17,18세기 호적대장의 사노비 기재 실태 -경상도 단성현 권대유가 노비를 중심으로-

손병규 ( Son Byeong Gyu ) 한국고문서학회 2004 고문서연구 Vol.24 No.-

If we consider household slaves from household register, it is not easy to suppose the actual condition of their existence. But We can get near to it by considering the form of registering slaves and its change in household register. For example, we can find that they registered only about 50 percents of their slaves in household register and forms of registering slaves were various. Household slaves were expected to be registered as properties of their owners. Since the 17th century, however, slaves usually made their own houses separated from their owners` houses and were registered in household register in the same way as their owners. Houses of paternal families as economic units were registered in the form of various houses including owner`s house and slave`s house. To conform to forms of consistent with the rule of registering houses and, at the same time, to cope with the change of policy to secure the total number of houses, people adjusted the number of houses with their slaves. How could they adjust the actual social economic units including family and household slaves to registering form of household register? It was related with several problems as follows : national demand represented as population policy, interest between a local government and local residents, a conflict among inside members, and mutual benefits etc. Houses in household register were not only real subjects to taxation but also objects of national redistribution as the final aim of national finance. A local government and local residents estimated their own ability to pay and financial conditions against population policy. Then they tried to meet the total number of houses in accordance with it. A part of slaves were registered as household slaves under their owners or ones separated from their owners. They were represented as regular economic units and played roles in meeting the total number of houses in household register. But it seems that every owner of slaves didn`t have a conciliatory attitude for registering like that. In some cases, houses of slaves were not made separately and a lot of slaves were registered as household slaves under their owners. There always had been efforts both to grasp slaves as their own possessions and to escape from taxation. It was just the same with slaves. Through the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, they were disposed to register houses of slaves, not recording social positions of slaves but reforming their social positions and legislative occupations same as the common people. On the contrary, there went on increasing in the number of slaves, according to the form of registering houses, registered only as properties of their owners. Hence the total number of slaves registered in household register of the mid-19th century increased rather than before. The change of the total number of slaves was basically due to the form of registering according to population policy.

조선후기 戶籍에 등장하는 束伍軍의 성격

남궁승원 조선시대사학회 2024 조선시대사학보 Vol.0 No.111

여기에서는 조선 후기 束伍軍의 軍政 운영이 戶政 체계에서 어떻게 나타났는지를 살펴보았다. 고려 말부터 조선 초까지 군정과 호정은 밀접하게 연결되었으며, 正軍은 戶籍에서 호의 대표자로 규정되었고, 호의 숫자가 곧 군사 숫자를 의미했다. 保法이 시행되면서 이 관계는 약화했으나 이후에도 호정에 기반한 군정 운영은 상당 기간 유지되었다. 특히 중앙 군영 소속 정군은 호의 대표자를 중심으로 차정되었고 지역에 할당된 군액이 호적에 반영되었다. 18세기 후반부터 호적 都已上과 본문 사이의 관계가 약화해 호적이 군역자 신상을 확보하는 기능을 점차 상실했지만 제도적으로는 기존의 흐름이 이어졌다. 반면, 속오군은 호정을 통한 군정 운영과 분리된 영역에서 출현했다. 이후 속오군 운영이 호적 운영에 일부 결합했고 그에 따라 호적에도 속오역이 등장하기 시작했지만, 호적을 통해 할당된 속오군 총액은 군적을 통한 할당된 총액에 크게 미달했다. 본문뿐만 아니라 군현에 할당된 役摠을 표기하는 도이상 모두에서 호적은 속오군의 일부만을 그 범위에 넣고 있었다. 호적에서 파악하도록 할당되지 않은 남은 속오군 액수는 호적에 등재되지 않은 籍外戶 및 정부의 정책에 따라 문서상에서 그 존재가 사라진 양역 兼役者를 통해 채워졌다. 이러한 구조는 중앙의 군역 정책과 군현 단위의 대응이 결합한 결과물로 중앙정부는 이러한 운영 방식을 공식적인 행정 체계로 인정한 것이었다. 속오군이 호정과 일정 부분 구분되었던 이유는 임진왜란 당시 속오군이 전시 동원체제로 설치된 제도였기 때문이다. 임시체제로 출범한 속오군은 기존 체제와 완전히 통합되지 않았고 이에 따라 제도적 차원에서 호정과 분리된 별도의 군정 운영이 만들어졌다. 임진왜란 이후에도 그와 같은 체제는 고착되었다. 속오군이 호적에서 보여준 이러한 모습은 당시 군정이, 특히 지방 군사력의 운영이 제도적 차원에서 호정과 분리되어 구축되고 운영되고 있었음을 보여주는 하나의 지표이다. This study examines how the administration of the sogo militia force [regimental troop] in late Chosŏn dynasty was structured within the household registration [hojŏk] system. From the late Koryŏ dynasty to the early Chosŏn period, the military and household administration were closely intertwined, with regular soldiers [chŏnggun] designated as household representatives in the household register, meaning that the number of households directly represented the number of military personnel. The relationship was weakened by the introduction of the Paired Provisioner System [pobŏp]. However, military administration based on household registration remained largely in place for an extended period. In particular, regular soldiers assigned to central military divisions were selected among the heads of the household, and the military quota assigned to each region was reflected in the household register. From the late eighteenth century, the relationship between the main text of the household register and its statistical record [toisang] began to weaken, gradually eroding the role of the household register in securing the personal information of those subject to military service. Nevertheless, the institutional framework continued to follow the existing patterns. In contrast, the sogo militia force was initially created as a military system that was separate from the administrative structure based on the household register. Over time, the sogo force became partially integrated into the household register system, resulting in military obligators for the sogo militias appearing in the household registers. However, the number of the sogo force as recorded in the household register was significantly lower than the number officially allocated by the military administration. This structure was evident both in the main text and in the statistical records of the household register, which documented the allocated quotas. The household register included only a part of the required number of the sogo force. The remainder was filled by those who were not included in the household register and by those who were obligated with both regular national duty and the duty of sogo militia. This administrative structure was not only established at the local county level, but was also officially sanctioned by the central government. The reason for the partial separation of the sogo force from the household register system was that the sogo force was established as an emergency mobilization system during the Imjin War. As a temporary measure, the sogo force was not fully integrated into the existing system, which resulted in the military administrative being separated from the household register. Over time, this structure became more permanent and continued after the war. The appearance of the sogo force within the household register serves as an indicator that the military administration—especially at the local level—was institutionally established and operated as a separate entity from the household administration.

대한제국 호적과 양안의 상호 관련성

김건태 ( Kim Kuentae ) 서울대학교 국사학과 2018 한국사론 Vol.64 No.-

The household register of Yeongi-gun, Chungcheongnam-do Province, created in 1904, missed many populations like that of the Joseon Dynasty. The land registry of Yeongi-gun created in 1900 reflected the characteristics of the duty policy of the Joseon Dynasty in detail. That land register in the Great Han Empire period had faithfully inherited the tradition could be predicted to some degree by a study of the new household register. It is very unlikely that among the population census and the land survey that were conducted during the same period, only one is traditional and the other is modern. What the people in the Great Han Empire period were thinking of can be guessed through a comparison of the household and land registers of Yeongi-gun. They thought that there was no need to connect the household register with the land register. The connectivity between the household register and the land register was even lower in the Great Han Empire period than in the 1720s. Why did this phenomenon happen? It seems to have been influenced by Neo-Confucianism. Zhu Xi thought that all creatures have their own unique reason. That thought can be considered as emphasizing the uniqueness of all creatures. The Great Han Empire bureaucrats, who were immersed in Neo- Confucianism, may have thought that it was natural not to connect the household register with the land register because both of them had their own unique reason. This does not mean, however, that the two books were not connected because of Neo-Confucianism. That is, the people of the Joseon Dynasty did not think that the household register and the land register should be necessarily connected. In the 1720s, the household register was not completely connected with the land register, either.

<곤여전도병풍 배접지坤輿全圖屛風 褙接紙> 속 17세기 ‘익산군 호적대장’의 해제와 연구의 가능성

이동규 국립고궁박물관 2024 고궁문화 Vol.- No.17

현재 국립고궁박물관에는 2016년 독일 상트 오틸리엔 수도원 선교박물관Missionsmuseum der Erzabtei St. Ottilien으로부터 기증받은 〈곤여전도병풍 배접지〉가 소장되어 있다. 2012년 이후 국외소재문화유산재단은 해외에 산재한 다양한 문화유산을 환수하기 위해 노력해 왔으며, 〈곤여전도병풍 배접지〉는 독일 상트 오틸리엔 수도원 선교박물관의 소장품 중 한국으로 반환, 환수된 유물 중 하나이다. 〈곤여전도병풍 배접지〉는 초기 조사를 통해 ‘17세기 익산군 호적대장’으로 소개되었지만, 실제로는 1672년(현종 13)과 1753년(영조 29) 호적대장이 혼재되어 있다. 또한, 지역적으로도 전라도 익산군은 물론 오늘날 파주시 금촌동에 해당하는 경기도 교하군 아동면도 포함하고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 20세기 초, 식민지 상태였던 조선을 방문한 베네딕트 수도원의 노르베르트 베버Norbert Weber, 1870~1956 총아빠스Archiabbas는 다양한 한국 문화유산을 수집 및 구입한 이후 독일 현지 수도원에 보관해 왔다. 호적대장은 당시 입수했던 《곤여전도》라고 하는 병풍화의 뒷면을 보호하는 배접지였으며, 이는 2015년 수리 과정에서 발견되었다. 조선시대 호적대장은 대한제국 시기에 구식 호적이 되었고, 식민지 이후 각 군현에 보관되어 있던 호적대장은 다양한 이유로 훼손되거나 파괴되었다. 조선시대 호적대장은 국가의 공식 문서로써 상급의 종이로 작성되었기 때문에, 일제시대 이후로 배접지 형태로 재사용, 재활용되기도 하였다. 본 유물은 비록 완전한 정보를 담고 있지는 않지만, 국립고궁박물관에 소장된 〈곤여전도병풍 배접지〉 속의 ‘익산군 호적대장’은 17세기 전라도 지역의 개인과 가족 정보를 담고 있을 뿐만 아니라 경기도 북부의 호구 정보도 포함하고 있다. 분석 결과 ‘경신대기근’이라고 하는 시대적 배경을 담고 있으며 수도 한양과 가까운 경기지역이라는 지리적, 지역적 특수성으로 기존 호적자료에서 볼 수 없는 독특한 직역자들도 발견할 수 있었다. 본 자료에 대한 연구와 분석은 해외에 산재한 고문서 자료에 대한 관심을 확산시킬 뿐만 아니라, ‘문화유산’ 환수의 정당성과 효용성을 확보하는 데에도 기여할 수 있기를 기대한다. The National Palace Museum of Korea currently houses the Iksan-gun Household Register, which was donated by the museum of St. Ottilien Monastery (Missionsmuseum der Erzabtei St. Ottilien) in Germany in 2016. Since 2012, the Overseas Korean Cultural Heritage Foundation has been actively working to reclaim various cultural heritages that are scattered in diverse countries overseas. The Iksan-gun Household Register is one of the items returned to Korea from the monastery’s collection. Initially, this register was introduced as the "17th-century Iksan-gun Household Register" following preliminary research, but in reality it contains household registers from both 1672 and 1753. Furthermore, it has been confirmed that this register includes not only Iksan-gun in Jeolla-do Province, but also Adong-myeon in Gyoha-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province, which corresponds to today’s Geumchon-dong in Paju -si. In the early twentieth century, Norbert Weber of the Benedictine monastery visited Korea, then under colonial rule, and collected a variety of Korean cultural heritages, which he then stored at the monastery in Germany. The household register served as a backing paper protecting the reverse side of a folding screen painting called Gonyeojeondo (Complete Map of the World by Ferdinand Verbiest), which was acquired at that time and later discovered during restoration work in 2015. During the Joseon dynasty, household registers were official state documents; however, they became outdated during the Korean Empire and, after colonization, many registers stored in various local counties and prefectures were damaged or destroyed for various reasons. Due to their high-quality paper, household registers from the Joseon period were reused and recycled in the form of backing paper after the Japanese colonial era. Although information about this artifact is incomplete, the Iksan-gun Household Register housed at the National Palace Museum of Korea provides not only personal and family details from the Jeolla-do region in the seventeenth century, but also includes population data from northern Gyeonggi-do Province. An analysis of the document revealed details pertaining to the Gyeongsin Great Famine, as well as references to unique occupational roles not found in other household registers, highlighting the geographical and regional distinctiveness of Gyeonggi-do Province, an area near Seoul (formerly Hanyang). Research and analysis of this material aims not only to raise awareness of ancient documents scattered abroad, but also to contribute to affirming the legitimacy and utility of repatriating cultural heritage assets from overseas.

17세기 노비호(奴婢戶)의 호적등재 ― 조선왕조 재정의 관점에서

孫炳圭 ( Son Byung-giu ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2020 大東文化硏究 Vol.110 No.-

奴婢가 호를 대표하는 奴婢戶는 17세기 말에서 18세기 초에 걸친 시기의 호적대장에 가장 많이 등재되었다. 본고는 17세기 말에 이르기까지 호적등재 원칙의 관점에서 노비호의 형성과정을 추적하며, 17세기 말에 노비호가 대거 등재되는 이유에 대해서 추론한다. 호를 단위로 하는 ‘稅役’의 부담을 책임지는 자로서, 호의 대표자는 ‘職役’을 가진‘良人’으로 세우는 것이 원칙이다. 17세기 초까지 호적에 사노비들로 구성된 호가 없지 않으나, 모두 ‘노비소유주+노비’의 형태로 등재되었다. 노비소유주가 그 호의 주체임을 분명히 한 것으로 보인다. 그런데 17세기 말의 호적대장에는 호의 대표자로서 사노비가 소유주의 앞에 기재되고 소유주가 기재되지 않는 경우도 있다. 더구나 그러한 호는 전체의 반을 차지할 정도로 많다. 이러한 호의 사노비 소유주는 한 지역의 호적에 자신의 호와 함께 그의 노비들로 구성되는 복수의 호를 등재하고 있다. 17세기 말의 호적장부에는 가능한 한 많은 호구를 파악하고자 하는 정책에 힘입어 등재되는 호구수가 증가하였다. 지역사회에서는 그곳에 할당된 호구의 총수에 준하여호를 단위로 하는 세역 부담이 분배될 필요가 있었다. 이러한 세역 부담을 사회경제적 능력에 따라 균등하게 분배하는 방법과 관련하여, 노비호의 등재에 노비소유주가 깊이 관여한 것으로 추측된다. 1720년경의 토지대장에도 필지마다 토지소유자로서 노비소유주와 노비의 이름이 함께 기재되거나 노비명만이 기재되는 경우가 있다. 이것은 조선왕조 재정의 관점에서 17세기의 노비호 형성과 무관하지 않다. The household registers compiled from the late 17th to early 18th centuries registered a large number of nobi household heads. This study traces the process of composing the household with nobi heads until the late 17th century. Also, this study suggests the reason why the household registers needed to record households of nobi heads. As the person in charge of national taxation and corvée for the household, the household head used to be chosen among free-born in principle, having an occupational record. The households of nobi were registered in the form of 'owner + nobi' in household registers until the early 17th century. This form tells us that the nobi owner was the real head of the household, even it had a nobi head. However, the household registers of the late 17th century used to record the nobi instead of the owner of the nobi, and some households did not report the owner. As a result, we can find not only the household of the owners of nobi but also several households of his nobi in a register. The total number of households and population in the registers in the late 17th century increased due to the financial policy of the government which intended to find more households as possible. The total amount of national taxation and corvée, which was imposed on a county, was allocated to sub-counties by the total number of households. This study supposes that composing and registering households with nobi heads were invented by nobi owners as a means of distributing national taxation in considering the socio-economic capacity of each household in a sub-county. A similar feature was reported from the land register compiled around 1720 which recorded the information of the landowner in the form of 'owner + nobi' or nobi alone to represent the real landowner. From the perspective of national finance, these recording patterns were deeply related to the process and reason for increasing households with nobi heads in the household register in the 17th century.

「신라촌락문서」의 인구통계와 그 작성 시기

박남수(Park, Nam-soo) 신라사학회 2021 新羅史學報 Vol.- No.52

본고에서는 「신라촌락문서」의 원장과 추기의 인구 변동 사항에 주목하여. 공연과 계연, 9등연의 관계 및 동 문서의 작성과정을 살피고자 하였다. 또한 본 문서에 사용된 이두의 사용례를 검토하여 그 작성시기를 분명히 하고자 하였다. 그 결과 공연과 9등연은 정남을 기준으로 한 것이고, 계연수는 등급연으로부터 정남 6명을 기준으로 도출한 계산 값임을 알 수 있었다. 또한 九等烟이 『周禮』에 연원을 두는 한편으로 촌락문서의 운영, 작성 방식은 唐 戶令의 영향을 받은 것이었다. 한편으로 동 문서에 사용된 이두로 미루어 볼 때에, 818년에 동 문서의 원장인 계장을 작성하였음을 확인할 수 있었다. 이를 인구 통계로써 살핀 동 문서의 작성과정과 비교할 때에 그 작성 연차를 확인할 수 있었다. 곧 갑오년(814)에 호등을 산정하였고, 을미년(815)에는 전식년의 호적을 작성하였으며, 정유년(817)에는 원장의 계연과 호등을, 무술년(818)에는 본 문서의 원장인 계장과 호적을, 그리고 기해년(819)에 본 문서의 추기인 계장을 각각 작성하였음을 밝힐 수 있었다. This paper focuses on the changes of demographics recorded in the original document of the Silla Village Register and the supplementary notes. Through the analysis process, I tried to elucidate the relationship among the census household and the proportional census household, and the nine grades of household. I also aimed to understand the documentation process of the register. In addition, the Koreanized Chinese letters used in this document are studied to determine when the register was produced. From the information gathered during the researching process, it is possible to understand that the census household and the nine grades of household were calculated based on the number of able-bodied men while the calculation of the proportional census household was based on 6 able-bodied men. It is known that the system of the nine grades of household was originated from Chou Li. On the other hand, the documentation of Silla Village Register was affected by the regulations of households of the Tang dynasty. Analysis of the forms of Koreanized Chinese letters used in this register confirmed that the original document was written in 818. According to the analysis on the process of documentation of Silla Village Register, which is considered to be a demographic data, the census resister was completed every three years. Therefore, it can be seen that the grade of household was written in 814 and the census register was made in 815. It can also be seen that the proportional census household the and grade of household were recorded in 817, while the proportional census household and the census register were prepared in 818. And finally, it was confirmed that the supplementary notes were made in 819.

광무호적의 호구변동 사례 연구

이유진(Lee, You-Jin) 한국역사민속학회 2016 역사민속학 Vol.0 No.51

본 논문은 광무 3년(1899년)과 광무 4년(1900년)에 편찬된 평안북도 정주군 해산면 호적을 분석한 글이다. 건양 원년(1896) <호구조사규칙>과 <호구조사세칙>이라는 새로운 법령에 의거하여 작성되기 시작한 광무호적은 기존의 호적에 비하여 형식적으로나 내용적으로 많은 차이를 보이고 있었던 것으로 알려져 있다. 즉, 직업, 가족원 구성, 가옥 기재 등이 실제의 사회상을 보여주는 것으로 생각되었던 것이다. 두 해의 자료가 온전한 형태로 연속하여 남아있는 점에 착안하여 해산면 호적의 대략적인 내용을 검토하면서 동시에 광무 3년과 4년, 즉 1년 간 호구의 존속, 탈락, 신입 등의 변동 사항을 중점적으로 분석해 보았다. 그 결과 이상조의 총 인구수는 실제 본문의 총 인구수와 괴리되어 있었고, 호주의 직업을 기록하면서도 여전히 유학 등의 직역을 호주 이름 앞에 병기하고 있었다. 탈락한 호의 수만큼 새로운 호가 유입되어 총 호수와 리별 호수가 해마다 똑같은 숫자로 유지되고 있었다. 특히 1년이라는 짧은 시간적 격차에도 불구하고, 통호수가 광범위하게 변동하였으며 특정 지역(장도리)에서는 연령이 일괄적으로 하향 조정되었던 점도 확인할 수 있었다. 이처럼 해산면의 호구변동을 분석한 결과, 기본적으로 부세수취를 위한 호정운영의 차원에서 광무호적이 작성되었으며, 조선후기 호적대장의 내용과 작성방식과 유사한 면을 상당수 발견할 수 있었다. 호적제도가 변화하였지만, 중앙정부의 영향력이 덜 미치는 외곽 지역에서는 여전히 기존의 호적 작성 방식과 내용을 고수하고 있었던 하나의 사례 분석이 될 수 있을 것이다. This paper examines the fluctuation of households and individuals recorded on Haesan-myeon (海山面) Gwangmu Household Registers (光武戶籍) complied during 1899-1900. Haesan-myeon was an ordinary fishing village on the waterfront and one of the administrative districts of Pyeonganbukdo (平安北道), the province located in the northwest of the Korean Peninsula. Following the Imperial Order No. 61, “the regulations of survey of households” issued in September 1896, Gwangmu household registers were compiled every year from 1896 to 1908. The majority of remaining Gwangmu household registers covers only a year per a location, but the remaining Haesan-myeon Gwangmu household registers cover consecutive two years, 1899-1900, which enables us to analyze the fluctuations of households and individuals recorded. According to the analyses of Haesan-myeon Gwangmu household registers, the total numbers of households in each li(里), a subdivision of myeon, during the two consecutive years were exactly the same even though the two registers reflected the fluctuations such as drop-outs and new entries. The occupational status (職役, jikyeok) of household heads were still recorded as well as the occupation of household head. Among the persisted households during the two years, tong(統) and beon(番) numbers, the specific units of grouping households on the register, changed every year as they did in the former household registers. Even though the format of these new household registers changed substantially comparing to the former ones, the contents of them did not. People who lived in Haesan-myeon, a very marginal place far from the capital of the dynasty, persisted their own way of compiling household registers, because the system of levying and paying taxes did not change much.

대한제국기 호구 변동의 의미-평안북도 정주군 해산면 호적대장과 목장양안 비교 분석-

이유진 ( Lee You-jin ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2019 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.53

This paper sheds light on the meaning of fluctuation of households recorded on the household registers complied during the Korean Empire(Gwangmu Empire, 1897~1910). The records of households and people written on the consecutive household registers-compiled in 1899 and 1900-of Haesan-myeon, Jeongju-gun, Pyeonanbukdo Province are analyzed and compared to the records of people written on the two sets of Haesan-myeon state-owned farmland registers, complied in 1899 and 1902. These two kinds of documents produced by local administration sometimes grasped the same people who lived in this area and had duty to pay land tax on account of cultivating the state farmland. The central government of the Korean Empire clarified that every single household and person lived in a specific ‘myeon’, an administrative district, had to be grasped and recorded on the household register of that region. In other words, household registers during this time had to grasp natural households and show the actual residence of people who lived in that administrative district. However, based on this comparative analyses of the records of household registers and state farmland registers, multiple natural households could be recorded as a single household on household registers. And it was possible that people who consecutively lived in the same region could be dropped out of the household registers, or could be recorded on a different region. That is, a household on the household registers during this time was differentiated from a natural household and household registers did not grasp every single natural household and person in the area. On the one hand, there was no borderline of an administrative district, particularly a ‘dong(洞)’, the smallest unit of administration. On the other hand, the contents of household registers could be affected by the intention of a local administration responding the pressure of household taxes levied on a administrative district. Determining the definition of a “household” or setting the total number of households of a region was up to the local administration as occasion demands.

등록가구와 조사가구의 정합성 개선 방법론 연구

전광희(Kwang-Hee Jun) 충남대학교 사회과학연구소 2016 사회과학연구 Vol.27 No.1

This study develops a method for improving coherence in size between registered households and surveyed households. Data are from 2010 census and corresponding administrative sources, linked to reveal the pattern of matching between the two types of households by household size as provided by Statistics Korea for the advance test of 2015 population census. First, we integrate three coherence patterns, say (1) head of a registered household = head of a surveyed household (2) head of a registered household = member of a surveyed household and (3) member of a registered household = head of a surveyed household, to form a single matrix. Second, we calculate the difference between the matrix and its transposed one and the number of registered households which integrate with other ones to form new surveyed ones and the number of registered households to separate into two separate surveyed ones, Finally, we summarize the number of registered households which disappear in household integration and the number of surveyed households which emerge in household separation. The basic procedure is based on the concept of coherence which is less conservative and less rigid and proceeds to reduce to zero the difference between the number of registered households by the size of a surveyed counterpart and the number of surveyed households by the size of a registered counterpart. In this regard, we combine three coherence patterns and perform a matrix calculation described above and focus on the values appearing in purely low triangle cells to make relative surplus or deficit of surveyed households in the final matrix expressed in terms of the difference between the original matrix and its transposed one. In this study, we integrate three size-specific coherence patterns into a single matrix, but the proposed methodology might be applied separately for three separate patterns. Of course, when the methodology is applied separately, the number of registered households for either integration or separation will increase, and the final number of surveyed households to be covered by the registered household database will be somewhat larger than the final number of surveyed households to be covered by the registered database for three combined patterns.

Female Heads of Households Registered in Korea’s Census Registers Between the Seventeenth and Nineteenth Centuries and Their Historical Significance

Kyungran Kim(김경란) 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2018 International Journal of Korean History Vol.23 No.2