국가 정체성과 애국심의 관계: 동․서양 5개국 특성 비교

이희창,강정희 한국보훈학회 2013 한국보훈논총 Vol.12 No.3

This study aims to explore the relationship of national identity and patriotism that are recognized as two aspects of national identification. On the basis of Rothi and his fellows' claims(2005) that national identification can be more enhanced through a combination of national identity and patriotism, we set up combined model including all types of national identity and patriotism to examine the specific relationships of these two concepts. In addition, unlike previous Western-oriented studies, this study focuses to discover characteristics of the oriental nations compared to western countries regarding the relationships of national identity and patriotism. Based on the 2003 ISSP data, this research finds following results. ① On the level of national identity, there is a difference from oriental nations and western countries. Oriental nations have more strong ethnic identity than civic national identity, whereas western countries have more strong civic identity than ethnic identity. ② On the level of patriotism, oriental nations differ from western countries. Oriental nations have more strong blind patriotism than constructive patriotism, whereas western countries have more strong constructive patriotism than blind patriotism. However America has high patriotism of all types ③ National identity has a positive impact on the patriotism. But there are big differences from oriental nations and western countries in the degree of impact. In the oriental nations, ethnic identity has more positive impact to the all types of patriotism than civic identity. But contrast to these, the western countries have that civic identity is more positive affect to the all types patriotism than ethnic identity. ④ Ethnic identity is more positive affect to the blind patriotism than that of civic identity in the all sample countries. ⑤ Impact of national identity to the constructive patriotism differs from oriental nations and western countries. As a general discussion of the previous studies, civic identity has more positive influence to the constructive patriotism than ethnic identity in the western countries. But contrast to these, the oriental nations have that ethnic identity is more positive affect to the constructive patriotism than civic identity. Based on these results, this research discusses to the causes the differences between east and western countries and future challenges. 본 연구는 국가 동질감의 내용적/관계적 개념을 구성하는 국가 정체성과 애국심이 어떤인과성을 갖는지를 밝히는데 목적을 두었다. 유사한 속성에도 불구하고 각기 구분되어 연구되고 있는 이들의 결합을 통해 국가 동질감의 의미가 보다 완전하게 파악될 수 있다는Rothi 등(2005)의 주장에 따라 국가 정체성과 애국심을 동시에 고려한 통합모형을 설정하였다. 또한 서구 위주의 기존연구만으로는 이들의 일반화된 관계 파악에 한계가 있다는 시각에서 동․서양 비교 연구를 시도해 보았다. 국제사회조사(ISSP)의 조사자료를 토대로 한동․서양 5개국 비교연구 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. ① 국가 정체성 수준에 있어 동․서양 국가간 차이를 보인다. 한국과 일본은 종족적 정체성이 높고, 서구 국가는 시민적 정체성이 보다 높다. ② 애국심 수준에 있어서도 동․서양 국가간 차이를 보인다. 한국과 일본은 맹목적 애국심이 건설적 애국심보다 높고, 서구 국가는 시민적 애국심이 맹목적 애국심보다 높다. 단, 미국은 모든 유형의 애국심이 높게 나타난다. ③ 국가 정체성은 애국심에 긍정적 영향을 미친다. 단, 영향 정도에 있어서는 동․서양 국가간 차이를 보인다. 동양 국가는 종족적 정체성의 영향이 크고, 서양 국가에서는 시민적 정체성이 보다 큰 영향을 미친다. ④ 맹목적 애국심에 대한 국가 정체성의 영향력은 종족적 정체성이 시민적 정체성보다 모든 국가에서 크게 나타난다. ⑤ 건설적 애국심 대한 국가 정체성의 영향력은 동․서양 국가간 차이를 보인다. 서양 국가에서는 기존연구의 일반적 논의처럼 시민적 정체성의 영향력이 보다 크나, 한국과 일본은 종족적 정체성이 시민적 정체성보다 오히려 더 큰 영향을 미친다. 이러한 결과를 토대로 동․서양 국가간 차이발생 원인과 향후 과제에 대해 논의하였다.

France of 2017, chaos of national identity

San-Ho Lee,Hui-Teak Kim 중앙대학교 문화콘텐츠기술연구원 2017 다문화콘텐츠연구 Vol.0 No.26

The debate on the national identity of France has long been ongoing. This paper examines the discussions of national identity presented by contemporary politicians. This paper also examines the status of national identity in French politics in the current situation. It was Jean-Marie Le Pen who made national identity the first political issue in French politics. He made national identity a tool of discrimination against foreigners. His daughter, Marine Le Pen, inherits his political tendencies. However, she uses the debate on national identity as a flexible way for the public to respond. Nicolas Sarkozy was elected to the presidency, taking advantage of his national identity. Unlike Jean-Marie Le Pen, he made people feel close to the issue of national identity and tied the issue of national identity to job and economic problems. Emmanuel Marcron argued that the issue of national identity can be transformed in the relationship between the state and the people. He emphasized that national identity is not a fixed, closed concept. This argument by Marcon is quite persuasive. If Marcon`s concept of national identity gets favorable, the discussion of national identity in France will be discussed in a new way in the future.

주리의 작품세계에 나타난 민족 정체성에 관한 연구 -1955년부터 1970년 이전까지의 작품들을 중심으로-

김윤선 ( Yoon Seon Kim ),김경희 ( Kyunghee Kim ) 대한무용학회 2011 대한무용학회논문집 Vol.66 No.-

The purpose of this study is to examine the life and works of Ju Ri, and to investigate national identity represented in her works from 1955 to 1970. This study provides important materials to Korean ballet history. I analyzed relevant written materials and conducted interviews with Ju Ri and people who remembered her works. The interviews could be the most appropriate way to understand Ju Ri, due to the lack of written materials about her. My interview with Ju Ri might be quite partial and fragmented, but such limitations were complemented by conducting interviews with people who could remember Ju Ri`s works. Ju Ri`s dances have greatly been influenced by Choi Sung-Hui. When Ju Ri saw Choi`s performance, Ju Ri thought "I want to be like Choi Sung-Hui" and went to Choi`s dance academy in Japan. Ju Ri then found Mazdadakashi`s ballet academy by chance and stayed there for six months to learn ballet. After Ju Ri returned to Korea, she studied dance under Jin Soo-Bang. And then Ju Ri established the ``Song Bom & Ju Ri ballet academy`` with Song Bom, in 1951. And then Ju Ri performed for the military when the Korean war broke out. Such performances during the war made Ju Ri popular in Korean dance world. Ju Ri established the ``Ju Ri`s ballet academy`` in 1953, concentrated on training her students, and choreographed eleven pieces. She was an active person as both a dancer and choreographer in the National Dance company where she gained more prominence. In December, 1969, she performed Amor which was based on Spain dance. Then, the wife of a Spanish diplomat saw her dance and suggested Ju Ri to study in Spain. After completing the whole course of Spain royal dance academy, Ju Ri opened the ``Spanish Music Dance Academy`` and taught students in Spain. She was invited by the Korean government in 1988 and performed at the inauguration of the 1988 Seoul Olympics. Thereafter, she came to Korea and performed three times. Ju Ri felt passionate responses from the Korean audience and decided to spread Spanish dance to the Korean audience. Therefore, she returned to Korea in 1999 to open the ``Spanish Music Dance Academy`` in Apkujong. She runs this academy until now. Before Ju Ri left Korea in 1970, she choreographed fourteen pieces. Many scholars examined national identity in her works during this period. My analysis of the works is based on dance analysis method of Janet Adshead(1996). First, in terms of theme, Korea Fantasy demonstrates Barth`s nationalism, Choonhyanjon shows both Isajiw`s nationalism and Barth`s nationalism, and Blue Attire shows Basch`s transnationalism. Therefore, the three works have national identity in common. Second, in terms of music, Korean Fantasy music has national identity that includes a Craib`s theoretical background and Variation for Kayagum and Folk music has national identity that includes a Hall Enix`s theoretical background. Consequently, it is very evident that Ju Ri has incorporate national identity into her works while selecting music for her works. Third, in terms of movements, Korean Fantasy, Variation for Kayagum and Folk, Choonhyangjon, and Blue Attire have national identity which was defined by Tim Edensor and based on the transnational theory by Basch. It shows that Ju Ri has incorporated national identity into her works when she explores movements. Fourth, in terms of costume, Korean Fantasy, Variation for Kayagum and Folk, Choonhyangjon, and Blue Attire incorporated national identity that is also defined by Tim Edensor and based on transnational theory by Basch. Ju Ri has also tried to contain national identity in designing the costumes for her works. Finally, in terms of stage design, Korean Fantasy and Blue Attire draw on Isajiw`s nationalist theory. It is evident that Ju Ri has tried to contain national identity in designing for the stage. As mentioned above, Ju Ri tried to spread western ballet which contains Korean national identity. This research would be the valuable resources to understand her life and works and to provide historical documents to study Korean dance.

북한이탈주민의 국가정체성 영향 요인

김희진 ( Hee Jin Kim ),유호열 ( Ho Yeol Yoo ) 아시아.유럽미래학회 2014 유라시아연구 Vol.11 No.3

The purpose of this study was to examine influential factors for the national identity of North Korean refugees living in South Korea. The subjects in this study were the selected male and female North Korean adult refugees who resided in Seoul, Gyeonggi Province and Incheon and were aged between 20 and 69. After a survey was conducted, the answer sheets from 405 respondents were analyzed. Since probability sampling was impossible to do due to the characteristics of North Korean refugees, snowball sampling was utilized, which is convenience sampling. A sense of belonging as a Korean was defined as national identity in this study, and the selected variables were inputted in three stages by using a hierarchical regression analysis. In the first stage of Model 1, gender, age, education level in the North, education level in the South, monthly income, marital status and regular participation or non-participation in religious practices were inputted as socio-demographic variables. In Model 2, self-rated global health level and an intention of permanent settlement in the South were inputted as personal awareness variables along with the socio-demographic variables. In Model 3, which was the full model, experience of public welfare service usage, trust in social relationships and perceived discrimination experience in the South were inputted as experience variables in the South along with the socio-demographic variables and the personal awareness variables. As a result of analyzing the collected data, age(β=.171, p<.05) and regular religious practices(β=.117, p<.01) were identified in Model 1 as the variables to have a positive impact on national identity. Like in Model 1, age(β=.137, p<.05) and regular religious practices(β=.107, p<.05) exerted a positive influence on that in Model 2, and self-rated global health level and an intention of permanent settlement in the South that were additionally inputted as the major variables in stage 2 affected it in a positive way as well. In Model 3, which was the full model that every selected variable was inputted into, national identity was under the influence of age(β=.145, p<.05) out of the socio-demographic variables, of an intention of permanent settlement in the South(β=.286, p<.001) out of the personal awareness variables, and of welfare service usage (β=.114, p<.05), trust in social relationships (β=.171, p<.001) and discrimination experience( β=-.177, p<.001) which were all the experience variables in the South. Age, an intention of permanent settlement in South, welfare service usage and trust in social relationships had a positive impact on national identity, and perceived discrimination experience exercised a negative influence on that. Finally, a stronger sense of belonging to the South were found in the respondents who were older, who had a more intention to settle down permanently in the South, who made more diverse use of welfare services and who had more trust in their social relationships. Their national identity weakened when they felt they had more discrimination experience in the South. As a result of comparing the relative influence of the variables on national identity based on β values, an intention of permanent settlement in the South was most influential, followed by discrimination experience in the South, trust in social relationships, age and public welfare service usage. When it comes to the way of looking at the nation, North Korean refugees may be more sensitive than any other racial group, and the shifts of social environments are likely to throw them into confusion in regard to national identity. They kept receiving cramming ideological education from their childhood, and they were consequently bound to take a blind view of state without carefully thinking over it, asking any questions or having any critical mind about it, and their national identity was built just as the North Korean government intended. So it seemed hard for them to build new identity under fast-changing social circumstances. Furthermore, they were repeatedly exposed to strange and disadvantageous environments as they moved from country to country, and they might have been confused about their own national identity nor felt relieved at any place. Helping North Korean refugees to build a firm national identity will be conducive to their adaptation to South Korean society. Given the findings of the study, what the South Korean government, South Korean people and supporting organizations should do to facilitate the resettlement of North Korean refugees as South Korean nationals with a sense of belonging was suggested.

‘道義의 제국’과 식민지조선의 내셔널 아이덴티티

강해수 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2008 한국문화 Vol.41 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to consider “national identity” in Colonial Korea. What was national identity in Colonial Korea, a society without “nationhood”? If it did exist in what way was it created? If the creation of the national identity by Colonial Korean intellectuals was formed as a thing in opposition to the imperial Japanese construct that national identity equaled imperial identity what exactly was it? Under the all-out war system that accompanied the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, what kind of conditions prevailed that made the production of a national identity in Colonial Korea possible? And was there continuity or discontinuity of this national identity after “liberation” from Japan in 1945? In order to carry out this research on the “joint ownership” of Korean nationality, this study focuses on national identity in Colonial Korea in the 1930s and 1940s. In the “National Studies” (Joseon Studies) of the 1930s and 1940s we can find an emphasis on the analysis of the discourse of “morality and righteousness” as in the “Rhetoric of the Empire” between Imperial Japanese and Colonial Korean intellectuals after the Sino-Japanese War. The discourse of “morality and righteousness” also occupied the central position in the formation of Korean national identity after “liberation”. This study examines how the colonial-period discourse on “morality and righteousness” among Korean intellectuals of Colonial Korea in the 1930s and 1940s prepared the ground for post-liberation discourse on national identity. The purpose of this paper is to consider “national identity” in Colonial Korea. What was national identity in Colonial Korea, a society without “nationhood”? If it did exist in what way was it created? If the creation of the national identity by Colonial Korean intellectuals was formed as a thing in opposition to the imperial Japanese construct that national identity equaled imperial identity what exactly was it? Under the all-out war system that accompanied the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, what kind of conditions prevailed that made the production of a national identity in Colonial Korea possible? And was there continuity or discontinuity of this national identity after “liberation” from Japan in 1945? In order to carry out this research on the “joint ownership” of Korean nationality, this study focuses on national identity in Colonial Korea in the 1930s and 1940s. In the “National Studies” (Joseon Studies) of the 1930s and 1940s we can find an emphasis on the analysis of the discourse of “morality and righteousness” as in the “Rhetoric of the Empire” between Imperial Japanese and Colonial Korean intellectuals after the Sino-Japanese War. The discourse of “morality and righteousness” also occupied the central position in the formation of Korean national identity after “liberation”. This study examines how the colonial-period discourse on “morality and righteousness” among Korean intellectuals of Colonial Korea in the 1930s and 1940s prepared the ground for post-liberation discourse on national identity.

유아의 국가정체성에 관한 연구: 일반가정과 다문화가정 유아의 비교

유은정,조연경 한국보훈학회 2014 한국보훈논총 Vol.13 No.1

The purpose of this study was to provide basic data for checking required factor to a gradually increasing multicultural preschoolers formed the basis of national identity as following the demographic background of the relationship between preschoolers and national identity. According to this purpose, compared general families and multicultural families about preschoolers’s national identity in terms of democratic citizenship. national symbol, traditional culture and racial homogeneity. The finding of the study were as follows: First, The General families’ preschoolers are totally higher than multicultural families in national identity in overall areas like democratic citizenship, national symbol, traditional culture and racial homogeneity. Second, as a result of analyzing their identity by gender, the preschool girls were better aware of national symbol, traditional culture and national homogeneity than the preschool boys, and the latter was ahead of the former in terms of democratic citizenship. Overall, the preschool girls excelled the preschool boys in national identity, but the differences between the two were not statistically significant. Third, as a result of analyzing the correlation of their national identity to each of their national identity subfactors (national symbol, traditional culture, national homogeneity and democratic citizenship), their national identity had a positive correlation with each of their national identity subfactors, no matter whether they belonged to multicultural families or typical Korean families. The findings of the study suggest that individual people's national identity building is under the influence of education about national symbol, traditional culture, national homogeneity and democratic citizenship and of their own related experiences. 본 연구는 인구학적 배경에 따른 유아의 국가 정체성의 관계를 알아봄으로써 점차 증가하는 다문화가정의 유아가 국가정체성의 기초를 형성하는 유아기부터 바람직한 국가 정체성을 형성하는데 필요한 요인을 점검하기 위한 기초자료를 제공하고자 하는 목적으로 진행하였다. 이러한 목적에 따라 유아의 국가정체성을 국가상징, 전통문화, 민족의 동질성, 민주시민 의식의 측면에서 일반가정과 다문화가정의 유아를 비교하였으며 이러한 문제를 바탕으로 얻은 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 유아의 국가정체성은 일반가정의 유아가 다문화가정의 유아보다 국가상징, 전통문화, 민족의 동질성, 민주시민의식 등 전반적인 영역에서 높게 나타났다. 둘째, 유아의 정체성을 성별에 따라 살펴본 결과 국가상징과 전통문화, 민족동질성에 대한 인지도는 여아가 남아보다 높았고 민주시민의식은 남아가 여아보다 높았다. 유아의 성별에 따른 전체적으로 국가 정체성은 여아가 남아보다 높았으나 통계적으로는 유의미한 차이는 아니었다. 셋째, 국가정체성과 국가상징, 전통문화, 민족의 동질성, 민주시민의식의 세부 영역과의 상관관계를 살펴본 결과 다문화가정 유아와 일반가정 유아 모두 정적상관을 나타냈다. 이러한 결과는 결국 국가상징, 전통문화, 민족의 동질성, 민주시민의식에 대한 교육과 경험이 곧 개인의 국가 정체성을 형성한다는 것을 시사한다.

3‧1운동 전후 러시아 한인사회의 민족정체성 형성과 변화

반병률 한국근현대사학회 2009 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.50 No.-

Koreans experienced big changes in their national identity as a result of the complex political situation during the period of the Russian Revolution from February 1917 through to the end of the Siberian Intervention in October, 1922. In particular, the occurrence of the March First Movement, had significant lasting effects on the national identity of Koreans within Russia. A result being that relative to the time of Tsarist or Soviet Russia, Koreans during this time were outspokenly vocal of their political opinions during the period of the Russian Revolution. In this regard, it is informative in dealing with the issue of the national identity to compare and consider the political announcements made by Koreans in Russia before and after the March First Movement. In this paper, the author will analyze the political announcements and positions expressed at the conferences and meetings of Koreans in Russia and relate it to the context of the political, economic and cultural realities faced by Korean Russians. Particular attention will be paid to the main actors who organized and controlled the conferences or meetings and what political positions were adopted by these leaders. These analyses will examine the diverse and occasionally conflicting national identities of Koreans in Russia which trace back to the long and diverse background of emigration from Korea. The Koreans who had leading roles in the early organization of Korean society after the Russian Revolution were old settlers (starozhil in Russian and wonhoin in Korean) who had close political affiliations with the (Russian) Socialist Revolutionary Party. They sought to improve their political, social and economic status and generally had less interest in anti-Japanese activities relative to other political émigrés. At the Conference of All Koreans in Russia (Jeollo Hanjok Daepyoja Daehoe) held in June, 1917, these leaders supported the policy of continued support of the war [the First World War] and collaboration with the Western Allies. They also organized the “Central Committee of Koreans in Russia (Goryeojok Jungang Chonghoe) which excluded the new settlers (novosyol in Russian yeohoin in Korean). After the October Revolution, they held reservations about supporting the Bolshevik regime and declared political neutrality. After the Czech revolts against the Bolsheviks in June 1918 and the Allies’ intervention in August 1918, they openly expressed their support for the anti-Bolshevik regimes in Siberia and the Russian Far East. The wonhoin Koreans initiated the March First Movement in the Russian Maritime Province where the anti-Bolsheviks were in power. They organized the Korean National Council (Daehan Gungmin Euihoe) and competed over the leadership of the Korean national anti-Japanese movement with the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai, China. At this time, the yeohoin Koreans joined in and participated in the March First Movement in Russia. Until the fourth anniversary of the March First Movement in March, 1920, Koreans still had a strong sense of ethnic national identity. They concurrently held a new identity of the working class proletariat. In 1923, Korean leaders would often display both the Red (jeokki) and Korean national flags (taegeuggi) together in front of their houses. They believed that the national and social revolutions could be realized together and a united front of national and social revolutionary forces would be possible. As the role and responsibility of Soviet Koreans to their ethnic nationalism and socialism diverged and came to be stressed, however, the national identity of Koreans was destined to weaken. When Stalin adopted the “policy of the socialism in one country,” the coexistence of national and class identities of Koreans in Russia became less and less possible. Accordingly, a higher priority was placed by the Korean leaders on obligations towards the Soviet Union rather than that of the Korean national rev... Koreans experienced big changes in their national identity as a result of the complex political situation during the period of the Russian Revolution from February 1917 through to the end of the Siberian Intervention in October, 1922. In particular, the occurrence of the March First Movement, had significant lasting effects on the national identity of Koreans within Russia. A result being that relative to the time of Tsarist or Soviet Russia, Koreans during this time were outspokenly vocal of their political opinions during the period of the Russian Revolution. In this regard, it is informative in dealing with the issue of the national identity to compare and consider the political announcements made by Koreans in Russia before and after the March First Movement. In this paper, the author will analyze the political announcements and positions expressed at the conferences and meetings of Koreans in Russia and relate it to the context of the political, economic and cultural realities faced by Korean Russians. Particular attention will be paid to the main actors who organized and controlled the conferences or meetings and what political positions were adopted by these leaders. These analyses will examine the diverse and occasionally conflicting national identities of Koreans in Russia which trace back to the long and diverse background of emigration from Korea. The Koreans who had leading roles in the early organization of Korean society after the Russian Revolution were old settlers (starozhil in Russian and wonhoin in Korean) who had close political affiliations with the (Russian) Socialist Revolutionary Party. They sought to improve their political, social and economic status and generally had less interest in anti-Japanese activities relative to other political émigrés. At the Conference of All Koreans in Russia (Jeollo Hanjok Daepyoja Daehoe) held in June, 1917, these leaders supported the policy of continued support of the war [the First World War] and collaboration with the Western Allies. They also organized the “Central Committee of Koreans in Russia (Goryeojok Jungang Chonghoe) which excluded the new settlers (novosyol in Russian yeohoin in Korean). After the October Revolution, they held reservations about supporting the Bolshevik regime and declared political neutrality. After the Czech revolts against the Bolsheviks in June 1918 and the Allies’ intervention in August 1918, they openly expressed their support for the anti-Bolshevik regimes in Siberia and the Russian Far East. The wonhoin Koreans initiated the March First Movement in the Russian Maritime Province where the anti-Bolsheviks were in power. They organized the Korean National Council (Daehan Gungmin Euihoe) and competed over the leadership of the Korean national anti-Japanese movement with the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai, China. At this time, the yeohoin Koreans joined in and participated in the March First Movement in Russia. Until the fourth anniversary of the March First Movement in March, 1920, Koreans still had a strong sense of ethnic national identity. They concurrently held a new identity of the working class proletariat. In 1923, Korean leaders would often display both the Red (jeokki) and Korean national flags (taegeuggi) together in front of their houses. They believed that the national and social revolutions could be realized together and a united front of national and social revolutionary forces would be possible. As the role and responsibility of Soviet Koreans to their ethnic nationalism and socialism diverged and came to be stressed, however, the national identity of Koreans was destined to weaken. When Stalin adopted the “policy of the socialism in one country,” the coexistence of national and class identities of Koreans in Russia became less and less possible. Accordingly, a higher priority was placed by the Korean leaders on obligations towards the Soviet Union rather than that of the Korean national revoluti...

사회과에서 민주주의 개념과 관련된 국가 정체성 교육 내용에 대한 비판적 고찰

은지용 ( Ji Yong Eun ),정필운 ( Pil Woon Jung ) 한국사회과교육학회 2014 시민교육연구 Vol.46 No.4

This study aims to critically analyze concepts related to national identity in social studies, whose purpose is to nurture democratic citizens under the circumstance where controversy over national identity related to the notion of democracy has been raised recently. The content of this study performed in order to achieve its purpose is as follows. First, the followings are to sum up the concept of national identity in the form of propositions based on the theory of constitutional interpretation about the notions related to Korea`s national identity. Firstly, the key to Korea`s identity is democracy and the expression of democratic republic is an agreeable smallest common factor. Secondly, modern democracy encompasses liberal and social democracy and the democratic principles of Korea`s constitution are based on the combination of both. Thirdly, it is valid to find Korea`s identity from the basic principles of constitution embracing the principles of constitutionalism and welfare state as well as the principle of democracy. Second, the discussion and suggestive points are presented as follows by summing up the results of analyzing the content of social studies related to national identity by each school level. First of all, social studies of elementary school introduce national forms according to national identity and basic rights in the constitution in textbooks but the introduction of concepts is rough. In the case of liberal democracy, democracy and liberal democracy are in mixed use in similar contexts. Next, social studies of middle school do not deal with exact meanings of the concepts related to national identity such as democratic republic or liberal democracy but such notions emerge in the subject of history, which lead to students` confusion about terminology, and the content is organized in such a way of causing a worry that the identity of Korea may be recognized rashly as liberal democracy. In addition, to look into social studies of high school, by introducing liberal democracy as a basic principle of the constitution it results in students` rash recognition of the national system as liberal democracy and overlapping of the basic principles of the constitution also needs to be reconsidered. Meanwhile, in the case of social studies, the basic free and democratic order is used as a similar term to liberal democracy and this may trigger students` confusion and misunderstanding over the concept of national identity. In particular, the textbooks on Korean history have some problem in that it described Korea`s history of political development as the history of liberal democracy development not the history of democracy development, which is very controversial. Third, the suggestive points about improvement in education on national identity based on the above research results are as follows. Firstly, in terms of educational policies, educational policies related to national identity corresponding with the ideology of constitution need to be created and implemented. Secondly, in terms of curriculum, organization of curriculum and improvement of their composition system are needed so that education on Korea`s national identity may be systematically conducted within the viewpoints and framework of democratic civic education. Thirdly, in terms of textbooks, improvement on textbook composition system and content are necessary so that education on national identity may be conducted with internal stability from the perspectives of democratic civic education.

새로운 패러다임의 한민족 정체성 교육을 위한 민족교육 모델 연구: 유태인들의 민족 정체성 교육을 중심으로

심민수(Sim, Min-Soo) 고려대학교 교육문제연구소 2009 敎育問題硏究 Vol.0 No.35

현재 우리는 다인종 다문화 사회로의 지향을 요청받고 있다. 물론 이것은 민족 정체성의 포기를 의미하는 것이 아니다. 오히려 더 성숙된 민족 문화의 형성과 그에 대한 교육을 바탕으로 폭넓은 의미의 문화적 공동체를 위한 새로운 민족 정체성 교육의 확립을 전제 한다. 여기서 새로운 패러다임의 민족정체성 교육이란 첫째, 혈통적 근거를 넘어 문화적 정체성을 중심으로 하는 민족 개념을 전제로 하는 교육을 말한다. 둘째로 개인의 자기 정체성 문제와 밀접한 상호 관련성을 지닌 능동적이고 자발적 수용의 민족 교육을 말한다. 셋째로 ‘차이의 존엄성’에 근거한 민족 교육이어야 한다는 점에서 새로운 강조점이 요청되는 패러다임이다. 이런 전제 하에 본 연구는 유태인들이 역사적으로 혼란스런 혼혈의 과 정 속에서 다문화적 상황 속에 살면서도 고유의 문화 가치와 민족적 정체성을 유지하였던 점에 주목하고 이것을 가능하게 만들었던 민족 정체성 교육의 원리를 연구하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이렇게 함으로써 우리의 교육 마당에 필요한 새로운 패러다임의 정체성 교육을 찾는다. At the present we are required to move into a multiracial, multicultural society. This does not mean to give up our national identity. Rather it is presupposed by our formation of more mature national culture and our education on it, and by our establishment of new national identity education for a broader sense of cultural community. Now national identity education of the new paradigm, first, means an education presupposed by our national concept centered on our cultural identity beyond the national concept rooted in blood. Secondly, national identity education of the new paradigm means a national education which has a close interrelationship with a matter of individuals’ self identity. Thirdly, national identity education of the new paradigm is a new education in the respect that it is founded in ‘respect of difference’ (individual and cultural). Under this subject the research pays attention to the fact that the Jews were able to maintain their own cultural values and national identity while living in multicultural circumstances in the process of historically confused, troublesome mixed blood, intends to study principles of their unique national identity education which made it possible. In this study the research searches for principles and means which can be applied to our national identity education of the new paradigm.

일반논문 : 다문화사회화 요인이 국가 정체성에 미치는 영향에 관한 연구

최영은 ( Young Eun Choi ),남상문 ( Sang Moon Nam ) 인하대학교 교육연구소 2014 교육문화연구 Vol.20 No.4

본 연구는 다문화주의적 사회 통합의 실현방안을 찾기 위해 다문화 국민정체성에 대한 인식, 다문화 태도, 다문화 행동 의사가 국가 정체성에 미치는 영향 관계를 분석하였다. 우선 연구가설을 설정하고 이를 검증한 결과 종족적 요건이 다문화 태도에 미치는 영향은 채택되고, 시민적 요건이 다문화 태도에 미치는 영향은 기각되었다. 이는 우리사회가 아직은 다문화 공존 사회 환경이 성숙과정에 있음을 보여주는 결과이다. 또한 다문화에 대한 태도 중 공존, 흡수, 타 인종에 대한 태도는 모두 채택되었다. 다문화 국가들에서와 같이 우리나라도 다문화사회로 이행하면서 동화주의와 다원주의의 가치관이 공존하는 것으로 나타났다. 다문화 행동의사가 국가 정체성에 미치는 영향을 분석한 결과, 통계적으로 유의미한 영향 관계를 미치고 있었다. 이것은 다양성 속에서도 정체성을 갖출 필요가 있는 결과라고 할 수 있다. 구조방정식 분석에서 동일하게 국민 정체성 요건, 태도, 행동 의사는 상승작용을 하면서 국가 정체성에 종합적으로 영향을 미친다는 결과가 도출되었다. 따라서 일반 시민은 물론 정부도 다문화사회 주체들이 요구하는 자원 확충 기회의 접근에 있어 장애가 되는 요인들을 해결하고 문화자원에 대한 접근을 보장하도록 노력할 필요가 있다. 국민 정체성 요건, 타 인종에 대한 태도, 공존과 흡수의 상반된 다문화에 대한 태도, 다문화 행동의사와 국가 정체성의 관계를 분석한 결과, 연구 변인들 사이의 상관관계를 알 수 있었다. 대체로 국민 정체성 요건, 태도, 행동의사와 국가 정체성은 평균적으로 중간 수준의 상관을 보이는 것으로 나타났다. This study has a plan drawing research subject for multicultural social integration. In order to analyzing how multicultural awareness of national identity, attitudes toward multiculture, and multicultural behaviors impact national identity. First of all, in the process of setting up the research hypotheses, ethnic requirement which influence multicultural attitude was adopted, however, civil requirement was rejected. This shows that Korean society is still in the process of maturation for multicultural co-existence environment. Among attitudes toward multiculture, coexistence, absorption, and attitude for other ethnic were all adopted. Korea, as well as other multicultural countries, is on the way to multicultural society so assimilation and pluralism exist together. The results were full of suggestions that this shows the transition process compared with the results of previous studies. Having a variety of cultural traditions and maintaining national identity, at the same, are both assignment and issue for all members of nation. Since the result that multicultural behavior significantly influences national identity, people should keep their identity within diversity. In structural equation analysis, requirements of national identity, attitude, and behavior generally have an impact on national identity through synergistic reactions among them. This study analyzed the requirement of Korean and national identity, attitudes toward other ethnic groups, contradictory perspective of coexistence and absorption, multicultural behaviors, and relationship between multicultural behavior and national identity. These correlation differ from research variables. Requirements of national identity, attitudes, and behaviors and national identity is correlated with generally average level. In the average level of multicultural attitude, people response, at most, the country should make effort to protect the unique culture. And the second, the country should acknowledge different groups with own cultural backgrounds consist. In the general level of attitude towards other ethnic groups, human beings of all races are equal, the highest, while immigrants from various countries to adapt Korean society is the second highest. In the multicultural attitudes, as reality and ideal are still not fully converged, they face conflicts. In average level of behavior, supporting national policy ensuring equal right to immigrant without any discrimination is the highest response, while people, then, try to solve misunderstanding of immigrants and Korean who have stereotype toward them. In descriptive statistics of attitudes and behaviors, Korea society seemed to be a multicultural society, but still showed the transition process.