개항기(1880~1906) 釜山駐在 日本領事의 파견과 활동

최보영 한국근현대사학회 2017 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.81 No.-

The administrative office for Japanese consulate in Busan was established for the first time at the same time with the opening of ports in Korea in 1876. The consulate in Busan has had a significant meaning in Japanese invasion into Korea in that it was the only national institute which was kept and was operated in Korea for 30 years, former history of Japanese colony in Korea. This study regarding this matter will take a look at the dispatch and activities of Japanese consuls who worked to implement the policy of bring more Japanese to Korea and expand its influence in Korea. Firstly, Japanese government enacted and announced consulate orders applied to consuls who were dispatched to Korea to stipulate the obligation of consuls. After then the organization of consulate in Busan was changed several times according to the revised system of Japanese consulate and as consulates were installed in the places other than Busan, the section governed by Busan consulate was also reorganized. Secondly, consuls who worked in Busan for approximately 26 years from 1880s were young like in their 30s or 40s, many of whom worked overseas. And mostly they served in the position related to economy and trade before the examination system for selection was implemented in 1893. In addition they were known as the people informed of Korea based on the career of Busan consuls and tried to work in the Korea-related area and seek for interest in Korea. Therefore Busan consul was dispatched on a purpose of establishing Busan as a outpost for advancing into Korea other than general consulate works and they were thought of growing up as high level officials in politics and economy by being recognized as the achievement of this activity. Thirdly, Busan consuls abolished various regulations in the Japanese settlement in Korea. In addition, they helped Japanese people’s immigration and settlement by enacting various administrative rules like using the land in the settlement, business activities and control of hospitals, hygiene and residents for residents’ stable settlement in Busan. In other words, Busan consuls committed to Japanese people’s economic and social establishment in the settlement of Busan, resulting in raising the recognition of Busan settlement to many foreigners visiting Busan as well as Japanese as an exemplary territory of Japan. Japanese government sent consuls to all of the opened ports and tried to expand its influence on the Korean Peninsula. As a result this served as a role like expansion of control in Korean regions during the procedure of Japan’s colonization of Korea. Accordingly I think that the research on consuls who were dispatched to Korea from Japan is very meaningful in that it can be a chance to understand the procedure of Japanese immigration and also understand the base of Japanese policy history of invasion into Korea which was the colonization from the bottom through the research. 부산 주재 일본영사관은 1876년 한국의 개항 이래 식민지 前史에 해당되는 30년동안 한국에 설치되어 꾸준히 유지·운영된 일본의 유일한 국가기관이라는 점에서일본의 한국침략사에 큰 의미를 갖는다. 이에 본 연구는 일본의 자국민 이식정책과세력 확장을 위해 활약한 일본영사의 파견과 활동을 살펴보았다. 첫째, 일본은 한국에 파견하는 영사들에게만 적용하는 영사관훈령을 제정·반포해이들 업무를 구체적으로 규정했다. 이후 부산영사관 조직은 일본의 영사관제 개정에따라 몇 차례 변화하였으며, 부산 이외의 영사관이 추가로 설치되면서 부산영사관의관할구역 또한 재편되었다. 둘째, 1880년부터 약 26년 동안 부산에 파견되었던 영사들은 30·40대 젊은층이 주류였으며 이들은 해외에 근무했던 경험이 있는 인물들이 많았다. 그리고 이들은 부산영사의 경력을 토대로 소위 한국통이 되어 한국 관련 업무와 한국 내이권획득에 주력했던 것으로 파악되었다. 그 외에도 일본 정계의 핵심이 되거나외교공관의 수장이 되어 일본외교를 진두지휘한 사실이 확인되었다. 셋째, 부산영사는 거류지 내 제한적이던 여러 규제들을 혁파하였다. 또 거류민의안정적 부산정착을 위해 거류지 내 토지의 사용과 영업행위, 병원과 위생 및 거류민통제 등 다양한 행정규칙을 제정해 일본인의 부산이주와 정착을 도왔다. 그 결과당시 부산 거류지는 일본인뿐만 아니라 부산을 방문했던 여러 외국인들에게 일본의‘準植民地’로 인식될 정도였다. 일본은 한국이 개항한 열 곳 모두 영사 또는 주임서기생을 파견하여 한반도내의 세력 확장에 부심했다. 이는 결과적으로 일본이 한국을 식민지화하는 과정에서한국의 지방에 대한 통제권 확장과도 같은 역할을 하였다. 따라서 일본이 한국에파견한 영사에 관한 연구는 일본인의 해외이주 과정을 파악하고 그들을 통해 아래로부터의 식민지화라는 일본의 한국침략정책사의 기저를 파악한다는 점에서 매우의미 있는 일이라 생각한다.

滿洲事變 이전 中國 安東에서 日本의 領事館警察署 설치와 운영

오병한 한국민족운동사학회 2019 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.100

This research was trying to explore the process of opening and operation of Japanese Consulate Police Station in Andong(安東) before the Manchurian Incident. Andong, the gateway to China from Korea, was a connecting point of Shanghai and Manchuria independence movement forces and convergence of them before 1945. Japanese Consulate Police Station was one of the most important agents oppressing Korean, including independence activists in the Aprok River area. There were many kinds of consulate police in China since 1884 when first sent Foreign Affairs Ministry policeman to Shanghai(上海) and Amoy(廈門). Especially, after the Russo-Japanese War, Japanese reinforced consulate police in Manchuria with the opening of Japanese Consulate. Most of them was installed under the name of police branch, branch office, dispatch office, and etc. Andong Consulate Police Station was a center of this kind of agents since May, 1906. Andong Consul hold an assistant junior official of Japanese Government Office of General of Kwan-dong Province(關東都督府, hereafter Government Office of General) additional to Foreign Affairs Ministry. It was Government Office of General that exercised police power in Andong, not the Consul. What was more important fact was that the Police Station formally under the Consul was excluded from Foreign Affairs Ministry police from 1925. In 1920s, Japanese Consulate Police Station in Andong was disguised as an under Foreign Affairs Ministry, maintaining diplomatic immunity. Many of policemen from Government Office of General and the Japanese Government General of Korea was holing an Consulate Police. They vigorously activated targeting for Korean, especially arresting independence activists. It show the fact that the privilege of exemption from liability for a diplomatic official become an effective method for extension of Japan’s power in China. The Japanese Consulate Police Station in Andong can be a good example show how Japan extended and maintained it’s power in the Aprok River area and Manchuria before 1945. 본 연구는 만주사변 이전 안동에서 일본의 영사관경찰 개설과 그 운영을 살펴보려 하였다. 압록강 하구에 위치한 안동은 교통의 요충지였다. 만주로 이주하는 한인들과 독립운동가들은 안동을 경유하여 만주로 들어가거나 안동을 거점으로 활동하였다. 안동은 상해의 대한민국 임시정부와 북만주의 독립운동 세력을 연결하는 중간 지점이기도 하였다. 일본이 안동에서 이러한 한인들을 감시하기 위하여 설치된 것이 영사관경찰서였다. 안동에서 일본의 영사관경찰서는 1906년 5월 영사관 개설과 함께 설치되었다. 일본은 1884년 9월 상해영사관에 처음으로 순사를 파견한 것을 시작으로 중국에서 ‘외무성 경찰관’신분의 영사관경찰을 계속 증원하였다. 일본은 러일전쟁 이후 만주에서 영사관을 개설하면서 그에 부속된 다양한 명칭의 영사관 경찰기구―경찰서와 분서, 그리고 그에 직속하는 출장소 및 파출소․파견소 등―를 설치하였다. 남만주에서 일본의 영사관경찰서 조직과 운영의 가장 큰 특징은 겸임경찰제 실시였다. 1908년부터 외무성과 관동도독부의 겸임경찰제가 실시되면서 남만주에서 일본 영사관은 관동도독부 사무관까지 겸임하였다. 하지만 관동도독부가 만주에서 경찰권을 장악한 상황에서 1909년부터 관동도독부 소속 안동경무서장이 영사관경찰서장을 겸임하였다. 그리고 시간이 지날수록 안동경무서의 영사관경찰서에 대한 인원과 조직의 우위가 현저해졌으며, 1925년부터 영사관경찰서는 외무성경찰 정원에서도 제외되어 관동도독부 소속이 되었으며, 1920년대 영사관경찰서 인원은 관동도독부 소속 인원으로 충당되었다. 이러한 점에서 당시 안동에서 일본의 영사관경찰서는 안동경무서와 동일한 기구로 간주되었으며, 안동에는 소속을 달리하는 두 경찰기구가‘한 지붕 두 가족’같은 형태로 존재하였다. 여기에서 다시 1923년부터 조선총독부와 안동경무서의 겸임경찰제 실시로 조선총독부 경찰들이 안동경무서로 부임하였다. 그 결과 당시 안동을 포함한 압록강 연안에는 외무성․관동도독부․조선총독부 소속 경찰들이 활동하는 지역이 되었다. 이미 1920년대가 되면 인원과 조직에서 안동경무서에 미치지 못하였던 영사관경찰서가 유지되었던 것은 영사관의 특권인 치외법권 때문이었다. 러일전쟁 이후 일본은 치외법권을 배경으로 안동영사관 관할구역의 교통 요충지와 한인 거주지에서 다수의 주재소와 파출소를 설치하였던 것이다. 이처럼 일본은 러일전쟁 이후부터 만주에서 겸임경찰제 실시를 통하여 경찰기구를 설치하고, 이를 통하여 안동-신의주를 중심으로 한 압록강 연안을 통제하고 나아가 남만주를 지배할 수 있었다.

淸末 對원산 미곡 수출과 商務委員의 ‘進退’

權仁溶 ( Kwon Inyong ) 명청사학회 2022 명청사연구 Vol.- No.58

In the first half of 1885, Shanghai merchants of the Qing Dynasty exported rice to the Wonsan area in the name of disaster relief. Among them, the export business, which was carried out under Chen Keliang's name, was inseparable from the consuls in Joseon from the beginning of its implementation in 1884. Consuls were in charge of various related tasks, including coordination with the relevant departments of Joseon, performing certain administrative procedures, and selecting project managers. They even went directly into this business. This was an inappropriate move that could lead to conflicts of interest. The least justification was needed. Consul-general Chen Shutang raised the issue of relief by local governments. It was somewhat unreasonable, but Liu Jiacong, the consul of Wonsan, actively accepted it. He insisted that the consuls should proceed in a way that pays for the funds. He volunteered to pay up to 30 percent of the fund. Chen Shutang came to a final conclusion. It was carried out in the name of Chen Keliang as originally planned, but consuls chose to participate as partners. He also proposed the principle of holding shares. Chen Shutang and Chen Keliang will share 60% of the shares, while Tan Gengyao, vice consul, and Liu Jiacong, consul of Wonsan, will share 20%, respectively. Through this process, consuls participated in the business. Business did not go smoothly. Chen Shutang and Liu Jiacong had a difference in their attitude toward the business. According to related documents, Liu Jiacong was very active and Chen Shutang was somewhat cautious. Basically, of course, both agreed on the need for this project. In fact, most important business decisions were made by Chen Shutang. There was clearly also a reason why Liu Jiacong was personally much more desperate for this business. In addition to the fact that it was a trade in the Wonsan area, his jurisdiction, he even invested directly, unlike other consuls. However, in the course of the project, Liu Jiacong suffered unexpected damage. The business was finally hit hard. Chen Shutang was replaced. The absolute irreplaceable presence in the operation of this business suddenly disappeared. He gave up his role around the time of his resignation. He was never seen trying to solve various problems. He may have been disappointed by his future, but he has virtually let go of his business. Liu Jiacong was transferred to Busan at the end of 1885 and returned to his home country in March the following year. His younger brother, Liu Jiaxiang, became a temporary consul and succeeded, but was replaced less than three months later. After a while, due to the maximization of the conflict between Huang Jianpo and Liu Jiacong, he even made an extreme choice. It was the tragic end of the weakest link among the consuls. Meanwhile, Tan Gengyao was also expelled from Joseon in the first half of 1886. The main characters and workers who formed the backbone of the business have all disappeared over some time difference.

淸의 對朝鮮 영사 파견에 관한 연구

김종성(Kim Jongsung) 중국근현대사학회 2010 중국근현대사연구 Vol.46 No.-

In Traditional Korea-China relation, the consul system couldn't work. Because a main agent of a trade were not individuals but states in East Asia. There was therefore no need to protect their own overseas merchants. That was logically unnecessary. With the Imm-oh Military Revolt(1882), however, the relation between the two countries became to change. Immediately after the military revolt, the two countries contracted Regulations For Maritime And Overland Trade between Chinese And Korean Subjects(1882). The regulations required the exchanges of the Commercial Government Agents. Here, the agents were a substantial consul. Because, the main responsibility of the agents was to protect their nationals in the trading partner. By the way, the relation between the twos was severed with the First Sino-Japanese War(1894). Because of that, Chinese merchants in Korea(Joseon) were in unexpected hardship. After the year 1894, therefore, the British Consul in Korea was commissioned to protect Chinese merchants. It was a incomplete condition. To solve such a condition, Qing Dynasty send the non-governmental Superintendent to Korea. The responsibility of the Superintendent was also similar to the that of the Commercial Government Agent. In the consular relation between the two countries, the year 1896 was a important year. Because, in that year, China send the first consul to Korea. The consul was Tang Shaoyi. But it was a one-sided dispatch. Korea didn't send consuls to China. The year that the consular relation was institutionalize was 1899. In that year, the twos contracted the Treaty Of Friendship And Commerce Between China And Korea. Article 2 of the treaty required the exchanges of the consuls. With this, the consular relation between the twos entered a period of a institutionalization. However, the Korean Government still didn't dispatch consuls. Only the Chinese Government dispatched consuls. Afterward, the consular relation suffered so many complications. That relation was linked to fate of the twos. In the year 1905, the Korean Government lost the diplomatic power, and it caused change of the authority over the Chinese consuls in Korea. With the year 1905, the Chinese Minister to Japan began to superintend the Chinese consuls in Korea. And 1910 was also a important year. With the fall of Joseon Dynasty, the Treaty Of Friendship And Commerce Between China And Korea lost effect. As a substitute, the treaty between China and Japan became the legal basis of the consular relations.

개항기(1880~1906) 원산주재 일본영사의 파견과 거류지 행정

최보영 ( Choi¸ Bo Young ) 연세사학연구회 2021 學林 Vol.48 No.-

개항장 원산은 한국이 근대 이후 외국인에게 개항한 최초의 항구였다. 원산개항장 내에서 벌인 청일 양국의 각축에서 결국 일본이 승리할 수 있는 배경이 된 것이 원산영사관의 설치와 여기에 파견된 영사들의 활동임은 자명하다. 본고에서는 원산영사의 파견과 활동에 초점을 맞춰 연구를 진행하였다. 이를 통해 다음의 네 가지를 파악할 수 있었다. 우선, 원산 개항은 일본에 의해 이뤄졌으며 이는 러시아의 남하를 견제하려는 군사적 목적이었다. 이에 대해 한국은 수신사로 파견되어 일본을 경험한 김기수를 덕원부사로 임명하고 감리를 두어 이에 대응토록 하였다. 둘째, 일본영사의 면면을 보면 처음 원산 총영사관은 마에다를 총영사로 발탁할 정도로 원산을 중요한 지역으로 인식했음을 알 수 있다. 하지만 이들의 평균 재임 기간을 보면 부산보다 짧은 것으로 보아 서울에 공사관이 개설되고 인천영사관이 개설된 이후 러시아의 견제가 생각만큼 중요하지 않다는 인식 하에서 그 중요성이 적어진 것이 아닌가 생각한다. 셋째, 원산영사가 제정·시행한 포달을 표로 정리하고 이들 포달이 갖는 특징을 정리하였다. 대개 확인된 49개의 포달을 보면 첫째, 매춘영업과 위생에 관한 포달, 둘째, 거류민의 행정·사법적 통제, 셋째, 어업에 관한 통제로 구분할 수 있었다. 이는 당시 거류지에 성업했던 매춘에 대한 문제들을 행정통제권 아래로 묶어두어 위생과 함께 무분별하게 낭비되는 비용을 절감하게 한 것이다. 또 거류민의 각종 영업활동에 대한 통제를 포달을 통해 수행했으며 개개인의 형법·민법적 불법행위를 영사재판권으로 통제하고자 하였다. 그리고 해양을 끼고 있는 개항장이라는 것으로 많을 수밖에 없는 어업권을 통제하는 역할을 했다고 볼 수 있다. 마지막으로 원산에 파견된 영사는 영사 고유의 업무에 매진한 것과 함께 한국에 일본공사가 파견되지 않은 상황에서 덕원부사와 교섭해 거류지 관련 조약을 체결하는 외교대표권을 행사했음을 알 수 있었다. 또 일본인의 안정적인 거류지 정착을 위해 다양한 포달을 제정·시행하였다. The open port period of Wonsan was, in practice, the first Korean port to be opened to foreigners. It is widely agreed that the installation of the Japanese consulate and dispatch of consults in Wonsan played an important role for Japan to win the Sino-Japanese conflict in the open port. This article is focused on the dispatch and activities of Japanese consuls in Wonsan, and discusses the four main findings as follows: First, the port of Wonsan was opened by Japan in order to monitor Russia for possible invasion into the South. As a result, Korea appointed Kimgisu(金綺秀), who was previously dispatched to Japan as a diplomat, provincial governor of Deokwon. Second, at first, Japan appeared to have considered Wonsan as an important location, considering the country has sent Maeda(前田) as the first consul-general of the consulate in Wonsan. However, in terms of the average tenure in Wonsan, it was shorter than that in Busan. This suggests the importance of Wonsan decrease dafter a legation was set up in Seoul and another consulate in Incheon, as Japan possibly realized monitoring Russia was not as important as they once thought. Third, consuls dispatched to Wonsan did not only perform tasks dedicated to consuls but they also acted as diplomatic representatives who signed a settlement-related treaty with the provincial governor of Deokwon. Also, they created and enforced various consul’s announcements supporting stable settlement of Japanese people. Lastly, the article provides a table of announcements enacted and enforced by the consuls in Wonsan and discussed the characteristics of the announcements. The 49 announcements were largely divided into:first, ones related to prostitution and sanitation;second, administrative and legislative control of the settlement residents;and third, fishing-related regulations. The purpose was to save costs related to sanitation, by categorizing issues related to prostitution, which was rampant at the time of settlement, under the administrative control. Also, the announcements served as regulations of various sales activities and were intended to handle illegal activities of individuals based on the consular jurisdiction. Also, they were used to control the fishery right that was closely related to the open port area.

중화민국 시기 주조선(駐朝鮮) 청진영사관의 조직과 역할

이은상(Lee Eun-sang) 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2020 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.52

The Chinese Consulate in Chongjin began operations in June 1930 under the jurisdiction of North Hamgyeong Province of the Colonial Chosun, but was closed in July 1936 because of the incident of the Chosun Army s attack on the Chongjin Consulate. This article examines the organization and role of it. Firstly, I review the reason for the establishment of it. The reason is that, first, as a military and economic hub that connects with Manchuria, Chongjin is important, and second, there is an increasing number of overseas Chinese in Chongjin. Fu Shi-ying, Ma Ting-liang and Wang Shou-shan, the Consul-General in Colonial Chosun, consistently requested that the establishment of it was necessary for the above two reasons Secondly, I analyse the organizational change of it and the Japanese response to it. At the time of the opening of it, four consulate officers were in charge, including Ma Yong-fa, the consul of Chongjin. However, It was reduced in July 1931 when Ma Ying-fa, still consul in Chongjin, moved to Wonsan on the grounds of his appointment as vice consul in Wonsan, was converted into a office because of the lack of operating expenses. At the end of 1933, when the probationary consul Sun Bing-gan was dispatched, it was reinforced, and the end of 1935, five consular officers worked. Since the Japanese Government-General of Korea did not recognize consulate officers, which requested that the Chongjin part be removed from the list. Finally, I examine the role of it, focusing on the Anti-Chinese Riots and Chongjin incident. The establishment of it was a long-time wish of local overseas Chinese. When the Riots spread nationwide, the consular officers actively responded and tried to protect the overseas Chinese. Seven people, including five consular officers involved in the Chongjin incident. After negotiations between China and Japan, they released on the condition of repatriation, but suftered great pain.

청말(淸末) 원산(元山)으로의 미곡 수출과 상무위원(商務委員)

權仁溶 ( Kwon¸ In-yong ) 명청사학회 2021 명청사연구 Vol.- No.56

In 1885, Qing Dynasty's Shanghai merchants sent a significant amount of rice to Wonsan. The purpose and content reflected in the related documents officially received by authorities in both Joseon and Qing Dynasty were the same. This export began at the end of September 1884 to relieve disasters in the Wonsan area, and in early May 1885, rice grains entered Wonsan from the Shanghai area, resulting in great results in disaster aid. Existing related studies based on these documents are also precisely tailored to revealing the story of success in disaster aid. After all, this story can be said to be the narrative of ‘Happy Ending’ that the aid project, which began in the second half of 1884, finally paid off in early May 1885. The narrative of this disaster aid reflects only a cross-section of facts. The story of the success of aid needs to be reconsidered. First, the consul's intervention was inappropriate. Chen Shutang, the consul general, pointed out Chen Keliang as a merchant in charge of the project. The two were both from the same hometown and from a distant family. Chen Shutang attracted consuls to the project as sharers of the stake. Now, the export of rice to Wonsan has also been linked to the private interests of the consuls. They were both referees and players. This is because other merchants besides Chen Keliang have also entered the rice export business. The risk of ‘conflict of interest’ has always existed. Second, the export of rice to Wonsan was not a one-time disaster relief. It continued after May. Chen Keliang also carried out the second export. By this stage, the justification for disaster aid has completely disappeared. Rather, the possibility of expanding the rice market due to the development of mines in the Yeongheung area emerged. Rice has already been constantly flowing into Wonsan by Japanese merchants as well as other merchants in China. Joseon's grains were also shipped to the market. In the second half of the year, there was even a side effect of temporary oversupply in the export process. Third, this export business has been marked by various twists and turns. Due to the delayed entry date to Wonsan, there was a series of disturbances in which tariffs were paid and refunded. Some of Chen Keliang's second rice transmitted passed the new duty-free deadline again, ending up paying tariffs. In addition, they had to undergo trial and error that caused disruptions by not conducting basic market research on export products. The export of rice to Wonsan, proposed in the second half of 1884 and realized in the first half of 1885, should not be remembered only as a successful example of aid. When I checked the reality, it was not smooth, and when I looked inside, it was not beautiful. The rice export business process was a series of difficulties. It was not easy to get on track, but the derailed accident continued afterwards. Inevitable tinkering continued until at least the second half of 1885. The involvement of the consuls was also inappropriate. The key was the consul's private greed. They shared a stake in a store run by a specific merchant among merchants from the Qing Dynasty who entered Wonsan. Whether or not the project was operated was directly related to the gains and losses of the consuls. It was difficult to ensure fairness in management and coordination of interests. The consul's attention was always focused on the business of a specific merchant. It was difficult to even find a minimal balance between the pursuit of public interest and self-interest. The transmission of rice to Wonsan, which was carried out through various twists and turns, advocated disaster aid, but it was an export business aimed at commercial interests involving the private desires of the consuls.

범한생 중화민국 경성총영사의 ‘친일’ 활동과 화교사회의 대응— ‘관지’ 매각 시도와 환지를 중심으로

이정희 한국중국학회 2022 중국학보 Vol.102 No.-

This paper is to review the pro-Japanese movement of Fan Han-sheng of consul-general in Seoul by means of analysis of the consulate general’s land sale trial. The results of these review are as follows. Firstly, it was related to the introduction of the Nanjing National Government’s compromise policy against Japan that Fan Han-sheng was appointed as a Consul-General of Seoul in November 1934, and was attempted to sell consulate general’s land trial in 1935. Secondly, Fan Han-sheng’s land sale trial was initiated under the direction of Tang You-ren, deputy minister of foreign affairs of Nanjing National Government. When the land sale would be completed, two people intend to steal half of the sale amount. The decisive evidences were the secret information which was provided by consular officer of consulate general in Seoul, and was also found in the official letter sent by Fan Han-sheng to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nanjing national government. Thirdly, it was Overseas Chinese chamber of commerce in Seoul that led opposition movement against his land sale trail. The Overseas Chinese chamber of commerce in Seoul has been active in publicizing to announce injustice about his land sale trial by sending an official letter not only to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but also to the Central Committee of Kuomintang and Overseas Community Affairs Council. In addition to, the Overseas Chinese chamber of commerce in Seoul was considering consulate general’s land as a “property of ancestors” and symbolizing the pride of Overesas Chinese in Korea. Fourthly, Fan Han-sheng could not help stopping trying to sell the land due to the opposition movement of Chinese society and resignation of Wang Jing-wei, Tang You-ren who supported Fan Han-sheng. Fifthly, Fan Han-sheng succeeded in replacing the land of Chinese chamber of commerce Hall with the outskirts land proposed by the government-general of Korea. This is because that the Chinese chamber of commerce could not conduct opposition movements in due to the oppression by the consulate general of Nanjing national government and government-general of Korea. 본고는 범한생 경성총영사의 ‘친일’ 활동을 경성총영사관의 관지와 관유재산의 매각 시도 및 환지를 중심으로 검토한 것이다. 검토 결과 밝혀낸 사실은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 범한생이 1934년 11월 경성총영사로 임명되고, 1935년 들어 총영사관의 관지 매각을 시도한 배경에는 난징국민정부의 대일 타협노선 도입과 관련이 있다는 점이다. 행정원장 겸 외교부장인 왕징웨이와 탕여우런 외교차장이 같은 일본 유학파인 범한생을 경성총영사로 임명하여 중일친선과 중일제휴의 정책을 시행하려 했고, 범한생 총영사는 그 일환으로 우가키 가즈시게 조선총독과 친밀한 관계를 유지했다. 둘째, 범한생 총영사의 관지 매각 시도는 탕여우런 외교차장의 지시로 시작됐고, 매각이 성사되면 둘이 매각 자금의 일부를 착복하려 한 의심스러운 정황이 포착되었다는 점이다. 주경성총영사관 영사관원의 밀보가 결정적인 증거이며, 범한생 총영사가 외교부에 보낸 공문에서도 그러한 점을 발견할 수 있었다. 셋째, 범한생 총영사의 관지 매각 시도를 알아차리고 반대운동을 주도한 것은 왕공온이 주석으로 있던 경성중화상회였다는 점이다. 경성중화상회는 외교부뿐 아니라 중국국민당중앙위원회, 교무위원회 등에 범한생 총영사의 관지 매각의 부당성을 알리는 공문을 보내 여론화 작업에 적극적으로 나섰다. 경성중화상회는 관지와 관유재산은 조상의 재산이자 조선화교의 자부심을 상징하는 것일 뿐 아니라, 이를 매각할 경우 임대료 수입이 감소해 한성화교소학과 경성중화상회의 운영에 차질을 빚을 것이라는 실질적인 문제를 제기했다. 넷째, 범한생 총영사는 이러한 화교사회의 반대운동으로 관지 매각 시도를 중지했지만, 그 이면에는 왕징웨이 외교부장과 탕여우런 외교차장이 피격 사건으로 자리에서 물러나면서 범한생 총영사의 관지 매각 시도가 더는 지속될 수 없었다는 시대적 배경이 크게 작용했다. 다섯째, 범한생 총영사는 1941년 경성중화상회 회관 부지를 조선총독부가 제시한 변두리 부지와 환지를 성공시키게 되는데, 그 원인은 친일 정권인 왕징웨이 난징국민정부의 수립이라는 시대적 배경과 중화상회가 조선총독부와 주경성총영사관의 어용기관으로 전락해 반대운동을 펼칠 수 없는 사정이 작용했기 때문이다.

만주국의 조선 주재 영사관 설립과 교민 관리에 대한 일고찰(一考察)

황영원(Huang Yongyuan) 동북아역사재단 2016 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.52

만주국은 제국 일본의 대륙침략정책 기조에 부응하면서 조선 경내의 교민 업무 처리와 “만선일여”의 추진을 위하여 1930년대 중 · 후반 신의주에는 영사관을, 경성에는 명예총영사관을 설립하였다. 조선 주재 만주국 영사관의 설립 추진 과정 가운데 조선총독부 측 역시 적극적인 모습을 보였다. 만주국 영사관은 설립 이후 조선 경내의 교민 등록, 만선간의 통상·정치 사안의 원활한 협상 등의 역할을 담당하였다. 또한 교민조직과 학교를 설립하였으며 외교기구로서 중화민국 영사관과 경쟁하기도 하였다. 중일전쟁이 발발하면서 식민지 조선에서 화교의 생존 조건이 악화되자 만주국국민 즉 “만교”로 신분을 변경함으로써 만주국 영사관의 비호 아래 생계를 유지하려는 화교들이 적지 않았다. 하지만 이는 순전히 이해득실에 대한 계산에서 비롯된 측면이 컸기 때문에 그들이 반드시 만주국정권에 대한 정치적 정체성과 소속감을 보유하고 있었다고 단언할 수는 없다. Following the Empire of Japan’s aggressive policy toward China, Manchukuo established two consulates in Joseon in the late 1930s. One was the consulate in Sinuiju, and the other was the Honorary Consulate General in Gyeongseong(J. Keijō). These consulates were designated to deal with affairs of Manchukuo residents in Joseon and to promote economic integration between the two regions. During the establishment of Manchukuo’s consulates, the Governor-General of Joseon also played an active role. Once after Manchukuo’s consulates had been established, the apparatus performed meaningful tasks such as the enrollment of Manchukuo residents and the establishment of mass organizations and schools for them. In sum, the Manchukuo consulates in Joseon functioned to negotiate passage between two colonized areas, competing with the Republic of China’s consulate. As the living conditions of Overseas Chinese in Joseon worsened after the Sino-Japanese War, Manchukuo’s consulates helped Overseas Chinese who wanted to change their nationality to that of Manchukuo even though their behavior was based more so on the survival instinct rather than on true identity.

중화민국 시기 주조선(駐朝鮮) 영사관원의 이력과 활동 -마영발(馬永發)의 사례-

이은상 ( Lee Eun-sang ) 고려대학교 역사연구소(구 역사학연구회) 2018 사총 Vol.94 No.-

본고에서는 청말에서 중화민국에 걸쳐 조선에 파견된 영사관원의 이력과 활동을 마영발(馬永發, 마용파)을 중심으로 서술하였다. 그는 38년 동안 주조선 영사관원으로 근무하면서 그중에서 28년을 원산부영사로 재직한 독특한 이력을 갖고 있었다. 본고에서는 특히 기존 연구에서 활용되지 않은 양소권(楊紹權, 양사오취안)과 왕영진(王永晉, 왕용진)의 회고록을 같이 검토하였다. 우선, 마영발의 이력과 관련하여 그의 인적 네트워크에 주목하였다. 그는 광동(廣東) 한군기인(漢軍旗人) 출신으로 신식학당을 졸업하고 주독공사관 근무를 거쳐 1907년 조선에서 업무를 시작하였다. 이 과정에서 주독공사를 지낸 양성(楊晟, 양성), 주한총영사로 내한한 마정량(馬廷亮, 마팅량)과의 인척 관계가 중요한 작용을 하였다. 마영발은 원산부영사로 부임한 뒤 관내 화교사회의 신임을 얻었고 청국조계의 화교 토지 영대차지권(永代借地權)을 확보하는데 주도적 역할을 하였다. 둘째, 두 차례 영사관 조직 개편 과정에서 그의 활동을 구체적으로 살펴보았다. 첫 번째로 1927년 중화민국 외교부는 경비 부족을 이유로 진남포와 원산부영사관 업무를 잠정 중단하기로 결정하였지만, 마영발의 신속한 조치로 원산부영사관은 철폐 위기를 넘길 수 있었다. 두 번째로 마영발은 청진영사관 개설을 적극 제안하여 1930년 영사관 설립과 동시에 청진영사로 부임하였다. 그러나 일본측의 승인을 받지 못하자 청진영사관은 2년 뒤 원산부영사관의 지휘를 받는 판사처로 개조되었는데 이 과정에서도 마영발의 의견이 중시되었다. 마영발은 형식상으로 청진영사의 직을 유지하면서 원산부영사를 겸임하였다. 청진영사관은 결국 1936년 7월 조선군의 청진영사관 습격 사건을 계기로 폐쇄되었지만, 마영발은 이 사건에 대해 아무런 책임을 지지 않았고 원산부영사의 직도 그대로 유지하였다. 마지막으로, 중일전쟁 발발 이후 마영발을 비롯한 영사관원이 중화민국임시정부에 참여하게 된 상황을 재구성해보았다. 임시정부 참여를 주도한 경성총영사 범한생(范漢生, 판한성)은 잘 알려진 친일파였다. 범한생의 요구에 따라 총영사관에 임시정부의 오색기를 게양하는 과정에서 대부분의 영사관원은 저항했지만 끝까지 거부하지 못했다. 임시정부 참가에 반대하여 귀국한 영사관원은 중경의 국민정부에 합류하지 못하고 상해에 남아야 했고, 왕정위(汪精衛, 왕징웨이)가 상해를 접수한 이후 또 다른 선택의 기로에 서게 되었다. 마영발은 임시정부와 왕정위국민정부에서 신의주영사, 경성총영사를 역임한 뒤 전쟁이 종결되기 1년 전에 귀국하였다. 종전 이후 조선에 남아있던 영사관원은 거의 대부분 ‘한간’으로 소환되어 재판을 받았지만 그는 이러한 상황도 피해갈 수 있었다. 그의 독특한 이력과 활동은 중국, 러시아와 국경을 접하고 있는 식민지조선의 특수한 상황 하에서 가능하였다. This paper examines the career and activities of consular officer focusing on Ma Yongfa dispatched to the Colonial Chosun during the period of the Late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China. In particular, the memoirs of Yang Shaoquan and Wang Yongjin which were not in previous studies are analyzed. Firstly, I review the career of Ma Yongfa. It was important for him to make a relationship with Yang Sheng serving as a minister in Germany and Ma Tingliang appointed as the consul general of Korean Empire. Secondly, I deeply examine the activities of him related to the processes of reorganizing the consulate. He solved the crisis of the abolishment of the vice-consulate in Wonsan in 1927. After that, the establishment of the consulate in Cheongjin were suggested and the first consul in Cheongjin appointed in 1930. Lastly, after the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War, I try to reconstruct the situations in which the consular officers including him participating in the pro-Japanese Provisional Government of ROC. He came back home in 1944 after the services of the consul of Sinuiju and also the consul general of Kyungsung under the Provisional Government of ROC and Nanjing Nationalist Government of Wang Jingwei. Since the end of the war, most of the consular officers were punished as pro-Japanese. However, he was able to avoid such a punishment. The unique career and activities of him as the official of consulate for 38 years were possible due to the special circumstances of the Colonial Chosun bordering China and Russia.