Superfluous Men: A Recurring Challenge for Pro-Democracy Educators

Ben Garrido 한국교육철학학회 2022 교육철학연구 Vol.44 No.1

This paper seeks to analyze totalitarian pedagogy in the context of modern education. In pursuance of this goal, the beneficiaries of totalitarianism must be investigated and understood. Beginning in Hannah Arendt’s 1951 book The Origins of Totalitarianism it is suggested that the rise of totalitarianism owed much to the plight of “superfluous men” – people whose acts of will cease to matter. Arendt sees totalitarianism as an effort to reduce the pain of these superfluous men by assuring them that they are good because of race, class, etc. and, correspondingly, that acts of will do not matter. Since the superfluous man is defined by the inconsequential nature of his actions, this is comforting to him, or rarely, her. This paper finds that similarly superfluous men are reemerging in the early 21st century and, correspondingly, that totalitarian-style solutions to their suffering are also reemerging. In particular, this study seeks to understand the following factors: 1. What are the characteristics leading to superfluity? 2. What are the effects of totalitarian “compassion” on traditional, democratic or citizenship education strategies? 3. How does totalitarian education interact with 21st century education? It is found that superfluity tends to come about from a lack of available social roles, particularly for males, that totalitarian succor makes traditional civic education strategies impossible and that 21st century education, while still mostly conducted on democratic, citizenship or civic education principles, is beginning to show features similar to totalitarian science, totalitarian compassion and totalitarian fatalism. Pedagogical conclusions are drawn from a comparison of Nazi textbook Nazi Primer and representative texts from the democratic education canon, the Confucian citizenship education canon and the classical Greek pedagogical canon.

A Critical Analysis of Totalitarianism based on Hannah Arendt

성신형 한국기독교학회 2018 한국기독교신학논총 Vol.109 No.-

This study delves into the analysis of totalitarianism in Hannah Arendt in order to discuss the significance of political ethics. After the Second World War, humanity has developed the democratic society. Yet, this democracy has been threatened by totalitarianism with various political parts such as extreme right wing politicians and fundamental religious leaders. They have been trying to manipulate society as they have developed various political ideologies like racism, sexism, nationalism, and so on. In this way, they have been trying to make their own political propaganda in order to oppress people and to obtain their political benefits as they have excluded minority groups, other ethnic groups and refugees. Similarly, totalitarianism, during the Second World War, has showed political phenomenon that it had oppressed humanity as it had developed its own political propaganda. This paper argues how totalitarianism manipulates people to dehumanize individuals, how it overuses its power in terms of total dominion, and how it became ‘a’ or ‘the’ radical evil. Thus, this research delves into the political phenomena of totalitarianism as analyzes Hannah Arendt’s observation of totalitarianism. This study ultimately aims at finding a way to overcome totalitarian tendency in politics through the understanding of the origin of totalitarianism.

전체주의의 식민주의적 기원: 한나 아렌트와 C. L. R. 제임스

하영준 한국세계문화사학회 2017 세계 역사와 문화 연구 Vol.0 No.43

The study seeks to explore a postcolonial perspective of C. L. R. James on totalitarianism through Hannah Arendt's 'boomerang thesis'. In The Origins of Totalitarianism(1951), Arendt puts forward the ‘boomerang thesis’ firstly, suggesting that the roots of totalitarianism, especially Nazi violence and the Holocaust, lay in European colonialism. Arendt’s work has only recently come to scholarly attention, as some scholars revisit ‘colonial and imperial questions’ with the postcolonial and transnational paradigm: the Impact of and transformations caused by Atlantic slavery and colonialism in Europe itself. As early as Arendt, black radical intellectuals recognized the close relationships between the Nazi regime and European colonialism, and denounced the violent nature of Western modernity through them. Especially, Afro-Caribbean, heretical Marxist C. L. R James had linked anti-fascism with the struggles against imperialism and racism, through newspaper columns, political essays, book reviews, etc., from the fascist Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935. But his works have received almost no systematic attention. Thus a reading of James' works with Arendt's boomerang thesis provides new insights away from the western-centric approach to origins and characters of totalitarianism; it's attempts to control the whole society with oppression and violence, start out as a reaction against modern development of human autonomy.(Chung-Ang University) 이 연구는 C. L. R. 제임스의 사상을 한나 아렌트의 부메랑 테제와 연결시켜 검토하면서 전체주의에 대한 탈식민주의적 이해를 모색한다. 아렌트는 1951년에 쓴 『전체주의의 기원』에서 전체주의, 특히 나치의 홀로코스트를 식민주의적 폭력과 연결시킨 부메랑 테제를 제시하였다. 부메랑 테제는 식민주의가 식민지 사회뿐만 아니라 유럽 본국에 미친 부정적 영향을 되돌아볼 수 있게 하는 선구적 이론으로서 최근 학문적 논쟁의 대상이 되고 있다. 반면 흑인 급진주의 지식인들도 일찍부터 독일 나치 체제와 서구 식민주의의 밀접한 관계를 인식하고 이를 통해서 서구 근대성이 지닌 폭력적 본성을 고발하였지만, 아렌트와 달리 관심의 대상이 되지 못하고 있다. 특히 카리브 출신 흑인 지식인인 제임스는 이탈리아 파시즘 체제가 에티오피아를 침공한 1935년부터 반파시즘 운동을 반제국주의 및 반인종주의 투쟁과 연결시켰다. 그리고 자신의 투쟁 경험을 통해서 사회 모든 영역을 폭력적으로 통제하려는 전체주의 시도가 인간 자율성의 급격한 신장에 따른 반작용에서 비롯된 것이라는 자신만의 독특한 이론을 발전시키게 되었다. 따라서 지성사에서 상대적으로 소홀히 다루어져 온 제임스의 저작을 아렌트의 부메랑 테제와 함께 읽는 것은 전체주의의 기원과 성격에 대한 서구 중심적 접근에서 벗어나 새로운 통찰을 제공할 수 있을 것이다.

『전체주의의 기원』 다시 읽기 : 교육적 함의와 현재성을 중심으로

김민수(Kim, MinSoo) 한국역사교육학회 2022 역사교육연구 Vol.- No.42

본 논문은 한나 아렌트의 기념비적인 저작인 『전체주의의 기원』에서 교육적 함의를 발견하고, 이를 통해 저작의 현재성을 찾아내는 것을 목표로 한다. 오랫동안 반공주의적 프로파간다로 오해되어 온 『기원』이 교육적 함의를 지닐 수 있는 이유는 아렌트가 저술의 목표로 제시한 전체주의에 대한 “이해”의 의미 때문이다. 아렌트의 “이해” 개념은 인류가 짊어져야 할 자기 시대의 짐을 직시하고 의식적으로 떠맡는 것을 의미하는데 이는 역사적 현상을 지나간 과거가 아니라 더 나은 미래를 위한 현재의 노력의 토대로 삼는 방식이다. 『기원』은 홀로코스트라는 역사적 사건이나 전체주의에 대한 단순한 설명을 제시하는 것이 아니라 인간 존엄성과 인간다움을 상실하도록 만든 근대의 역사적 조건을 인식하고 그 한계를 넘어서야 한다는 것을 보여주는 교육적 의미를 지닌다. 아렌트가 전체주의라는 역사적 경험을 통해 제시하고 있는 능동적인 시민주체, 인권의 재발견, 사회적 관계의 복원이라는 시대적 과제가 여전히 우리의 과제이기도 하다는 점에서 『기원』은 교육적 의미와 더불어 충분한 현재성을 지니고 있다고 할 수 있다. This paper aims to discover the educational implications of Hannah Arendt s monumental work, The Origins of Totalitarianism, and to find the current meaning of it. The reason why Origins, which has long been misunderstood as anti-communist propaganda, may have educational implications is that this work aims to “understand” totalitarianism. Arendt s concept of “understanding” means facing and consciously taking on the burdens of our own times that mankind must bear, in a way that makes historical phenomena the basis of present efforts for a better future, rather than the past. Origins does not provide a mere explanation of the historical event of the Holocaust or totalitarianism but has an educational significance to show that we must recognize and overcome the limits of modern historical conditions that have caused the loss of human dignity and humanity. The tasks such as the active civic subject, the rediscovery of human rights, and the restoration of social relations, that Arendt presented through the historical experience of totalitarianism, are still our tasks. Therefore, it can be said that Origins has sufficient current meaning with educational significance.

논문 : 해방이후 전체주의와 조지 오웰 소설의 오독

안미영 ( Mi Young Ahn ) 민족문학사학회·민족문학사연구소 2012 민족문학사연구 Vol.49 No.-

이 글에서는 해방이후 한국에서 전체주의가 확산되는 가운데 조지 오웰 소설이 수용되는 과정을 논의하였다. 민주사회주의자를 표명하는 조지 오웰은 그의 소설, 『동물농장』과 『1984년』에서 알레고리형식을 빌어 전체주의의 파행성을 고발했다. 조지 오웰 소설은 해방이후 남한사회에 번역되면서, ``전체주의``에 대한 부정이 ``전제주의(독재)``에 대한 부정으로 주제가 단순화된다. 그 결과 그의 소설은 김일성과 스탈린 독재체제를 비롯 공산주의에 대항하는 반공소설로 둔갑하고 만다. 『동물농장』은 1948년 10월 번역 발간된다. 공보처 관료인 김길준이 직접 번역한 『동물농장』은 정치적 교화의 수단으로 활용되었다. 1948년 수립된 남한정부는 공산주의를 부정하고 민주주의의 옹립을 통한 집권세력의 정당성을 표명하기 위한 의도로, 이 작품을 번역 발간한다. 1949년 10월 태양신문에는, 만화로 만들어진 『1984년』의 줄거리가 소개된다. 조지 오웰의 신작이 신속하게 소개된 점은 이채를 띠지만, 이 역시 자극적인 이미지(``2분간의 증오``)와 함께 공산주의 사회의 극단적인 파행성을 부각시키는 데 그친다. 『1984년』은 1950년 3월에 번역되었지만, 한국전쟁으로 말미암아 전후에 출간 유통된 것으로 보인다. 1951년, 1953년, 1957년 각기 다른 출판사의 3종의 번역본이 유통되었지만, 3종 번역본의 전문이 동일하며 역자소기(譯者小記) 내용도 동일하다. 역자소기에 의하면, 번역자는 그 책을 개인적인 문제의식에서 어렵게 원서를 구해 번역에 임했음을 밝힌다. 번역자는 조지 오웰의 생애와 문제의식을 공유하지만 ``1984년``을 ``오지 않은 미래``로 사유함으로써, 동시대 만연한 전체주의에 대한 알레고리를 읽어내지 못했다. 해방이후 조지 오웰 소설에 대한 ``눈먼 성찰〔誤導〕``은 동시대 전체주의와 무관하지 않다. 극단적인 반공주의와 독재의 아우라 속에서 조지 오웰의 소설은 공산주의의 파행성을 보여주는 전체주의의 도구에 그칠 뿐, 동시대 전체주의를 성찰하고 사유하는 지점까지 나아가지 못했다. 1949년 출현한 일민주의(一民主義)는 해방이후 지속되는 전체주의의 심각성을 보여주는 단적인 예라 할 수 있다. This article discusses the process of the reception of George Orwell`s novels in Korea after its National Liberation. George Orwell, who advocated democratic socialism, accused totalitarianism of its limping with his novels Animal Farm and 1984 in the form of allegory. Orwell`s negation of totalitarianism was translated into that of despotism with the simplification of the theme in South Korean society after its National Liberation. As a result, his novels turned into anti-communist novels against communist regimes including Il-seong Kim`s and Stalin`s despotic ruling. Animal Farm was translated and published in October 1948. Translated by Gil-jun Kim, a bureaucrat of the Ministry of Information, it was used as a means for political correction. With its foundation in 1948, the South Korean government translated and published this work for the purpose of accusing communism of its limping and expressing the justice of the democracy-oriented rightist government. In 1949, the contents of 1984 were presented in the form of cartoon in a popular daily newspaper. Though it was unusual to quickly introduce Orwell`s new work, this also remained accusing communist society of its extreme limping with a stimulating image (``hatred for two minutes``). Although 1984 published three publishing company in 1950s, a translator is same. I guess 1984 was first translated by Man-sik Ra by the 1950s. According to the forward written in March 1950, the translator had read this book due to his own individual critical mind, and translated it though having difficulty getting his hands on it. Though he shared Orwell`s life and critical viewpoints, the translator was not able to read the allegory of the totalitarianism that were contemporarily prevailing since he thought of this work as a ``future that never happened.`` The blind reflection (misunderstanding) on George Orwell`s novels in Korea after its National Liberation is involved in totalitarianism. As a result they were insensible of the spread of Ilminjuuy (Ideology of One Nation), another form of totalitarianism appearing in 1949.

포스트모던 사회와 군중,그리고 전체주의: 돈 들릴로의 『백색잡음』과 『마오 2』

정소영 ( So Young Jung ) 미국소설학회 2010 미국소설 Vol.17 No.2

In White Noise, DeLillo depicts the tendency of the modern individuals to be drawn to collective identity, and connects it with the postmodern culture dominated by images and media. In Mao II focusing on totalitarian movement and terrorism in our time, the connection between the mass mind and the postmodern culture is both intensified and simplified into the dichotomous opposition of western individualism and non-western totalitarianism. DeLillo is well aware that media and images in consumer society promote similar lifestyles and collective identity and make people vulnerable to mass manipulation. His biased insistence on western individualism, however, prevents him from understanding the fact that individualism goes hand in hand with consumer society and is hollowed out and emptied of meaning. According to Arendt, totalitarianism is not opposed to western individualism as is usually assumed. On the contrary, it derives from the illusionary belief of liberal democracy and individualism which takes away every possible communities and every senses of belonging from people. DeLillo`s judgemental attitude on the family and the belief in his two works implies the dilemma western individualism faces in the media-saturated consumer culture.

시장전체주의와 한국어교육의 정체성

장용수 국제한국어교육학회 2010 한국어 교육 Vol.21 No.4

Language aims to communicate with each other. Therefore, language has been forced into a greater orientation to the market. For this reason, any language-users depend on the competitive position in the international market. Uncompetitive language's users are gradually decreasing and uncompetitive language will be gone once and for all. Of course Korean's fate isn't free from market. At a time of market totalitarianism, culture, education, study, language, media, fashion and so on are on the same side. We live in a society where we are ruled by market. Meanwhile, there have been many advances in teaching Korean for foreigners. It has the same appearance of internationl competitiveness's improvement. But, quantitative increasing of teaching Korean as a foreign language has not lead to the growth the fields of teaching Korean. The reason for this, first of all, teaching Korean as a foreign language isn't free from market totalitarianism's fate. From this situation, if teaching Korean's fate leaves it to the market situation, teaching Korean as a foreign language may not be able to unify the identity of teaching Korean. Teaching Korean as a foreign language need to find freely the value of education in the market situation. In other words, teaching Korean's independent value need to find. Then that will be indigenous territory of teaching Korean as a foreign language, and teaching Korean's value and necessity can be piled on the indigenous territory, and it will be the main of teaching Korean's identity. At the present stage, a possible teaching Korean's identity construction method is connected to the teaching Korean staff, teaching materials, Korean learners. In other words, these must be supplied stable. First, the teaching Korean staff is to strengthen its core capabilities which is necessary in teaching situation. And if teaching Korean policymakers don't wake up to this tough situation and the poor teaching Korean staff's treatment is not improved, teaching Korean's qualitative improvement will be hard to imagine. In the case of Korean teaching materials, homogenized teaching Korean should be forced to be made. And to do that, we need to integrated teaching method and teaching materials' improvement. Now, because we are not have the integrated teaching method and teaching materials, we are hard to expect the teaching Korean's qualitative improvement. So, the coherent educational policy of government must be run over this. The present, we live in a multi-cultural society. A multi-cultural society is due to globalization of the Korea. With the times, our Korean language using environment is currently undergoing rapid change. So, teaching Korean as a Foreign Language and teaching Korean need to act jointly to a multi-cultural society's situation. This study is composed of abovementioned contents.

한나 아렌트의 『전체주의의 기원』에 나타나는 근대 민족국가와 인간의 권리문제-제도와 권리의 이율배반을 중심으로-

김민수 고려대학교 역사연구소 2018 사총 Vol.93 No.-

A right to have the right, as argued in Hannah Arendt's The Origins of Totalitarianism, provides an important theoretical source for dealing with the problem of contemporary rightlessness. It is possible to find the fundamental reason to accept refugees and refugees through the concept of concrete rights that can be acquired within an organized political community rather than an abstract human rights concept. However, a right to have rights implies the antinomy of the modern nation-state and the right. In particular, Arendt places the nation state as both a guarantor of rights and a repressor at The Origins of Totalitarianism. In this regard, Arendt’s thought has been interpreted as having an ambiguous attitude toward the nation state. Rather, however, it can be interpreted that Arendt implies the antinomy of the national state and the rights, thereby enabling a radical thinking for the modern human rights problem. In this article, we examine the validity of existing interpretations that point to Arendt's ambiguity in the nation-state. Then, in the works of Arendt, we will explore the possibility of thinking about the politics of human rights through the antinomy of the national state and the rights. This interpretation has an important implication for the human rights issues of the rightless, but it is also the task of reconfiguring Arendt with the central themes of modern political philosophy of democracy, rights, institutions and freedom. 한나 아렌트의 『전체주의의 기원』에서 제기되는 ‘권리를 가질 권리’는 현대 권리상실자들의 문제에 접근하는 중요한 이론적 원천을 제공하고 있다. 추상적인 인권개념이 아닌 조직화된 정치 공동체 속에서 획득할 수 있는 구체적 권리 개념을 통해 난민과 망명자 등을 수용해야 하는 근본적 이유를 발견할 수 있는 것이다. 그러나 권리를 가질 권리는 근대 민족국가와 권리 사이의 이율배반을 내포하고 있다. 특히 아렌트는 『기원』에서 민족국가를 권리의 보장자인 동시에 억압자로서 위치시키고 있다. 이에 대해 아렌트가 민족국가에 대해 모호한 태도를 지닌 것으로 해석되어 왔지만, 오히려 아렌트가 민족국가와 권리 사이에 이율배반을 함축시켜 놓음으로써 현대의 인권문제에 대한 급진적 사유를 가능하게 한다는 해석이 더욱 타당성을 지닐 수 있다. 본 논문에서는 민족국가에 대한 아렌트의 모호성을 지적하는 기존 해석들의 타당성을 살펴보고, 아렌트의 저작들 속에서 민족국가와 권리 사이의 이율배반을 통해 인권의 정치를 사유할 수 있는 가능성을 모색할 것이다. 이러한 해석은 권리상실자들의 인권 문제에도 중요한 함의를 지니지만, 아렌트를 민주주의와 권리, 제도와 자유라는 현대 정치철학의 중심 주제들과 다시 만나게 하는 작업이기도 하다.

이탈리아 파시즘과 대기업 : 피아트의 사례를 중심으로

張文碩(Jang Moon-Seok) 역사교육연구회 2005 역사교육 Vol.95 No.-

Italian fascism has long been depicted as a "capitalist dictatorship" in that it acted in the interests of the great capitalist enterprises. But revisionists challenged such a view, emphasizing that the Italian great entrepreneurs were afraid of the radical tendencies within fascism, and therefore fascism was an independent force from big business. More recently, this debate has been reproduced around the question of whether fascism was a imperfect totalitarian regime built on the compromise with the establishment composed of the monarchy, the Church, and big business, or it was the peculiar Italian path to totalitarianism. With these debates in mind, this study tries to elucidate the nature of fascism through the relationship between fascism and big business by focusing on a case of Fiat, the large-scale Italian automobile enterprise. During the fascist ventennio, it is clear that fascism supported Fiat"s interest by implementing the tariff protection and by granting the military order. This means that fascism guaranteed the economic elites" privileges revealing its rightist political tendencies. Therefore, Fiat"s case allows us to question the totalitarian power of fascism. However, it is also true that the radical tendencies within fascism set limits to a "marriage of convenience" between fascism and Fiat. Indeed. there were serious tensions between fascists and Fiat"s top management. each having its own dreams though sleeping in the same bed. This fact leads us to reconsider the fascist characteristics driven by a totalitarian impulse. Then, it seems that fascism is a specific phenomenon based on the contradictory combination of the authoritarian rightist politics that was linked to a capitalist logic and the radical political style that was led to totalitarianism.

팬데믹이 가져온 전체주의 사회에서의 여성 통제 양상과 그 함의 : 영화 < 팬데믹ONLY >(2020, 타카시 도셔 감독)을 중심으로

이채원 ( Lee¸ Chae Won ) 국제비교한국학회 2021 비교한국학 Comparative Korean Studies Vol.29 No.1

The movie ONLY shapes a virtual viral pandemic situation called HNV-21. When women are sacrificed by viruses in the story world of this film, the state power takes women’s eggs and conducts artificial embryo experiments. Women are recognized as public goods for human existence and women’s rights are violated. This is to return women to the birth tool in a lump, without recognizing individuality, ability, value and individuality of life. The fertility ability of women can lead individual women to make different choices with different meanings. The history of ignoring this and controlling women and the history that resisted it are contained in the movie ONLY. Eva’s behavior, which can seem at first glance reckless, and the behavior of the male protagonist Will, who seems common sense in this film, derives another semantic network of arguments. This is a doubt about the control, which is called protection, and the reason why they control those who can be victims and do not control those who can be perpetrators is related to gender power. The rhetoric of the combination of protection and control is commonplace in the patriarchal society. Women are infected with the virus, but the virus that kills only women can be read as a metaphor for gender violence that has led women to death throughout the East and West. When the group assumes a scapegoat for the peace and well-being of other members, the scapegoat is an easy being to be otherized among the members of the community. But Eva and many other women in the survivors’ chat room have no intention of justifying the violence that is committed to them in the name of the future of mankind. Therefore, the movie ONLY is not a film that reproduces patriarchal ideology. Rather, it makes you look at the faces of the survivors who resist. Eva’s photos of herself and the women she chatted with are attached to the wall as a visual statement about the history of women’s movement, which women, who are individual beings, have been solidarity with sisterhood beyond the difference. In the history of the old dystopia of patriarchy, women individually adapted, resisted, or struggled in their own way. The virus, ‘misogyny’ is a familiar pandemic. It can be confirmed that the control and violence against women, which were operated under war or colonialism, is changed while maintaining its attributes in the pandemic situation. The way to respond to the violent control of the state power packaged in good faith to serve the future of mankind in the pandemic situation is distinguished by Will’s rational coolness and Eva’s emotional will. The way of reproducing the camera working used in the movie ONLY reveals that Eva’s emotional will is tilted by the artist’s Etos. This leads to a rejection of rationality and efficiency that has supported totalitarianism. This is also in line with Levinas’ insight that human reason is questionable and there is no ethical prospect in universal laws that ignore individuality. It is the photographs of the faces of each woman that are foregrounded in a way that can reveal the uniqueness of individual personality in the movie ONLY. Just as language can create reality, photography and image also make reality. At this time, the photograph and image also function as testimonies. The movie ONLY testifies that the female control aspect in the totalitarian society caused by certain viral pandemics is an old future that is already familiar and resistance to it continues. The resistance against the patriarchal system, the oldest and most extensive totalitarianism, is also old, extensive, and individual, but forms a network of solidarity.