우리나라 대형선망어업의 일본수역 조업특성 분석

유광민 ( Gwang-min Yu ),류경진 ( Kyung-jin Ryu ),김형석 ( Hyung-seok Kim ),이춘우 ( Chun-woo Lee ) 한국수산해양기술학회(구 한국어업기술학회) 2021 수산해양기술연구 Vol.57 No.2

The breakdown of the Korea-Japan fishing negotiations since 2016 has made it impossible for many domestic fishing vessels to operate in the Japanese EEZ water, and large purse seine fishing vessels are one of them. Mackerel is a highly migratory fish species, circulating in the East China Sea, South Sea, West Sea and East Coast throughout the year, and goes through a period of wintering, spawning, growth and feeding migration. In this study, in order to find out the dependence of large purse seine fishing vessels on mackerel fishing in the Japanese EEZ waters, we analyzed the characteristics of mackerel by large purse seine fisheries in the Japanese EEZ waters from 2010 to 2016. The catch and fishing details were investigated. The total catch of mackerel by large purse seine fishery, the average catch rate of mackerel in Japanese EEZ is 4 percent per year. The amount is estimated at 10.2 billion won per year. Although there was an effect, it was not judged to be a significant factor, and it was found that the amount of catch and fish price in the domestic waters had a greater influence on the total catch than the Japanese EEZ waters.

돈분 액비 시용이 피의 생산성, 토양 특성 및 용탈수의 화학적 조성에 미치는 영향

김문철(Moon-chul Kim),송상택(Sangtaek Song),황경준(Kyungjun Hwang),임한철(Hancheol Lim) 한국초지조사료학회 2006 한국초지조사료학회지 Vol.26 No.4

저 농도와 고 농도 돈분 액비의 비료효과를 비교하기 위해 제주대학교 목장에서 2005년 6월 부터 9월까지 피의 생산성, 피 재배 토양의 화학적 특성 및 용탈수 특성을 조사하였다. 실험은 난괴법 4처리 (무비구, 200 N ㎏/ha +150 P ㎏/ha + 150 K ㎏/ha 화학비료구, 200 N ㎏/ha 1.8% DM 저농도 돈액비구, 200 N ㎏/ha DM 7.0% 고농도 돈액비구) 4반복으로 실시하였다. 용탈수는 2005년 8월 21일(1차), 9월 9일(2차) 및 9월 26일(3차)에 각각 채취하였다. 피의 건물수량은 처리 간 통계적 유의차가 없었으나 화학비료구가 가장 높았으며, 초장은 무비구보다 화학비료와 돈분 액비 시용구에서 통계적으로 유의적 증가를 보였다. 피의 질소, 인 및 칼륨 흡수량은 화학비료와 고농도 돈액비구에서 다른 처리 보다 높은 추세였다. 토양의 OM 함량은 무비 보다 비료시용(화학비료와 돈액비 시용구)에서 높았으며 Na 함량은 저농도 액비구에서 가장 높았다. 용탈수 중 NO₃-N와 NH4-N 함량은 처리 간 뚜렷한 차이를 발견치 못 하였으며 1차 채수된 SO₄ 함량은 고농도 액비에서 3차 채수된 SO₄ 함량은 저 농도 액비에서 유의적 증가를 보였다(p<0.05). 1차 채수된 용탈수에서 Cl, Mg 및 Na 함량이 고농도 액비에서 2, 3차 채수 시에는 저 농도 액비구에서 높은 함량을 보였다. 결론적으로 하계작물 피에 고농도 액비 시용은 화학비료나 저농도 액비 보다 그의 생산성이나 토양 특성에 큰 영향이 없었으며 다만 시용 초기에 용탈 수의 SO₄나 Cl, Mg 및 Na 함량에 영향을 주고 있었다. Studies were carried out to evaluate the effect of liquid pig manure on the production of Japanese millet, the chemical characteristics of pasture soil and leaching water. The study was undertaken from June to September 2005. Randomized complete block design was used to allot four treatments: T1 (no fertilizer), T2 (N : 200 ㎏/ha, P : 150 ㎏/ha, K : 150 ㎏/ha), T3 (liquid pig manure containing 1.7% DM 200 kg N/ha) and T4 (liquid pig manure containing 7.0% DM 200 ㎏ N/ha). Leaching water was sampled at 21 August (1st time), 9 September (2nd time) and 26 September (3rd time), 2005, respectively. No significant differences in the dry matter yield of Japanese millet was found among the four treatments, whereas the plant lengths of Japanese millet were higher in the T2, T3 and T4 than in T1 (p<0.05). Nitrogen, P and K uptake of J. millet tended to be influenced by application of chemical fertilizer or 7.0% DM liquid pig manure compared with T1 or 1.8% DM liquid pig manure. The organic matter (OM) content of soil was higher in T2, T3 and T4 than in T1. Na content was highest in T3 among the four treatments. NO₃-N or NH4-N content in leaching was not different among the four treatments. SO4 content in leaching water sampled in 1st time was high in T4, but in T3 from 3rd time (p<0.05). Cl, Mg and Na contents were high in leaching water sampled in the 1st time from T4, whereas high in those from T3 in 2nd or 3rd time. Results show that the application of a high DM liquid pig manure is not better for producing Japanese millet and improving the properties of pasture soil than a low DM liquid pig manure. However, the contents of SO₄, Cl, Mg and Na in leaching water sampled in 1st time were high in a high DM liquid pig manure.

일본향 소형정수기 디자인 개발

정도성 ( Do-sung Jung ) 한국산업디자이너협회 2008 산업디자인학연구 Vol.2 No.1

If we look into the water purifier market environment of Japan for the last several years, it is described as follows. The damage of water contamination due to wariness on contaminated water pipe incident and carcinogens is rising as a great problem in the society. The water supply policy of the government has also determined that spending a vast amount of budget for all daily water supplies (drinking water 1%, cooking related 23%, for bathroom (shower) 27%, laundry 25% and miscellaneous 24%) is meaningless and changed the objective from supplying delicious water to supplying safe water. So the consumer awareness on water quality is increasing each day and the sale of water purifier is showing an increasing trend of about two times every year. But in Japan, more than 100 water purifier related makers are competing while the reality is that small and medium brands without any distinctive features are having a hard time.

Population Genetic Structure of Japanese Anchovy (Engraulis japonicus) in Korean waters Based on Mitochondrial 12S Ribosomal RNA Gene Sequences

김진영,조은섭,김우진,Kim Jin Yeong,Cho Eun Seob,Kim Woo Jin Korean Society of Life Science 2004 생명과학회지 Vol.14 No.6

한국해역에 분포하는 멸치의 유전학적 특성을 연구하기 위하여 미토콘드리아 12S 리보좀 RNA 유전자배열 (339 bp)을 분석하였다. 황해남부, 제주연안, 남해동부 등 3지역의 시료로 부터 총 35 mtDNA의 haplotype을 구하였다. 황해남부에서 채집된 멸치의 AN8T103은 PAUP 분석에서 $0.2-4.1\%$로 분리되는 독립적인 계통을 보이므로서 다른 연구해역으로부터 유입된 개체군인 것으로 보이나 금후 추가연구가 필요하다. AN8T103을 제외한 유전자 다양성은 $0.3-3.8\%$로서 개체군 내 염기다양성은 0.015(황해), 0.013(제주도), 0.015(남해)로 나타났다. 암컷유전자이동은 상당히 높았으며(Nm=25.5-36.44), 지역간 유전자거리(FST)는 유의한 차를 보이지 않았다$(P>0.01)$. 이러한 결과는 한국해역에 서식하는 멸치가 지리적으로 무작위 분산된 개체군임을 암시한다. We used portions of mitochondrial 125 ribosomal RNA gene sequences (339 bp) to investigate the phylogenetic and population genetic characteristics of the Japanese anchovy, Engraulis japonicus, in Korean waters. A total of 35 mtDNA haplotypes were obtained from the samples collected in 3 locations (the southern area of the Yellow Sea, the western coast of Jejudo, and the eastern area of the South Sea) in Korean waters. One haplotype, AN8T103, obtained from the southern area of the Yellow Sea, was formed according to an independent phylogenetic individual in the PAUP analysis, which was separated from the others by a $0.2-4.1\%$ sequence divergence. This distinct haplotype appeared to be one that was carried by immigrants from another study area, but further study is necessary. Genetic divergence, except for AN8T103, was moderate to substantial $(0.2-3.8\%)$ and nucleotide diversity within populations was 0.015 for Yellow Sea, 0.013 for Jejudo, and 0.D15 for South Sea, respectively. The female gene flow was substantial or high (Nm=25.5-36.4), and the genetic distances between regions were not statistically significant $(P>0.01)$. These results indicated that the Japanese anchovy populations occurring in Korean waters were consisted of individuals randomly dispersed over geographic areas.

Japan's ODA assistance scheme and Central Asian engagement: Determinants, trends, expectations

Timur Dadabaev 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2016 Journal of Eurasian Studies Vol.7 No.1

As demonstrated in this paper, Japan over the years has grown to become the leading ODA provider in Central Asia (CA). ODA has served as a foreign policy tool and as the most significant tool for maintaining cooperation ties. Although the focus of Japan's ODA assistance over the years has been on East Asian countries, CA is growing to become another frontier for more proactive Japanese policies. The Japan-supported initiatives of recent years tend to favor more pragmatic cooperation schemes. As is exemplified by water-related assistance in Uzbekistan and support for local capacity building in Kyrgyzstan, Japanese assistance of a more focused character can better contribute to development both in these societies and in the region in general. These types of initiatives can successfully complement government-to-government assistance schemes and Japanese investments into large scale projects. The focus on local communities will also ensure that beneficiaries of the Japanese assistance projects will include not only governmental institutions but also the general public at large. As demonstrated in this paper, Japan over the years has grown to become the leading ODA provider in Central Asia (CA). ODA has served as a foreign policy tool and as the most significant tool for maintaining cooperation ties. Although the focus of Japan's ODA assistance over the years has been on East Asian countries, CA is growing to become another frontier for more proactive Japanese policies. The Japan-supported initiatives of recent years tend to favor more pragmatic cooperation schemes. As is exemplified by water-related assistance in Uzbekistan and support for local capacity building in Kyrgyzstan, Japanese assistance of a more focused character can better contribute to development both in these societies and in the region in general. These types of initiatives can successfully complement government-to-government assistance schemes and Japanese investments into large scale projects. The focus on local communities will also ensure that beneficiaries of the Japanese assistance projects will include not only governmental institutions but also the general public at large.

1948. 8. 15. 당시 지방자치단체 해상경계의 재구성 -헌재 2015. 7. 30. 2010헌라2 등해상경계에 관한 헌법재판소 결정을 중심으로-

민선홍 한국법학원 2019 저스티스 Vol.- No.170-1

Article 4 Section 1 of the Local Autonomy Act provides that a local government’s jurisdiction shall be determined “as used before.” In the light of the legislative history of the Act, to reconstitute the previous boundary according to the above provision of the Local Autonomy Act, whether an administrative custom recognizing a certain maritime boundary as the boundary between two local governments existed for a considerably long period of time before August 15, 1948 must be reviewed. This article reviews laws on local administration and public waters under Japanese colonial rule. The Do Governors had the administrative authorities over maritime affairs such as permission for fishery business and permission for occupancy of public waters in the colonial era. The laws on local administration and public waters under Japanese colonial rule were maintained until August 15, 1948. Therefore, except Jeju, which transformed into the Do during the period of American Military Control, the maritime boundary between two Dos may be confirmed by demonstrating which of the Do Governors exercised the administrative authorities over the disputed waters. Contrary to the Do governor, the Buyun and Gunsu did not have administrative authorities over maritime affairs from March 1, 1930 to August 15, 1948. Thus, there were no principles of customary law on determining maritime boundaries of the Bu and Gun as of August 15, 1948. 지방자치법 제4조 제1항은 지방자치단체의 구역은 ‘종전과 같이’ 한다고 규정하고 있다. 위 규정의 연혁을 살펴보면, 위 규정의 종전 경계를 재구성하기 위해서는 특정한 해상경계가 지방자치단체 사이의 경계라는 전제 하에 이루어진 행정관습이 ‘1948. 8. 15. 이전에’ 상당한 기간 동안 존재했는지 여부를 검토해야 한다. 본 논문에서는 일제강점기 지방행정 및 공유수면에 관한 법령을 검토하였다. 이에 따르면, 도지사는 일제강점기에 어업 허가, 공유수면 점용 허가 등 공유수면에 대한 행정 권한을 가지고 있었다. 또한 일제강점기 지방행정 및 공유수면에 관한 법령은 1948. 8. 15.까지 그 효력을 유지하였다. 따라서 미군정기에 도로 승격된 제주를 제외하면, 도지사가 쟁송 해역에 행정 권한을 행사하였음을 밝힘으로써 도 사이의 해상경계를 확인할 수 있을 것이다. 반면 부윤과 군수는 1930. 5. 1. 이후로는 공유수면에 대한 행정 권한이 없었으므로, 1948. 8. 15. 당시 부와 군의 해상경계에 관한 관습법이 존재했다고 보기 어렵다.

일본잎갈나무재의 수용성추출물 첨가가 표고버섯의 톱밥재배에 미치는 영향

조남석 ( Jo Nam Seog ),정홍채 ( Jeong Hong Chae ),김동훈 ( Kim Dong Hun ),이상선 ( Lee Sang Seon ),( Shoji Ohga ),( A. Leonowicz ) 한국목재공학회 2004 목재공학 Vol.32 No.1

한국 고전문학과 바다에 대한 인식

최재남(Choi, Jae-nam) 한국고전연구학회 2012 한국고전연구 Vol.0 No.26

한국고전문학에서 바다는 사행(使行), 교역(交易), 서학(西學) 등 문화와 문화가 만나는 길의 역할을 하고, 그 과정에서 안전한 뱃길을 기원하는 용신(龍神) 등에 대한 믿음이 나타난다. 왜구가 노략(擄掠)을 일삼거나 전장(戰場)이 되는 경우 모진 풍랑에 못지않게 두려움과 공포의 대상이 되기도 하였다. 『삼국사기』, 『삼국유사』, 『고려사』 등의 기록을 통해서 볼 때, 바다는 이동의 경로로서 인식되었는데, 동해는 이른 시기부터 왜인의 침입을 두려워하여 문무왕 같은 임금은 사후에 호국룡이 되기를 바랐다. 서해는 조공을 포함한 사행, 교역, 서학의 길로 인식되었으며, 특히 고려는 해상 세력을 기반으로 건국하면서 국제적인 교역을 하게 되었다. 왜구의 노략과 섬 지역으로 유배는 바다가 가진 다른 면모에 해당한다. 바다에 대한 인식과 전환이 문학 작품에 형상화된 실상은 물의 규모와 흐름에 대한 인식의 추이, 방향과 위치에 대한 인식의 변화, 정도와 질적 변화에 대한 인식, 경계와 분리에 대한 인식 등으로 설명할 수 있다. 물과 관련하여 냇물이 바다로 흘러간다는 순리와 규모에 관한 인식으로 물이 지닌 불가역성을 인간 내면의 방향성과도 연결시키고 있다. 방향과 위치에 따른 문학적 형상화는 동해의 경우 왜에 대한 두려움과 용의 도움을 통한 호국의 의지로 확산되기도 하고, 푸른 바다를 보면서 관해(觀海)의 기상을 북돋우며, 서해의 경우는 사행(使行), 교역(交易), 서학(西學)의 길로 인식되어서 안전한 뱃길을 기원하기 위하여 용신(龍神)에 대한 믿음을 가지게 되었으며, 남해는 일본에 문화를 전달하는 중요한 통로였는데, 왜구가 자주 출몰하면서 전장(戰場)으로, 여러 섬이 유배지가 되면서 격절(隔絶)의 공간으로, 통신사의 길이 열리면서 새로운 변화를 예기하는 길이 되었다. 깊이와 넓이를 포괄하는 바다는 일반적인 깊이를 제기한 경우와, 바다 바깥의 하늘 세계뿐만 아니라 하늘 바깥의 세계에까지 관심을 확대시키는 것을 볼 수 있다. 경계와 분리는 바다가 육지와 섬을 분리하면서 그 분리된 곳에서 유배 생활을 하면서 느끼는 내면의 추이를 가리키는데, 일단 격정의 감정으로 나타나는 것이 일반적이지만 내면화의 방향으로 전환하거나 자기 절제를 하면서도 격절감을 숨기지 않고 있다. The aim of this article is to summarize the cognition and the figuration of the sea in Korean classical literature. We are able to read the records related to the sea in 『Samguksagi(三國史記)』, 『Samgukyusa(三國遺事)』, 『Koreasa(高麗史)』 and 『Chosunwangjosillok(朝鮮王朝實錄)』. In records, The sea is generally accepted as a road of envoy voyage, a road of trade, and a road of going abroad to study. When making voyage and trade in a rough sea, many seamen pray the Dragon God, and sometimes they are adrift on the sea, robbed of in crowds. And the sea is enveloped in flames of battlefield. The cognition and the figuration of the sea in literature is to be summarized as follows. The character of the sea is connected to the nature of water. Namely spring water trickles down to the river, and the river finds its way to the sea. This submission and non-reverse is transferred to the inside of the mind. The position and the direction of the sea is three side, the East sea, the Western sea, and the South sea. We are able to read the fear of the Japanese, and the spirit of sighting in The East sea. We are able to read the faith the Dragon God during the trade and tribute in the Western sea. And we are able to read the battlefield and the exile in the South sea. The width and the depth of the sea is connected to the general depth, and especially we are able to read the cognition of another world over the sea. The border and the separation from the sea is connected to a feeling of isolation in exile lives.

근대 해항도시 부산에서의 콜레라 유행과 그 대응

김정란(Kim, Jeong-Ran) 한국해양대학교 국제해양문제연구소 2011 해양도시문화교섭학 Vol.- No.4

This study is Japanese sanitary policy in Busan during the opening port period. In particular, I’m focusing on the water supply at the Japanese settlement. During this period, Japanese settler were suffered form water shortage at the settlement in Busan. And at that time, infectious diseases were a huge danger of damage between them. Many of Korean and Japanese perished through consuming contaminated drinking water or food. Consequently, Japanese settler organization started the sanitary settlement. The first and second-phases construction were small-scale and addressed to solved immediate problems for the settler at the present moment. However, the third-phase construction that was started from in 1908, was large-scale. This construction was took place with the prospect that rapid population increase in the near future. After 1905, Busan was placed for a connection between Japan and Asian continent and expected that the development of the city and increasing of the Japanese settler more than ever. Moreover Korea became the Japanese protectorate after the Russo-Japanses war, thus Japanese government had begun to envisage a new reign of Korea. However, the problem that security of safe water supply would not be resolved unless hygiene management of the reservoir and the areas where drainage pipes were installed. After 1905, Japanese government attained control of the Korean police authorities then undertook a sanitary management including the communicable disease activities involved Korean society. At that time, Korean village around the Japanese settlement became the prime target. In consequence, public health facilities such as water supply were built around a Japanese settlement in Busan. In addition, sanitary system that target for Korean society by police was established even before colonial period. After this process, Korea became Japanese colony in 1910.

淸日戰爭(1894-1895) · 露日戰爭(1904-1905)과 朝鮮海洋에 대한 制海權

金容旭(Kim Yong-Wook) 부산대학교 법학연구소 2008 법학연구 Vol.49 No.1

본 "청일전쟁(1894-1895) · 노일전쟁(1904-1095)과 조선해양에 대한 제해권”는 양 전쟁 이후 조선해양을 둘러싼 제해권에 관하여 고찰한 논문이다. 제해권이란 전시 또는 비상사태 하 에서 자국이 필요로 하는 해역을 자유롭게 사용할 수 있을 뿐만 아니라, 적국이 자국을 공격하기 위한 목적으로 일정한 해역을 자유롭게 사용할 수 없도록 하는 능력, 또는 그 상태를 말한다. 개항 후 우리나라는 세계 각국과 항해 · 통상조약을 맺음으로서 영해라는 인식을 갖게 되었지만, 공해라는 개념과는 거리가 먼 것이어서 무지에 가까운 상태였다. 반면 구미열강들은 아시아와 한국에 관한 진출 · 진입 · 침략상황을 통해 제해권을 확보하였다. 특히 조선 해양의 열강들의 제해권 구역을 보면 주로 청일전쟁 전까지는 서해는 주로 영국 · 프랑스 · 미국 · 일본 · 청의 지배구역이라고 할 수 있겠고, 남해는 주로 일본 · 영국, 동해는 노국 · 일본이 그 주도적인 세력범위를 차지하였다. 한편 노일전쟁 당시의 한국 · 중국의 바다에 노일의 군함만 264척 총톤수 약74만 톤이 장악하고 있었다. 이렇듯 한국 · 중국의 바다에 대한 제해권은 역사의 전환점에서 중요한 역할을 하였다는 것을 알 수 있다. 청일전쟁과 노일전쟁을 이후 일제는 1945년 패전될 때까지 청일 · 노일전쟁에 관한 역사의 진실을 음폐해 왔다는 것을 지적하지 않을 수 없다. 특히 일본해군이 노일해전의 승리로 말미암아 일본의 제해권은 조선의 진해만을 교묘히 이용하여 러시아의 발틱 함대를 격파함으로서 동해 · 남해 · 황해 · 남중국해를 포함한 서태평양 해역의 제해권을 장악하게 되어 소위 조선 · 만주 · 중국 · 동남아 침략을 가능케 되었다. This thesis, "First Sino-Japanese War · Russo-Japanese War and Control of the Sea as to Joseon ocean" is thought on the control of the Sea about the Joseon ocean after the war. The control of the Sea refers to the authorization or its state not only to use freely the sea area where is required by the nation during the war or under the emergency statue but also to use freely some determined sea area for the purpose that the enemy country could attack the nation. After opening a port Korea had a recognition of being a closed sea as being commercially contracted with the worldwide, but the concept of empty sea was such that it was almost neglected. While the Euramerican World Powers have assured the control of the Sea through the advance, entrance, invasive statue into Asia and Korea. Specially, seen as in the controlling zone of the sea of the Euramerican World Powers of Joseon Sea was such that West Sea was controlled mainly by England, France, USA, Japan, Sino in mainly before the First Sino-Japanese War, while the South Sea was controlled by Japan, England; the East Sea was controlled by Japan, leading in their exclusive power. On the other hand, during the Russo-Japanese War the Chinese Sea was held sway over 2 million 6hundred and forty thousand warships approximately with 7 hundred and forty thousand tones in total of Russo-Japanese. In this point, the control of the Sea of the Korea and China's Sea was such that had the essential role in the turning point of history. After First Sino-Japanese War · Russo-Japanese War the fact of history of First Sino-Japanese War · Russo-Japanese War was not till that it was discovered in 1945 when Japan lost battle. Specially, due to the victory of Japan in the Russo-Japanese War it controlled only the Jin-Hae of Joseon to defeat the Baltisky Flot of Russia, leading Japan in the control of the Sea of West Atlantic Sea Areas, including South Chinese Sea, such as Joseon, Manju, Southeast Asia.