accession to the throne; one had to ascend through the bequeathal of the previous king or the approval of the people. The recording of these individuals as princes occurred during a period when the royal lineage was organized, and the title “King” was used as a royal title. Notable during this time is From Namul to Nulji. In this time, Silla, through Goguryeo and Chinese dynasties, likely understood the exclusive meaning of the title “King.” Nulji, who ascended to the throne with the support of Goguryeo, made various efforts to stabilize his reign. He brought back royal members who had sought refuge in Goguryeo, repaired ancestral shrines, and organized the genealogies of rival royal families. This was aimed at affirming the continuity of Silla's royal line from Hyekgeose(赫居世), formalizing it as an official recognition. In this process, the awareness of the official heir to the throne, the Crown Prince, emerged. However, due to continued Wa(倭) invasions, Goguryeo's dominance, and a lack of institutional foundation for the Crown Prince system, the implementation of the Crown Prince system did not progress further.

고려전기 王太子 朝賀儀를 통해 본 왕태자의 위상

김선미 연세대학교 국학연구원 2019 동방학지 Vol.189 No.-

This article examines the process and contents of Joha(朝賀) ritual conducted for a crown prince on the holiday of wonjeong(元正; the New Year) and donggun(冬至; the Winter Solstice) and crown prince's birthday, and investigates the relationship between the crown prince and servants, as well as the status and authority of the crown prince. During the Goryeo Dynasty, the Joha ritual on the day of wonjeong and dongji for a crown prince was conducted at donggung(東宮) after it was conducted for the king, in the order of greetings from donggung officials, greetings from all officials, submission of jeonmun(箋文) by local officials, and a banquet. The birthday of the crown prince was designated as a national holiday, and the Joha ritual was conducted for celebrate crown prince's birthday. Keywords: crown prince, Joha(朝賀) ritual, position of participant, submission of jeonmun(箋文), Status of crown prince Position of participant on Joha ritual confirmed a hierarchical order from the king to the crown prince and officials. It was also confirmed that the crown prince’s authority had real influence in the politics as he accepted appreciations from donggung officials and all other military and civil officials at the Joha ritual, and received jeonmun submitted by local officials who praised the crown prince’s virtues and gifts, and wished for good fortune. In terms of organization and process, the Joha ritual for the crown prince was conducted in a way that underscored his status and authority as the second-powerful person next to the king. 본고는 왕태자 원정(元正)·동지(冬至)·절일(節日) 조하의(朝賀儀)의 절차와 내용을 살펴보고, 그 속에 드러난 왕태자와 신료와의 관계, 왕태자의 지위와 권위를 고찰한 것이다. 고려에서는 원정·동지 때에 국왕 조하 의식 뒤에 동궁에서 왕태자 조하 의식을 거행하였는데, 동궁관 하례→백관 하례→지전원의 상전(上牋)→회연의 순서로 진행되었다. 또한 왕태자의 탄생일은 국가적 차원의 절일로 제정되었으며, 절일 조하의에 관한 의주를 마련하여 의식을 거행하였다. 조하의의 면위(面位)를 통해 국왕-왕태자-태자삼사·삼소(재추)-태자빈객(문무 3품관)-4품 이하 동궁관(문무 4품이하 관)으로 이어지는 위계질서를 구축하였음을 확인하였다. 또한 의식 과정 중에서 왕태자는 동궁관 및 문무백관의 치사(致辭)를 받고, 왕태자의 덕과 자질을 찬양하고 복을 기원하는 지방 관원이 올린 전문을 접수하여서 왕태자의 권위가 실제 군신 관계에서도 작동되고 있음을 확인하였다. 이처럼 왕태자 조하의는 의례의 구성과 절차 측면에서 국왕 다음가는 권위자로서 왕태자의 지위와 권위를 강조하는 방향으로 운영되었다.

조선초기 왕세자의 국가의례 참여와 그 성격

한형주(Hyungju Han) 한국역사민속학회 2009 역사민속학 Vol.- No.30

조선시대 왕은 최고 권력자로 국가의 흥망성쇠는 그의 개인적 능력과 품성에 의해 좌우되는 경향이 컸다. 이 상황에서 다음 대 왕위 계승자인 세자에 대한 교육은 무엇보다 중시되었는데, 본고에서는 세자교육과 사대부교육과의 차별성을 국가의례의 교육과 실천에서 찾을 수 있다는 관점에서 그 구체적인 내용을 검토하였다. 세자교육은 태종?세종대를 거치면서 世子侍講院과 書筵 등을 내용으로 하는 제도적인 정비가 마련되었다. 세자교육은 경전의 記誦을 통해 과거를 준비하는 사대부 자제들의 교육과 달리 心性 함양과 言動의 規正을 바탕으로 역대 제왕들의 다양한 治亂의 경험을 학습시키는데 중점이 두어졌다. 아울러 초기의 왕들은 어린 세자를 명에 보내 황제가 주재하는 각종 의례에 참여시킴으로써 그의 존재감을 각인시키는 동시에 국제적 감각을 익히도록 배려하였다. 세자의 교육과정에서 무엇보다 중시되었던 것은 의례교육이었다. 세자의 의례교육은 학습과정에서 필요한 學禮의 습득과 다양한 국가의례에 참여해 정치적 자질을 높이는 체험 학습으로 구분할 수 있다. 세자는 책봉된 직후 성균관에서 謁聖과 入學禮를 거행하여 臣民들에게 장차 유교군주로서의 모습을 인식시켰고, 이후 스승과의 일상적 만남을 규정한 師傅相見禮와 書筵會講禮를 통해 훗날 통치자로서의 기본적인 자질을 키웠다. 이러한 학례에서 세자는 一人之下 萬人之上이라는 至尊의식을 내세우기 보다는 스승에게 가르침을 받는 제자의 공손한 모습을 드러냈다. 소년기를 벗어난 세자는 다양한 국가의례에 참여함으로써 예법을 익히는 동시에 군신간의 위계질서를 체득하는 정치학습을 받았다. 일반적으로 세자는 국왕이 주도하는 국가의식에 2인자의 역할을 담당했지만 성년기에 이르면 주도적으로 의례를 주관하고 국정을 담당하는 경우가 많았다. 세종?세조 등은 성년기의 세자와 群臣간에는 의례상으로 상호 차별화된 모습이 필수적이라 판단하여 明禮에 근거하여 세자의 南面受朝와 신하들의 四拜禮, 稱臣 등을 강요해 신료들과 갈등을 빚었는데, 현존 『국조오례의』에서는 이러한 모습이 삭제되었다. 국가의례는 대체로 이른 새벽에 종친과 문무백관, 호위군사 등 수 천명의 인원이 정렬한 상태에서 시작되었다. 의식은 엄격한 격식에 따라 장엄하게 진행되었고, 세자는 行禮의 전 시간동안 엄숙한 상태를 유지해야만 했기에 그 교육적 효과는 컸다. 조선시대에는 세자의 국가의례 참여가 반드시 습득해야만 할 엄격한 교육과정인 동시에 훗날 통치자로서 그의 위상을 높일 수 있는 기회로 인식되었다. 따라서 시대가 흐르면서 세자의 의례교육은 더욱 강화되어 ‘禮治’의 구현은 여기서부터 시작되었다고 말할 수 있다. The purpose of this study is to explain contents and political natures of Crown Prince’s rites-education during early Chos?n dynasty. The education program specifically designed for Crown Prince began to be institutionalized from the reigns of King T’aejong to King Sejong. Contrary to common educational curriculums for the ruling aristocrats which focused on preparing the state examination through learning by heart the Nine Chinese Classics, its purpose was mostly for cultivation of the mind and behavior as a future king. To achieve its aim, education program for Crown prince focused on internalizing ideal politics model of sage kings’, and attending the court from time to time was a part of Prince‘s education program too. Accordingly, core of the program for Crown Prince’s education was education on the rites(禮). After receiving the peerage, the Crown Prince entered Sungkyunkwan, the royal college, performed the inaugural ceremony, and then dedicated himself to mastery of Rites of Studying(學(禮) along with the tutors the royal house designated for him. Concentrating on learning Rites of Studying, Crown Prince was supposed to display his civil and humble posture following the models of sage kings. Growing out of his boyhood, the crown prince learned good manners from joining in various state rites and came to learn the natures of political relations between the suzerain and subject. In general, he participated in state-level rites representing second highest position of vertical hierarchy topped by the king. However, in such crucial momentums when a king of Early Choson needed to assure his crown prince already had enough qualification and legitimacy for succession of the throne, it was quite common the king ordered his crown prince to lead the rites and administered the affairs of state as a vicarious authority for the throne. Then, this usually created political tension between king’s side and his subjects. On account of this kind of situation, A few kings have tried to come up with new method which would enable the crown prince to have distinctive and higher ceremonial position among all the subjects of the king’s. Consequently, ceremonial rites of Ming empire’s crown prince was borrowed as the ideal model for Choson’s crown prince. Following Ming empire"s case, Choson’s Crown Prince’s position in the rites began to be designed as a symbol of a vicarious authority for the kingship. The Crown Prince of Early Choson came to have his position toward the south(南面) in the rites, to have his distinctive position called with particular title, to have his king’s subjects pay homage to the crown prince himself by defining his kings subjects as his own subjects(稱臣), to have his subjects practice four-bow-rite(四拜) in front of himself and so on. It was clear that Crown Prince"s participation in state rites was a sort of educational and political process which would symbolize his political stature as the proper vicarious authority for the kingship in front of the subjects.

新羅 上代 太子制의 運營과 東宮의 設置

조범환 동국대학교 WISE(와이즈)캠퍼스 신라문화연구소 2010 新羅文化 Vol.35 No.-

This article examined the term, crown prince in History of Three Kingdoms from multiple angles and the results are as follows. During early period of Silla, the word crown prince is found only once about its installation in the regime of King Jingheung which implies two historical facts that there was crown prince investiture system or at least the one very similar to and being a crown prince meant being a successor of King. However, there were also unsuccessful cases that some crown price were not able to be a King due to complicated political issues. Despite these cases, it was rather a general tendency that a crown prince became a King. The crown prince system initiated in the early Silla was well established in the regime of King Jingheung. He appointed his first son, Dongryun to the thrown using his strengthened royal authority. He learned about investing crown prince from China and showed off his power by holding investment ritual. After being appointed as a crown prince, he should stay East Palace and take lectures to become a successful King. Based on the studies so far, the East Palaces has been understood to be installed by King Moonmoo. However, historical materials show that East Palace was installed in the regime of King Beopheung. He installed East palace, promulgating a code of administrative law. East Palace at the moment was not separate building but in the Wolsung. Regardless its location, it is very certain that where a crown prince stays was called East Palace. However, the history of crown prince and of East Palace do not go together. The crown prince appeared in the early period of Silla while East Palace is believed to be installed during King Beopheung. After the regime of King Beopheung, Setaek was formed and scholars worked in the East Palace. A public post called Taejasiseohaksa exited, which indicates that someone in the palace was responsible for crown prince's calligraphy. Lectures provided to crown prince were mostly confucian. A series of these institutional strategies were all done in or after the regime of King Beopheong. Thus, establishment of crown prince system during King Jingheung was possible under the institutional strategies of King Beopheung. The crown prince system was made further progress in the middle period of Silla.

조선시대 왕세자문서와 국왕문서의 비교 연구 - 명령문서와 보고문서를 중심으로 -

조미은 ( Jo Mi-eun ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2018 역사학연구 Vol.69 No.-

본 논문은 현전하는 왕세자문서 가운데 왕세자가 내린 명령문서와 왕세자에 대한 보고문서를 국왕문서와 함께 비교ㆍ분석하여 각각의 특성을 밝히고 이를 통해 왕세자문서의 문서식을 복원하는 데 연구 목적을 두고 있다. 왕세자문서는 왕세자가 직ㆍ간접적으로 발급 혹은 수취한 문서로서 차기 왕권 계승자로서의 면모를 단적으로 보여주는 문서이다. 그러나 왕세자문서의 특성상 국왕문서에 비해 현전하는 문서의 실례가 매우 희소하고, 기본적으로 국왕문서 형식에 준하여 발급되기 때문에 별도의 문서규정이 수록되어 있지 않다. ‘왕세자’라는 발급 또는 수취 주체가 분명함에도 불구하고 국왕문서 또는 왕명문서, 왕실문서 등의 범주에 혼재되어 있거나 아무런 명칭 없이 흩어져 있었기 때문에 그만의 독자적인 특성은 주목받지 못했었다. 왕세자문서 가운데 왕세자가 신하에게 내리는 명령문서와 신하가 왕세자에게 올리는 보고문서는 국왕문서 사례와 비교해 볼 때, 왕세자와 국왕의 서로 다른 지위와 권한에 따른 문서행정 체계를 실증적으로 보여줄 수 있는 실례라고 할 수 있다. 현전하는 왕세자문서와 국왕문서의 실례를 비교ㆍ분석하여 왕세자가 통치자로서 국정을 운영할 때 발급 또는 수취한 문서는 모두 국왕문서의 제도 속에서 작성되고 행용되었음을 확인하였다. 즉, 문서의 양식은 기본적으로 국왕문서의 형식을 준용하되, 왕세자의 지위에 알맞은 용어와 명칭을 사용하고 문서를 발급ㆍ전달하거나 수취하는 과정에 차별성을 두고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. This paper, by analyzing the orders issued by the crown prince and the documents submitted to the crown prince and comparing them with similar documents issued by and submitted to the king, aims to reveal the characteristics of both kinds of documents and recover the writing styles of the crown prince's documents. The crown prince's documents are what the crown prince directly or indirectly issued or received, vividly showing the feature of the heir apparent of the throne. But, given the characteristics of the crown prince's documents, very few have remained, in contrast to the abundant amount of the king's documents. And, as the former was issued in accordance with the writing styles of the latter, there was no separate writing style for the former. Even if the subject who issued or received the documents was clearly 'the crown prince', the crown prince's documents have existed under the category of the king's documents or the court documents, or in scattered condition without any separate category. Thus, the crown prince's documents have not attracted specific attention. Among what can be categorized as the crown prince's documents, order documents issued by the crown prince and report documents submitted by officials to the crown prince can be said to the empirical cases where we can learn how the crown prince's documents and the king's documents are the same and different in the document administrative system in those days. With the remaining documents of both kinds, this study identified that all the documents the crown prince had issued or received were written and used in the system of the king's documents. That is, while the former applied the writing styles used in the king's documents, they were made with specific terms and titles suitable to the crown price. And, there were some differences in the procedure of issuing, delivering, and receiving documents between the two types of documents.

정조의 御製文·御撰命撰書를 통한 사도세자 현양

김준혁 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2015 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.42

The 22th King, Jeongjo, of the Choseon Dynasty, has various nicknames such as the monarch for the people, for reformation or of literary, but he also called ‘monarch of filial piety’. King Jeongjo showed the extraorinary affection toward King Yeongjo, the grandfather, SADOSEJA, the late Crown Prince and Hyegyeonggung Hong, the mother, as a sovereign monarch and filial son. One of his high virtues extolled by the contemporary or today people is his filial piety toward SADOSEJA, the Crown Prince. Suffering from the grief of losing his father at the age of 11, he was crowned despite of emotional distress and conspiracy against his throne from the opposite political group. The eight-word remark, 'No throne for the son of the traitor' (‘逆賊之子 不爲君王’) was circulated in the country to baffle his throne by opposition party, Noron. Opposition party, Noron had driven the national consensus against his legitimacy saying how the son of SADOSEJA, the Crown Prince who was executed as traitor could be a king. King Jeongjo was concentrating on his legitimacy as monarch after managing to secure his throne with the help of the guard forces made up of his guests of honor around the Crown Prince Palace Sigangwon (東宮 侍講院) while being a Crown Prince. The project was to extol the Crown Prince of the Apostles. However, December in 1775 (Yeongjo 51), just before sovereign by proxy, the respect of his father, SADOSEJA, was banned the Crown Prince upon the strict order by King Yeongjo, which was a huge hinderance to him. In the long run, the extollment of SADOSEJA, the Crown Prince was the only way to establish his legitimacy, which was barriered fundamentally by Yeongjo. Accordingly, he needed to establish a new 'Yimoeuiri(壬午義理) ' for his legitimacy established, but in reality, he had to pursue the long-term 壬午義理 toward the completion of the respect of SADOSEJA, the Crown Prince. So he virtue is basically gyeongmogung Palace construction and the respect of the SADOSEJA, the Crown Prince and transfer of the tomb of the Crown Prince to Suwon Provincial Office and at the same time changed its name into Hyunreungwon 顯隆園, and through various type of extollment he wanted to get the attention from officials, royal families and grass roots to discuss the possibility of the respect of SADOSEJA, the Crown Prince, which meant highly political movement through ‘Sajungjigong(私中之公)’ to mobilize his personal piety into the public piety toward his father. So he wrote King's writing by himself to upheave SADOSEJA, the Crown Prince, directly or indirectly for 'Yimoeuiri(壬午義理) ', and published books for extollment of SADOSEJA. National projects and King's political action were associated with the Crown Prince, in order to focus him on the monarchs of three kings inherited the lineage(King Hyojong, King Hyeonjong, and King Sukjong), who could be the lords with the power of the state administration. In relating to tomb transfer, he prepared the writing as the biography of SADOSEJA, 『Hyungreungwonji (顯隆園志)』who was depicted to better himself as ‘Swordsman (武)人’ monarch not as psychopathic enough to kill Yeongjo like traitor. In particular, extollment of SADOSEJA, the Crown Prince was made naturally through letting the people know his humility and reasonable policy making for his future subjects. Let alone this, King Jeongjo utilized Buddhism to promote extollment of SADOSEJA that the grass roots believed in. Comparable to the Confucian "Hyokyung 孝經", the publication of the "Bumoeun Chongqing" was entrusted to Temple Yongjusa, which was the original temple visited by him. In the preface of "Muyedobotongji", published in 1790, King Jeongjo highlighted that the Crown Prince established the Korean martial art. King Jeongjo translated this book into "Eonmun" (Korean letters for grass roots), to recruit people who wanted to stay in the military camp. These military men we...

『眞宗東宮日記』 - 孝章世子 생전과 사후의 기록

신하령 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2008 규장각 Vol.33 No.-

This treatise arrangeed life of Crown Prince Hyojang curtly, and extracted a unique characteristic part of this diary that is only different from other Crown prince diary laying stress on teaching material and actual state, death and funeral arrangements, the reform process of the Office of Crown Prince(侍講院) and the installation of the temprary office of Crown Prince(攝侍講院) and Crown Prince Lecture(書筵) and Sodae(召對) that was described in Crown Prince Jinjong's Journal. Through this, the whereabouts of the missing third books could confirm that was not returned to the Office of Crown Prince becoming let to king(內入). Also, the fifth books were more recording during at least 3 years ever since as well as a diary of 1728. And there was clear information about the compilation process of Jogam(祖鑑) as teaching material Crown Prince's funeral rites was taken in proper form considering human desire and faith, and the Office of Crown Prince's reform was processed without being bound in ceremony properly.

新羅의 東宮制度

이승현(Lee Seung hyeon) 한국고대사학회 2009 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.55

신라는 중대 이후 지속적으로 당의 관제와 문물을 받아들여 정치운용에 있어서 관료체제로의 변화를 지향했다. 당제의 이념적 바탕인 유학의 수용과 이해는 필수적이었으므로, 중대 왕권은 유학의 사회적 확산을 모색하였다. 이러한 노력을 통해 왕은 관료체제의 정점에서 유학적 의미의 王者로 군림하고자 했다. 본고는 王者로 군림한 왕이 자신의 권위를 왕위계승자인 太子에게 승계하기 위해 마련한 제도적 장치인 東宮制度에 관하여 고찰하였다. 신라에서는 眞興王代에 왕위계승제도인 태자제도가 확립되어 동궁 설치의 제도적 기반이 마련되었다. 중대 왕권은 지속적인 관제개혁을 이루었다. 文武王代에 이르러 唐制를 모방한 관제개혁의 일환으로 동궁이 설립되었다. 동궁에는 東宮官이라 하여 태자를 보필하는 관부와 관원이 배속되었다. 景德王代에 東宮衙가 설치되어 東宮官이 정비되었다. 동궁관의 관부와 관원은 태자를 보필하고 각기 고유한 업무를 담당하였다. 특히, 동궁의 御龍省과 洗宅은 국왕 직속 기관에 대응되는 近侍ㆍ文翰기구로, 태자가 왕 다음 가는 제도적 위상을 보장받았음을 보여준다. 태자는 동궁관의 운영을 통해 자신이 왕위에 올랐을 때 국정을 운영하기 위한 경험을 쌓았다. 동궁제도의 성립이후 왕자가 어린 나이에 태자로 책봉되었던 사례가 빈번할 만큼 태자의 지위가 확고해졌다. 태자 책봉은 왕위의 정통성을 표방하는 기제가 되었다. 왕의 考와 母 등의 추존과 함께 이루어진 점에서도 알 수 있다. 태자는 책봉 후 監國을 통해 정권을 보좌하고 국정을 경험하는 한편, 다음 왕위를 이을 존재임을 부각시켰다. 태자로 책봉된 이들은 사망하지 않는 한 모두 왕위를 이었으며, 사망한 경우에도 태자로서 시호를 받았던 사실로 미루어 그들의 위상이 짐작된다. 유학 학습과 유가윤리의 내면화는 太子가 왕위계승자로서 요구되는 부분이었을 것이다. 태자는 태자와 왕족의 자제를 위한 교육기관인 崇文臺에서 經學을 중심으로 교육받았다고 보인다. 태자 교육은 하대에 계속 확대되어 太子侍書學士가 신설되었고 아울러 태자시독도 만들어졌을 가능성이 있다. 태자는 높은 유학적 지식을 가진 학사들의 보필을 받아 제왕이 되기 위한 제도적 교육 과정을 거쳤을 것이다. 동궁제도는 다음 왕이 될 태자로 하여금 왕위계승의 안정성을 확보하고 왕이 될 역량과 자질을 갖출 수 있도록 하였다. 이를 통해 태자는 왕위계승자로서의 권위를 확립할 수 있었을 것이다. The purpose of this study is to examine Dong-gung(東宮, the crown prince's palace) system in Silla dynasty. This system includes not only the matter of crown prince's palace, but also that of its own public offices·public officials·confucian etiquette for crown prince. Dong-gung was founded at the reign of King Munmu. It was based on the confidence among people of Silla dynasty which had finished 'the international war of East Asia in 7th century' and the situation which government organization was reformed. Kings of Silla in Jungdae(中代, middle period of Silla dynasty) intended to reign as Confucian king who went on the Confucian king's way over the bureaucracy, which had been introduced from Tang(唐) dynasty. The situation of that period was connected to Hadae(下代, late period of Silla dynasty). The crown prince needed the authority of Confucian king as the successor to the throne, too. The findings of this study demonstrates that Dong-gung system was the one of the tools which the crown prince could acquire the authority as follows. First, Dong-gung had public offices and their officials for the crown prince. According to the pages of Silla government service written in the Samguksagi, they did their own services. Two of public offices, Eoryong-seong(御龍省) and Setaek(洗宅), were corresponded with King's organizations. They assistanted the crown prince's movement and conveyed his orders. Several public offices such as Woeljiakjeon(月池嶽典), Yongwang-jeon(龍王典) and Seungbang-jeon(僧房典) took charge of religious services. Po-jeon(?典) and Mansu-bang(萬壽房) served food and medical practice(including medicine). The crown prince had administered the organization to be able to experience for his reign. Second, Dong-gung had the systems of an act of the state, confucian etiquette and education for the crown prince. Fully investing the crown prince was one of the mechanisms which meant what king had the justice of his throne. The crown prince used to govern the state in behalf of king when the king went out of the palace. After Dong-gung had been established, confucian etiquette for the crown prince was setup. So, if the crown prince had passed away, he was granted his posthumous epithet which was from Confucianism. the crown prince was educated in Sungmundae(崇文臺). In addition, he was assistanted by Haksa(學士) for crown prince like Sidok(侍讀) who gave lessons in the Confucian scriptures and Siseohaksa(侍書學士) who taught calligraphy. So, the crown prince was trained as a king. In conclusion, the Dong-gung system(東宮制度) could make the crown prince confucian king successfully.

고려 문종의 즉위와 동궁관 확충

김지선 ( Kim Ji-seon ) 한국중세사학회 2014 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.40

This study examined King Munjong’s enthronement and his effort to consolidate the Crown Prince’s position in Goryeo Dynasty. King Munjong ascended the throne following his step-brother, King Jeongjong. According to historical records, King Jeongjong had four sons, and he had mentioned the order to carry on a family line to the people in the royal edict three months before he died, which was ‘eldest son-eldest grandson-eldest grandson’s blood brother-grandson born of a concubine-granddaughter’ in order. It reflected his intension to give the throne to his son. In connection with that, King Munjong made an effort to secure his legitimacy after his enthronement. Munjong asked Khitan for the investiture of the Crown Prince, which was to gain recognition of the position of the Crown Prince through the foreign approval. Ascending to the throne, King Munjong executed policy preferential to meritorious subjects of King Taejo, Hyunjong, and Jeongjong. Through the policy, he intended to secure his legitimacy by using meritorious subjects of preceeding Kings related to his enthronement and accordingly to consolidate his position by showing his and royal authority. Like this, King Munjong tried to secure his legitimacy and to consolidate the Crown Prince’s position. The details are as follows. Munjong’s first son, Hun was proclaimed to be the Crown Prince in February in the 8^th year of King Munjong’s reign. Munjong emphasized that his successor should be the son in the royal edict for the investiture of the Crown Prince. And before the investiture of the Crown Prince, King Munjong declared that there must be distinction between legitimate and illegitimate lines for the successor to the throne in his royal edict in November of the 7^th year of his reign. That is, he emphasized that it was unevitable to proclaim his little son as the Crown Prince. After the installation of the Crown Prince, King Munjong expanded the Secretariat of the Crown Prince called Donggungkwan twice. The first was made in December of the year when the Crown Prince was invested (8^th year of Munjong’s reign);appointed twenty members consisted of grandson of the 3^rd grade officials and son of the 5^th grade officials or higher as Donggungshiwigongja, and ten members consisted of grandson of the 5^th grade officials and son of the 7^th grade officials or higher as Shiwigeupsa. The reason of such appointment in the 8^th year of Munjong’s reign was to prepare the base in order to build the immediate power supporting the Crown Prince in his enthronement. The second expansion was made in the 22^nd year of King Munjong’s reign by revising the Donggungkwan. Most of the positions for Donggungkwan were already established during the King Sungjong and Hyunjong period. Accordingly, the regular number and positions were rearranged during the King Munjong period. Two expansions of Donggungkwan would be a series of King Munjong’s actions to improve the position of the Crown Prince by strengthening Donggungkwan. Those who appointed to the positions of Donggungkwan were related to King Munjong. They included those who were related to Lee Ja-yeon’s family, descendants of meritorious subjects, and those who were learned and cultured. In addition, Munjong dispatched messengers with a mission to check local situation, public opinion and living state of the people in the 10^th year of his reign, and those dispatched were all appointed to Donggungkwan. As shown above, Donggungkwan was consisted of those who had a close connection with the King and helped the Crown Prince’s stable ascension to the throne.