‘租界’와 ‘居留地’ 사이

전성현(Jeon, Sung-Hyun) 한일관계사학회 2018 한일관계사연구 Vol.62 No.-

부산의 개항과 개항장에 설치될 일본인 거주지를 둘러싸고 조선과 일본은 입장 차이를 드러냈다. 먼저, 조선과 일본은 개항과 더불어 개항장에 설치된 외국인 거주지를 ‘조계’와 ‘거류지’로 대별하여 사용했다. 일본이 처음부터 끝까지 ‘거류지’라는 명칭을 사용한 것과 달리 조선은 공식적인 명칭으로 줄곧 ‘조계’라는 명칭을 사용했다. ‘조계’를 사용하지 않고 ‘거류지’를 사용한 원산과 마산의 경우, 모두 일본 측의 조약문을 그대로 한역한 것으로 이 또한 조선 측이 사용한 용어가 아니라 일본이 사용한 용어였다. 둘째, ‘조계’와 ‘거류지’의 용어 사용은 단순한 번역의 차이가 아니라 성격의 차이를 내포한 것이었다. 조선이 concession 방식의 ‘조계’ 설정을 주장하고 관철시킨 것은 교섭국 일본의 강제력에 의한 것이 아니라 일본의 settlement 방식의 ‘거류지’가 추구한 자유로운 거주와 통상을 반대하고 이를 제한하고 방어하기 위한 조치였던 것이었다. 셋째, 일본은 왜관과의 연속선상에서 ‘거류지’를 설정하고 이를 근대적인 자유로운 거주통상지로 확대하고자 했다. 반면 조선은 구래의 왜관이 지닌 거주와 통상의 자유를 제한할 수 있는 측면을 적극적으로 이어받아 조계를 설정하고 일본의 식민주의에 대항하는 조치로 활용했다. 끝으로 이상의 의미를 지닌 ‘부산구조계’의 설치는 조선 측의 ‘定界의 防限’으로써 규정되었고 이후 ‘조계’라는 명칭의 고수와 일본인 거주지의 독점 및 확장에 대응하는 경찰소와 감리서 설치, 그리고 조계의 잡거지로의 전환을 통한 각국조계화 등으로 이어졌다. 그럼에도 불구하고 일본 측이 조계의 정리 및 조계 밖으로의 토지침탈과 법제화(조계 밖 10리의 토지영차), 러일전쟁과 이에 따른 조선의 半식민지화, 그리고 1906년 개항장의 행정 일원화에 의한 부산이사청을 설치함에 따라 막을 내렸다. 이때부터 조계라는 명칭은 사라지고 ‘전관거류지’가 공식화되었던 것이다. Joseon and Japan showed differences in their positions around the opening of Busan and the Japanese residence to be installed at the port. First, Joseon and Japan used foreign residents to be installed at the port of opening as ‘Concession’ and ‘Settlement’. In the official Joseon treaty, the name ‘Concession’ has been used consistently. The treaty of foreign residence in Wonsan and Masan, in which the term ‘Settlement’ was used without using the term ‘Concession’, was a Japanese term, not a term used in Joseon. Second, the use of the terms of ‘Concession’ and ‘Settlement’ was not a difference in simple translation, but a difference in personality. It was not by the compulsion of the negotiating country Japan that Joseon insisted and carried out the ‘Concession’ setting of the Concession method. It was a measure to oppose, limit and defend free residence and trade pursued by a Japanese ‘Settlement’ of the settlement method. Third, Japan established a ‘Settlement’ on a continuous line with the Waegwan (倭館) and tried to expand it to a modern, free residential commercial area. On the other hand, Joseon actively succeeded the Waegwan, which could limit residence and trade freedom, and set it as a "Concession". Joseon used the Waegwan as a measure against Japanese colonialism. Finally, the Joseon government established ‘the Busan Port Concession’ to set up and prevent boundaries, and then worked on establishing the Police Station and the Superintendent Office in response to the monopoly and expansion of the Japanese residence, and to be a concession of the nations. Nevertheless, Japan first organized the interior of the concession, and then it invaded the land from outside the concession and legislated it. Furthermore, the concession was closed due to the Russo-Japanese War, the colonialization of Joseon, and the establishment of the Busan Isacheong (釜山理事廳) in 1906.From this time on, the term ‘Concession’ has disappeared and the `all-round Settlement` was formulated.

부산항 일본인 거류지의 설치와 형성

아이 사키코(Ai Sakiko) 도시사학회 2010 도시연구 Vol.3 No.-

The fourth provision of the <Japanese-Korea Treaty of Amity(Treaty of Ganghwa)>, established in February, 1876, and the <Lease contract of the concession in Pusan Port> agreed in the following January changed ‘Waegwan’ into Japanese ‘concession’. The admittance of the Chosun Dynasty to found the Japanese ‘concession’ was explainable, since ‘Waegwan’, from the end of the Chosun Dynasty, has been a specialized district where trade and diplomatic affairs between the Dynasty and the Tsushima Han took place. Waegwan, although first established in the fifteenth-century, had been in an unstable state until sometime after the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, when the national relationship between the two was recovered: it then was reestablished in the beginning of 1678 and became the centrepoint of their interrelationship. The Chosun Dynasty successfully maximized the utility of the district by guarding and restricting the officials from Tsushima Han and the Japanese overseas’ traders. When one scrutinizes and compares the idea and the policy of the two countries about the ‘concession’, it could be detected that Chosun had taken i t as a revival of an ol d tradition, but Japan had had a modern concept for it. The negotiations made in the <Japanese-Korea Treaty of Amity> and the <Lease contract of the concession in Pusan Port> well demonstrate the difference. Through these contracts, Chosun tried to limit the Japanese merchants within the restricted area as before, but Japan acquired advantageous trade policies in the whole Dongraebu, by convincing the Chosun government or making use of its ignorance. After the establishment, Pusan concession developed into an ‘Japanese town’ which one could almost call a Japanese district. It became a Japanese trade and residential area, where the Japanese could manage and develop the estate, and even self-govern. However, a large Japanese population in the area was still from Tsushima, for only those from Tsushima could trade in the old Choryanghang concession, and the same people continued to cross the sea after the reform. They worked as commission agents of big merchants, the long enterprise with Chosun merchants from the period of the old concession. It seems clear that despite the modern characteristics of the new Choryanghang concession, it still contained pre-modern features of the old times.

韓国人日本語学習者の意見文に現れた「譲歩」の考察

이이호시 카즈야 한국일본언어문화학회 2015 일본언어문화 Vol.33 No.-

This paper analyzes opinion pieces written by Korean learners of Japanese on the topic of “For or Against Capital Punishment” from the perspective of “concession”. The study examines the number of occurrences of concession, the form of expression and what role concession played in each component of the opinion pieces. The results are as follows. 1. Concession appeared in 55 of the 66 opinion pieces (80.3%) at an average rate of 2.14 times per piece. Further, “opposing-theory-related concession” appeared more often than “personal-opinion-related concession”. 2. There was a tendency to use “aru”, “iru” “to iu” and noun-predicative sentences frequently in “introducing an opposing theory”, and to describe objective facts without personal opinion. 3. “Acceptance of an opposing theory” was characterized by “(to)omou” or other thought-related verbs, modal forms and declarative adverbs. 4. “Identifying flaws in one’s own opinion” ended in negative sentences relatively frequently. 5. Negative sentences appeared more often in “negating the comprehensiveness of one’s own opinion” than in 4, in many cases starting with a contradictory conjunction. Considered together with 4, “personal-opinion-related concession” is often used in negative sentences. 6. In each component of the opinion pieces, concession played a role of “introducing and supplementing claims”, “emphasizing the validity of the reason or evidence for supporting a claim” or “introducing for repeating claims”. .

한국어 교육에서 양보 연결어미에 대한 비판적 고찰

서희정,홍윤기 한국국어교육학회 2010 새국어교육 Vol.0 No.86

This paper aims to clarify the meaning of concessive endings and suggest the educational methods of them in Korean language education. The meaning of concession that is presented as a word does not coincide with the meaning of concession that is presented as a grammatical term. Also, concessive endings such as ‘-아도’, ‘-더라도’, ‘-ㄹ지라도’, ‘-ㄴ들’ are frequently able to be replaced by contrastive endings like ‘-지만’, ‘-는데’. That is why this paper raises doubts about the meaning of concession. A survey of 83 advanced Korean language learners has been conducted in order to check out how Korean language learners understand the meaning of concession. It was revealed that Korean language learners marked the meaning of concessive endings down as contrast, assumption as well as concession. Also, that survey implies that concession can not be used as a grammatical term, and then there is a possibility that concessive endings can not be presented with concession, but contrast or assumption as their meaning. This paper could clarify the semantic category and the meaning of concessive endings based on the survey of Korean language learners and the analysis of 12 sample sentences in 5 kinds of Korean language textbooks. Firstly, Concessive endings are a kind of contrastive endings and assumption features in concessive endings. Secondly, the meaning of concessive endings is [denial of expectation that is predicted in assumed situation]. 한국어 문법 교육에서 ‘양보’는 양보 연결어미 ‘-아도’, ‘-더라도’, ‘-ㄹ지라도’, ‘-ㄴ들’ 등의 ‘의미’로 제시되기도 하고, 이것을 설명할 때 사용되는 ‘문법 용어’로도 쓰인다. 그러나 ‘양보’가 단일 어휘로 제시될 때 나타내는 의미와의 이질감으로 인해 한국어 학습자가 양보 연결어미의 의미를 파악하는 데에 어려움을 겪고 있다. 이에 본고에서는 양보 연결어미로 제시되는 항목의 의미에 대한 한국어 학습자의 인식 조사를 통해 양보 연결어미와 대립 연결어미가 동일 범주로 묶일 수 있으며, ‘양보’ 대신에 ‘가정’이나 ‘대립’으로 양보 연결어미의 의미를 나타낼 수 있음을 논의하였다. 그리고 교재에서 양보 연결어미의 예문으로 제시된 문장을 분석하여 양보 연결어미는 대립 연결어미의 하위 항목으로 가정성을 내포하고 있음을 밝혔다. 또한 양보 연결어미의 의미를 [가정 상황에서 나타나는 기대의 부정]으로 규정하였다.

日本語の意見文における「譲歩」の形式と機能 : 日本語母語話者と韓国人学習者の比較

申媛善 韓國外國語大學校 外國學綜合硏究센터 日本硏究所 2014 日本硏究 Vol.0 No.59

This study examines forms and functions of concessions through statements of opinion written by Korean Japanese learners and Japanese native speakers. Japanese native speakers are slightly larger than Korean Japanese learners in terms of the entire numbers of occurrence of concession and the average numbers of occurrence. Japanese native speakers overwhelmingly use tashikani 'certainly' as a form of concession. This result is consistent with previous studies. However, Korean Japanese learners use mochiron 'of course' a lot as a form of concession. In fact, they never use tashikani. The reasons for this could be considered as followed: firstly, mochiron has loose co-occurrence unlike tashikani. Secondly, there is difference in strength of the nuance between mochiron in Korean and tashikani in Korean. In the case of darou, Japanese native speakers also use it a lot unlike Korean Japanese learners. Instead, Korean Japanese learners express it through the other modality forms or the bare statements. Japanese and Korean speakers show similar distribution in terms of function, however, Japanese native speakers are slightly more than Korean Japanese learners in terms of concession which is in confrontation with, whereas Korean Japanese learners are slightly more than Japanese speakers in terms of concession which expresses their own opinions. For the partial affirmation which is in confrontation with, we need to educate Korean Japanese learners presentation of the typical pattern by native speakers and corresponding language form, because (i) numbers of occurrences by the Korean Japanese learners come to only half of ones by Japanese speakers and (ii)misuses by the Korean Japanese learners also stand out. Moreover, for the entire denial which expresses their own opinions, there is only one case of the form that Japanese native speakers and Korean Japanese learners overlap and in this type of concession, Japanese native speakers' favorite forms could be different from Korean Japanese learners' favorite forms. However, further research needs to be done.

韓国人日本語学習者の意見文に現れた「譲歩」の考察

飯干和也 한국일본언어문화학회 2015 일본언어문화 Vol.33 No.-

This paper analyzes opinion pieces written by Korean learners of Japanese on the topic of “For or Against Capital Punishment” from the perspective of “concession”. The study examines the number of occurrences of concession, the form of expression and what role concession played in each component of the opinion pieces. The results are as follows. 1. Concession appeared in 55 of the 66 opinion pieces (80.3%) at an average rate of 2.14 times per piece. Further, “opposing-theory-related concession” appeared more often than “personal-opinion-related concession”. 2. There was a tendency to use “aru”, “iru” “to iu” and noun-predicative sentences frequently in “introducing an opposing theory”, and to describe objective facts without personal opinion. 3. “Acceptance of an opposing theory” was characterized by “(to)omou” or other thought-related verbs, modal forms and declarative adverbs. 4. “Identifying flaws in one’s own opinion” ended in negative sentences relatively frequently. 5. Negative sentences appeared more often in “negating the comprehensiveness of one’s own opinion” than in 4, in many cases starting with a contradictory conjunction. Considered together with 4, “personal-opinion-related concession” is often used in negative sentences. 6. In each component of the opinion pieces, concession played a role of “introducing and supplementing claims”, “emphasizing the validity of the reason or evidence for supporting a claim” or “introducing for repeating claims”.

1910~20년대 상해 한인과 조계 공간

김광재(Kim, Kwang Jae) 역사학회 2015 역사학보 Vol.0 No.228

A small-scale Korean society began to be created in Shanghai in 1910 as Koreans exiled to one of the then largest international city. Speaking of before 1919, Shanghai Korean society was centered in the International Settlement. After Korean Provisional Government was established in the French Concession in 1919, Korean society in Shanghai moved its main area from the International Settlement to the French Concession, but the International Settlement was still closely connected with Koreans. Korean Provisional Government or Koreans in the French Concession were routinely exposed in the busy Inetrnational Settlement due to their daily routines, memorial events, independence movements, or jobs. No barriers and boundaroes existed between the French Concession and the International Settlement, and if any, they were just psychological boundaries which were formed later. Koreans, who conducted independence movements or businesses in the French Concession, perhaps forgot about freely entering and leaving the International Settlement as they emphasized their pure activities, but selectively remembered only their experience of hard uphill struggles in the French Concession. As a result, the International Settlement was regarded as a thing of others and mystified as a negative target. As a result, the history of Koreans in the Shanghai Concession space and their activities was divided into the dichotomic aspects.

주한미국공사 알렌(Horace N. Allen)의 해임과 사탕무당제조사업권 추구

김희연 ( Kim Hee Yeon ) 호남사학회 2022 역사학연구 Vol.85 No.-

본 연구는 주한미국공사 알렌이 해임되는 과정과 그 가운데 알렌이 획득하려 했던 사탕무당제조사업권을 검토했다. 기존 연구는 알렌의 해임 배경에 대해 그가 루스벨트 정부의 친일, 반러 정책에 반박하고 친러, 반일, 친한 정책을 개진했기 때문이라 해석했다. 이는 그동안 한국 입장에서 알렌의 행보를 긍정적으로 평가하는 한 가지 근거로 제시되었다. 그러나 알렌이 해임 전후로 추진했던 사탕무당제조사업권 획득 시도를 보면, 이때 그의 관심은 한국의 독립이 아닌 자국 권익과 개인적 실리에 있었음을 알 수 있다. 먼저 알렌이 공사에서 경질되는 배경을 자세히 검토했다. 알렌은 자신이 친러라는 의혹을 불식시키기 위해 지속적으로 노력했다. 알렌은 일본측에 협조적으로 움직였고 한국의 보호국화를 예측했다. 그럼에도 불구하고 알렌은 해임되었고 알렌은 정치적으로나 경제적으로나 위기에 처했다. 이는 알렌이 사탕무당제조사업에 관심을 갖는 계기가 되었다. 다음으로 모건이 제안한 사탕무당제조사업의 내용과 알렌이 마련한 계약안 내용을 분석했다. 이때 알렌 계약안은 종전에 비해 혜택이 축소되었을지언정 이권획득자를 적극 배려한 것으로, 그가 한국에서 각종 사업을 추진하면서 겪었던 시행착오를 충분히 반영한 결과물이었다. 이는 동시에 일본의 한국 지배가 가시화 되는 상황을 고려한 것이기도 했다. 마지막으로 알렌이 사탕무당제조사업권을 획득하고자 취한 대일협조적 행보들을 살펴보고, 그가 한국을 떠나는 과정을 살폈다. 알렌은 이권을 따내기 위해 일본친화적 자세를 적극적으로 보였다. 그러나 일본 정부는 일개인에 전매권을 부여하지 않기로 결정하였고, 알렌의 시도는 결국 무산되었다. 귀국 후 서한이나 강연에서 알렌은 그러한 자신의 행적은 모조리 소거하고 자국 정부의 공사관 조기철수를 비판했다. 알렌의 해임과 그 과정에서 이뤄진 사탕무당제조사업권 획득 시도를 보면, 알렌은 자신의 안위와 이해관계에 따라 현실주의 노선을 철저하게 따른 인물임을 알 수 있다. 한국과 일본, 세계정세와 관련한 알렌의 인식과 태도 변화 또한 마찬가지 맥락에서 이해할 수 있다. This study sheds light on the process by which U.S. Minister Horace N. Allen was dismissed and the concession for manufacturing beet sugar which Allen attempted to secure. Previous studies interpreted that Allen was dismissed because he refuted the Roosevelt administration’s pro-Japanese and anti-Russian policies and advocated pro-Russia, anti-Japanese, and pro-Korean policies. This has been one of the grounds for positively evaluating Allen’s moves from the Korean standpoint. Allen’s attempt to secure beet sugar concession after his dismissal suggests that his interest at that time did not lie in the integrity and independence of Korea, but in the American interests and his own personal interests. This study clarified the backgrounds of Allen’s dismissal from the U.S. Minister to Korea. Allen continued to strive to dispel the perception that he was a pro-Russian. He cooperated with the Japanese authorities and predicted Korea’s doom to fall into a Japanese protectorate. Nevertheless, Allen was dismissed and he was put in crisis both politically and economically. This situation rendered Allen deeply interested in beet sugar concession. This study also analyzed the contents of Morgan’s proposal and those of Allen’s draft contract. In the latter, the benefits have been reduced compared to previous concessions. Still, Allen’s draft contract was favorable to the concessionaire. It fully reflected the trial and error he had experienced while promoting various projects in Korea. At the same time, it took the situation into account, where Japan’s control over Korea was expected. Lastly, this study examined Allen’s Japan-friendly moves in order to acquire beet sugar concession and explained his leaving from Korea and various remarks after the scheme was frustrated. Allen actively showed friendly attitude towards Japan. Nevertheless, Allen’s attempt was frustrated as the Japanese government eventually decided not to grant a concession to any individual. In letters to Koreans or lectures after returning home, Allen eliminated all such pro-Japanese remarks and actions and criticized the U.S. government for the quick withdrawal of her legation. Allen’s dismissal and attempt to secure beet sugar concession exhibit that Allen was a realist who thoroughly pursued his own safety and interests. Changes in Allen’s perception and attitude towards both Korean affairs and the international affairs should be understood in the same context.

한국어 양보절 접속어미의 문법 범주와 의미 특성에 대하여 - ‘-어도, -더라도, -(으)ㄹ지라도’를 중심으로 -

이금희 한민족어문학회 2017 韓民族語文學 Vol.0 No.78

The purpose of this paper was to elucidate characteristics of grammatical category of concession and semantic functions of concessive conjunctive endings. We argue that concession is different from opposition. This paper focuses on concessive conjunctive endings (-eodo어도, -deorado더라도, and -euljirado을지라도) and oppositive conjunctive ending (-jiman지만). They are different from each other in their meaning. It has been said that concessive conjunctive endings have the meaning of 'denial of expection' and the meaning of 'denial of expectation' is the meaning of pragmatic oppositive conjunctive endings. However, category characteristics of concession are condition in the antecedent clause with denial of expectation in the following clause. This means that 'do(도)' is basically a determiner which can co-cocur with any element of a sentence in Korean. Therefore, 'do(도)' has been grammaticalized to a conditional marker in Korean when it is attached to a verb form. There are three conjunctive endings in Korean that denote concession: '-eodo', '-derato', and '-euljirado'. These three conjunctive endings are similar in that they all denote concession. However, they are not the same. They are distinguished from one another in terms of the speaker's assessment of probability. When the conjunctive ending '-eodo' is used, the event described by the verb to which the ending is attached to may or may not occur. The speaker is not interested in the fulfillment of the condition. On the other hand, when the ending of '-deorado' or '-euljirado' is used, the speaker assumes that the event is not likely to occur. 한국어의 양보 개념은 조건과 대립의 개념과 관련지어 설명되어 왔다. 기존 논의들에서 양보와 대립이 하나의 범주로 묶여 설명되기도 하고 분리되어 논의되기도 하였는데 최근에 대립을 상위 범주로 설정하고 양보를 그 하위범주라고 보는 논의가 있는가 하면 양보를 조건문의 한 종류로 보는 논의도 있다. 그러나 양보는 대립 관계와 달리 조건이 제시되고 그 조건에서 기대되는 결과와는 다른 내용이 와야 하는 의미적인 특징을 지니고 있다는 점에서 대립의 개념과 구분되어야 한다. 그리고 기존 연구들에서 대립 관계를 나타내는 접속 어미와 양보 관계를 나타내는 접속 어미가 통용되어 쓰이는 것으로 설명하였는데 두 범주를 나타내는 접속 어미의 사용 양상이 유사한 것처럼 보이나 각각의 어미들은 차이점이 있다. 양보 관계를 나타내는 대표적인 어미 ‘-어도, -더라도, -(으)ㄹ지라도’는 종결어미 ‘-어, -더라, -(으)ㄹ지라’와 보조사 ‘도’의 결합형으로 양보절 접속문에서 보이는 화용론적 전제가 함축되어 있고 각 어미들은 보조사 ‘도’와 종결어미 ‘-어, -더라, -(으)ㄹ지라’의 성격이 녹아들어 있다. ‘-어도’에 사실성 명제가 결합되고 ‘-더라도’와 ‘-(으)ㄹ지라도’로 갈수록 가정성이 높게 느껴지는 것은 결합되어 있는 종결어미의 의미 특징과 관련되어 있다고 볼 수 있다.

대한민국 임시정부와 프랑스

한시준 한국근현대사학회 2016 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.77 No.-

The Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, while acting in China, had some special relations with France. Above all, the Provisional Government was established and acting in the French concession in Shanghai, and was helped and supported by the authorities of the French Concession. Its relations with France was continued not only in Shanghai but also in Chongqing for 1940’s. Since the Provisional Government was established in April of 1919 in the French Concession in Shanghai, it was active inside the French concession for 13 years till April of 1932. Although the French Concession was inside the Chinese territory, it was an area in which the sovereignty of France was exerted. Without France’s consents and aids, the Provisional Government’s actions in the French concession could not be possible. The authorities of the French Concession asked the Provisional Government not to be active publicly. However, the Provisional Government flouted it. The Provisional Government hoisted the Taegeuk flag, and even allowed Japanese journalists’ visit coverages. As the Provisional Government was publicly active, France got strongly remonstrated by Japan and ordered the Provisional Government to close its office building on October 17, 1919. Though closing the Provisional Government’s office building, France protected the Provisional Government’s key figures. In the case that Japan asked France to arrest and extradite the Provisional Government’s key figures, France conditioned Japan to extradite Vietnamese ani-French resistance Cuon De who was active in Japan. When Japanese officials brought an arrest warrant, French officials did not signed on it or noticed the Provisional government to flee. After Yun Bong-gil’s Hongkou Park Bombing on April 29, 1932, the authorities of the French Concession could not protect the Provisional Government any more. Indeed, the Provisional Government left Shanghai. The relations between the Provisional Government and France revived in Chongqing during 1940’s. The momentum was the meeting between Jo Soang, the Provisional Government’s foreign minister, and Pechkoff, the French ambassador in China. Jo Soang had frequent meetings with him and developed friendly relationship. The friendly relationship with France developed to the matter of recognition. In March of 1945, the Cabinet council of the Provisional Government announced that the Provisional Government established a diplomatic relation with France, and appointed Seo Yeonghae as the Korean Representative in France. Jo Soang, the foreign minister, officially announced to journalists that France recognized the Provisional Government as an in-fact government. Although France’s recognition of the Provisional Government was approved unfactual, a typical nation amongst the world powers that treated the Provisional Government friendly and stood on the side of recognition was France.