아라가야 수혈식석곽묘의 유형화를 통해본 신분질서

최경규 ( Gyong Kyu Choi ) 동아시아문물연구학술재단 2012 文物硏究 Vol.- No.22

가야제국에 대한 연구는 그간 김해의 금관가야와 고령의 대가야 중심의 연맹체적 해석으로 이루어져 왔으며, 이 때문에 아라가야에 대한 연구는 미흡한 실정이었다. 하지만, 아라가야의 중심고분군인 도항리고분군에는 4세기 중엽 이후에 대형 목곽묘가 조영되기 시작하고, 이어서 5세기 초엽~중엽에는 대형봉토고분의 매장주체부로 수혈식석곽묘가 축조되는데, 동시기 금관가야에 비해 탁월하며, 대가야와 비교해도 대등한 수준이다. 아라가야의 성장과 발전은 묘제의 변화과정에 나타나 있으며, 아라가야의 최전성기의 묘제인 수혈식석곽묘의 연구를 통해 당시 아라가야 발전기의 대외정세와 지배층의 모습을 파악할 수 있을 것으로 생각된다. 하지만, 그간의 연구경향은 유물중심의 편년연구가 대부분이었으며, 묘제는 목곽묘에서 횡혈식석실묘에 이르는 통시적인 연구경향이 강하였다. 따라서 본고에서는 아라가야 수혈식석곽묘를 중심으로 성장과 발전을 논하기 위해, 앞 시기의 목곽묘와 수혈식석곽묘를 관곽의 개념을 적용하여 유형화 작업을 시도하였다. 유형화 결과, 목곽묘와 수혈식석곽묘는 각각 4개의 유형으로 구분할 수 있었으며, 수혈식석곽묘의 상위위계인 Ⅰ·Ⅱ유형은 다시 규모, 순장형태, 부장유물의 질적 차이 등에 따라 Ⅰ유형은 3개의 소유형, Ⅱ유형은 2개의 소유형으로 세분할 수 있었다. 아라가야의 5세기 대 수혈식석곽묘 Ⅰ유형에는 순장이 시행되었으며, 마갑과 철제 갑주류 등의 상당한 위세품의 부장되었다. 이는 아라가야 성장의 외적표현이 수혈식석곽묘의 축조와 동시에 나타난 것을 말하는 것이다. 수혈식석곽묘 Ⅰ유형의 유형분화 양상은 아라가야의 王과 그 아래에 上·下旱岐층의 존재와 대응되는 것으로, 수혈식석곽묘의 유형화를 통해 파악된 지배층의 분화양상은 아라가야의 정치적 성장을 보여주는 중요한 고고학적 현상으로 파악된다. The research on the Gaya Empire has been interpreted as confederacies of the center of Geumgwan Gaya in Gimhae and Dae Gaya in Goryung, due to that, Ara Gaya has been lacking research. However Dohangri tombs which is center of Ara Gaya`s tombs started up construcitng the large wooden outer coffin since the middle of the 4th century and then the beginning of the 5th century, As the principal part of large fief of burial tumulus, stone - lined pit burial tomb was constructed. That is excellent compared to Geumgwan Gaya and is the same level compared to Dae Gaya. The growth an development of Ara Gaya appeared in the process of change of burial. By researching of the stone-lined pit burial which is the peak of Ara Gaya, 1 could look through the foreign situation and the ruling class of Ara Gaya in those days. However, the recent studies tend chronological study of the artifact-centric and the research of the burials have tendency to be diachronic study from wooden outer coffin to stone chamber tomb with tunnel entrance. Therefore in this paper, I tried to make typology by applying to the previous wooden outer coffin and stone-lined pit burial as the concept to coffin to discuss the growth and development of stone-lined pit burial in Am Gaya. As a result of typology, wooden outer coffin and stone-lined pit burial could be divided into 4 types,1,2 I, I II type of upper hierarchy in stone-lined pit burial tomb subdivided into two types, depending on the scale, the form of burial of the living with the dead, the qualifies of director`s remains: I type into three small types, II type into two small types stone-lined pit burial tomb I type in Ara Gaya in the 5th century was performing burial of the living with the dead and was buried with considerable prestige goods such as bard and iron armor. This is to say that the outward expression of Ara Gaya growth appeared simultaneously with the construction of stone-lined pit burial tomb. The differentiation type of stone-lined pit burial tomb is corresponding to the presense of king(王) of Ara Gaya and the below strata(上-下旱岐層). At last, the differentiation of the elites through the typology of stone-lined pit burial tomb is realized important archaeological phenomenon which was showing the political grow go Ara Gaya.

아라가야 중심과 주변의 구조

최경규 한국고고학회 2023 한국고고학보 Vol.- No.128

This paper aims to examine the structural characteristics of the center and surroundings in Gaya politics. Ara-Gaya, which can be studied through well accumulated archaeological data, was selected as the subject of analysis in order to review the central formation process and changes in the character and role of surrounding groups. The surrounding groups of Ara-Gaya were distributed at a certain distance from the center in military groups, handicraft production groups, and trading port management groups. From the 5th century, there were significant changes in the surrounding groups. Pottery production was suspended in the Beopsumyeon area, an earthenware production complex, and ironware produced by the Hyeon-dong group of Masan Bay was only carried out until the early 5th century. At the same time, it is observed that Ara-Gaya pottery rapidly decreased in the tombs of the Masan Bay and Jindong Bay management groups, which were trading ports, where numerous pieces of pottery from the surrounding Gaya countries were buried. In addition, the Daepyeong-ri tombs of Jindong Bay were accompanied by major changes such as the construction of Japanese style tombs, and the influence of military groups (Sopo-ri, Janggi-rim, and the Ogok-ri groups) could be confirmed on the eastern and western borders. In the 5th century, the center of Ara-Gaya was concentrated in the Haman Basin, centered on Gaya-eup. As the Gaya-eup area came to be heavily built-up as the Ara-Gaya royal capital, it changed to a structure in which the center and surroundings were more clearly distinguished. In other words, the transition to a centralized territorial system seems to have taken place during this period, and it is understood that a significant change occurred in the center and surrounding structure of Ara-Gaya. After the formation of a centralized territorial system in the 5th century, handicraft production came to be included in the political zone, but some autonomy was guaranteed for surrounding groups centered on trading ports. The surrounding groups with guaranteed autonomy seem to have formed a buffer zone between the Ara-Gaya center and other political areas. Ara-Gaya did not show a systematic spatial structure of the center and surroundings until the 4th century, but from the 5th century, a multi-layered structure of the center and the surroundings was formed during the royal capital formation period.

호남지방 철정 유통의 특징과 가야권역과의 교역 양상

이춘선 ( Lee Choonsun ) 호남고고학회 2021 湖南考古學報 Vol.67 No.-

이 연구는 호남지방 내 철소재인 철정의 내부 유통 특징에 따른 호남지방의 마한세력의 철소재유통의 특징과 가야와의 교역의 의미를 살펴보기 위함이다. 이를 위해 호남지방에서 출토된 철정에 대한 형식분류와 편년을 실시하였다. 이후 철정이 출토되는 유구인 분묘부장, 주거지, 의례에서 유통되는 특징과 철기를 가공하는 단야구와 철소재를 단순 가공한 의례용 부형철기의 부장을 통해 호남지방의 철정 유통 특징을 함께 검토하였다. 이를 통해 호남지방 내 철정 출토 유구에 따른 철정 유통양상을 살펴보았다. 호남 철정 유통 양상을 보면 분묘부장 철정은 이른 시기 호남지방 재지 수장층의 목관묘와 전용옹관 이전의 재지 옹관묘를 중심으로 철정이 부장되었고 전용옹관묘 단계에는 부장되지 않는다. 주거지를 통한 초소형의 철정은 마한에서 촌락별 철기제작이 가능했음을 알 수 있다. 이와 함께 이 시기 호남지방의 의례용 철기나 단야구의 출토로 보아 철소재를 통한 자체 생산단계가 있었음을 추정할 수 있다. 그러나 백제의 마한 진출 이후 이들에 의한 유통은 발달하지 못하게 되었다. 이후 호남 동부지역의 소가야양식 토기와 석곽묘, 주거지가 확대되는 지역을 따라 철정의 유통이 다시 확대되고 있으며 석실묘에서는 위신재로서 역할을 하기 시작하였다. 이와 함께 철정이 해안과 교통의 중심인 의례유적에서 출토되어 기항지를 중심으로 한 마한 공동체 사회의 제의적 성격을 보여준다. 이러한 철정의 내부유통 특징과 분포양상을 통해 가야권역과의 관계를 살펴보면Ⅰ단계에는 금관가야와 관련된 해안 재지 수장층을 중심으로 부장된다. 이후 호남지방 세력은 마한의 해안 재지세력이 금관가야와 철정 교역을 통해 성장하였다. Ⅱ, Ⅲ단계인 4세기 중·후엽 금관가야의 철기공인이 중소 읍락으로 확대되며 아라가야에서도 자체적인 철정이 생산되기 시작하는 시점에 금관가야와 아라가야 연합에 의한 두 계통의 철정이 유통되고 있으며 마한 재지세력에서도 철정 교역이 중소형 촌락 중심으로 성행하였다. 그러나, 철정을 통한 내부 유통은 성행하지 못하였고 Ⅳ단계 이후 호남 동부 섬진강 상류와 남해안 교역을 담당한 소가야연맹체와 마한 재지 해양세력과의 교역을 통해 철정이 유통되었다. 따라서 호남지방과 가야권역의 교역은 남해안 교역 주체의 변화에 따라 금관가야-금관·아라가야연맹-소가야 연맹체로 변화한다. This study aims to examine the distribution trend of iron materials in Mahan powers and the meaning of trade with Gaya according to the distribution characteristics of iron ingots, which is iron material, within Honam area. To this end, this study carried out the type classification and chronicle recording for the iron ingots excavated from Honam area. Afterwards, the distribution trend of iron ingots in Honam area was reviewed through the distribution characteristics in the relics where the iron ingots are excavated such as the tombs as well as the residential and ritual sites, the Smith’s tools that were used for processing ironware, and the tomb furnishings such as molding ironware that were simply processed from iron materials for using in a ritual ceremony. Based on such reviews, this study explored the trend changes in distribution of iron ingots for the relics where those iron ingots were excavated in Honam area. In reviewing the distribution trend of iron ingots in Honam area, the iron ingots of tomb furnishings were mainly buried in the wooden coffin tombs and the jar coffin tombs, which were used prior to the dedicated jar tombs, of the higher classes in local regions of Honam area at early times, but were not buried in a phase of the dedicated jar coffin tombs. In addition, it is able to know that fabrication of ironware was possible in each village of Mahan in case of sub-miniature iron ingots through residential sites. Along with this, it can be estimated that there was a self-production phase with iron materials in light of the excavation of ritual ironware or the Smith’s tools in Honam area during this period. However, a distribution by Baekje was not developed after their entry into Mahan. On the other hand, the iron ingots were distributed further in the eastern part of Honam again along the earthenware and stone lined tomb as well as the area where the residence site is expanded, and have started to play a role of the item that represents one’s dignity and prestige in the stone chamber tombs. In addition, the iron ingots were excavated from the ritual relics, which are the main places of coastal area and transportation, demonstrating the ritualistic nature of Mahan community based on the port of call. When examining the relationship between Mahan area and Gaya territory based on the internal transaction characteristics and distribution trend of those iron ingots, it is observed in the phase I that those were mostly buried together with the higher classes who had lived in local regions of coastal area associated with Geumgwan Gaya. Since then, with regard to the powers in Honam area, the local powers of coastal regions in Mahan have grown through the trade of iron ingots with Geumgwan Gaya. In the phase II and III that belong to the mid to late 4th century, Ara Gaya also began to produce the iron ingots on their own as the blacksmiths of Geumgwan Gaya were dispersed to small and medium villages. At that time, two different series of iron ingots were used due to an alliance of Geumgwan Gaya and Ara Gaya, and the trades of iron ingots became also prevalent among the local powers in Mahan mainly based on small and medium villages. However, the internal distribution through iron ingots was not frequent, and after the phase IV, the iron ingots were distributed through trades with SoGaya, which was in charge of transactions in the upper area of Seomjin River and the southern coast, as well as the local marine powers in Mahan area. Therefore, trades between Honam area and Gaya territory was transformed to Geumgwan Gaya -> an alliance of Geumgwan-Ara Gaya -> SoGaya federation.

阿羅加耶의 殉葬 -大型 殉葬墓를 中心으로-

김수환 영남고고학회 2010 嶺南考古學 Vol.- No.55

Dohang-ri tombs in Ham-an are the central tombs of Ara-Gaya. The tombs were excavated by Changwon National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage after 1990s. The evident clue to the sacrificial burial was confirmed from the large size stone lined tomb with vertical digging style which dated from the late 5th century to the early 6th century through the excavation. Now, the sacrificial burial in Ara-Gaya region is only confirmed in Dohang-ri tombs. This shows various changes and differences in class over time. This study is to provide a methodological structure for full-scale research of sacrificial burial of Ara-Gaya. The subject of this study is large size tombs, No. 4, 6, 8, 34 among sacrificial burial tombs of Dohang-ri tombs. The original state of the sacrificial burial was restored by using the dead's bones who buried alive, artifacts belonging to the dead, and the empty space in stone chamber. The progress of this study goes as follows. First, the examination of the present reports and studies related to the large size sacrificial burial tomb in Dohang-ri tombs suggested a diversity of problems. Then, an alternative opinion was suggested based on analysis on size of the dead who buried alive, position of burial, location of burial, and so on. The content of the study came through this process is as follows. The sacrificial burial of Dohang-ri tombs appeared along with archaeological phenomena, such as the construction of high and large burial mounds in the third quarter of the 5th century, the construction of large size stone lined tomb with vertical digging style, and an increase in quantity and quality of burial goods. Having considered this, the first appearance of the sacrificial burial of Ara-Gaya occurred as a phenomenon upon the introduction of idea of sacrificial burial through sustaining interaction with Geumgwan-Gaya after the 4th century, the establishment of the political power structure in the third quarter of the 5th century, and the process of social acceptance. The sacrificial burial in this period is a type having the five deads who buried alive lied at right angles to the bottom area of the main body's feet. The burial position continued until the forth quarter of the 5th century without a significant change. The size of the sacrificial burial decreased from five people to two and the position of the dead who buried alive changed from right angle to parallel upon the first quarter of the 6th century. This is thought to be a phenomenon which shows an aspect of decline and extinction of the sacrificial burial. The change could be caused by the introduction of Buddhism, but it can not be assured that this is true just with the present data. However, since the same aspect is confirmed from a small size sacrificial burial in the same time, it is evident that sacrificial burial declined with a change of social concept from this point. Later, in the second quarter of the 6th century stone lined tomb with vertical digging style changed to stone chamber tomb with horizontal entrance style and no more sacrificial burial has been confirmed after this period in Dohang-ri tombs of Ara-Gaya. On the other hand, the main body of the large size sacrificial burial of Dohang-ri is the ruling class including the top ruler (king) and it can be known that the people who buried alive are servants who served the main buried body. Especially, in the case of the people who buried alive as an attendant on the death of their lord, it could be learned that their characteristic of social status was classified according to the form of wearing personal ornament and the burial location in the chamber. From now on, I try to study on sacrificial burial of the highest class as well as that of the second highest class based on this late study. The study will be in progress as conducting a research focused on changes of sacrificial burial over time and differences in class. 아라가야의 순장은 함안 도항리고분군의 5세기 3/4분기~6세기 1/4분기 대형 및 중대형의 수혈식석곽묘에서만 확인되고 있으며, 현재까지의 보고에 의하면 9기 정도의 순장묘가 확인된 것으로 알려져 있다. 고대사회에 있어 순장의 존재와 양상은 사회발전단계를 이해하고 설명하는데 중요한 자료로 활용되고 있는 만큼 아라가야의 순장 역시 여러 연구자에 의해 다양한 견해가 제시되어 왔다. 하지만 연구방법의 미확립으로 인하여 동일 순장묘의 순장양상에 대한 해석이 불일치한 상황이며, 이로 인하여 아라가야 순장의 시간적인 변화나 계층적 비교, 더 나아가 순장을 통한 지배계층구조의 규명 등 심화연구는 거의 이루어지지 못한 실정이다. 본고는 아라가야 순장의 본격적 연구를 위한 방법론적 틀 마련을 목적한 연구이다. 이를 위해 도항리고분군의 대형 순장묘를 대상으로 한 기존의 보고나 연구를 검토하여 다양한 문제점들을 제시하고, 순장자의 인골(매장자세), 착장유물, 공지 등의 고고학적 요소를 활용하여 대형 순장묘의 순장양상에 대한 해석적 대안을 제시하였다. 이를 통하여 아라가야 순장의 채용 시점과 도입 과정, 대형 순장묘의 순장유형과 전개양상, 주피장자와 순장자의 사회적 성격 등을 살펴보았다.

陶質土器からみた倭と阿羅加耶

定森秀夫 부경역사연구소 2014 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.35

In Ara Gaya which was one country of Kaya of the Age of Three Powers, it has been known that the characteristic Grey Stoneware different from other countries of Kaya was distributed archeologically. I called it the Haman type Grey Stoneware. This Haman type Grey Stoneware is excavated from the Japanese Islands and confirms 25 pieces of 17 ruins now. The 80% of them are distributed over Tsushima, along Setonaikai, Kinki district by the regional distribution. In the character of the ruins of an excavation, it is the special feature that there is no example of an excavation in the 6th century generation village ruins. Pots are 16% in the container class of them. However pots of the Koryong type Grey Stoneware are 63%.This may show the difference of the relationship between Wa(Ancient Japan) and Ara Gaya, the relationship between Wa(Ancient Japan) and Tae Gaya. Furthermore, it is known to the form of the Japanese Initial Sue Pottery that there is the thing indicating the form similar to the Haman type Grey Stoneware. As for it, the participation of the artisan of Ara Gaya is assumed. With the Grey Stoneware, Yasura Shrine is in Shiga three as a thing indicating the interchange with Ara Gaya, but an enshrined deity is Silla system, and there is the problem of when an archaeology document of Ara Gaya does not excavate it from the neighborhood, but it is with a document thinking about interchange with Ara Gaya because a name is direct.

아라가야의 高塚과 그 體系

최경규(Gyong Gyu Choi) 영남고고학회 2023 嶺南考古學 Vol.- No.96

아라가야 고총체계의 개시는 현재의 자료로는 (현)4호분 단계인 5세기 중엽 정도부터 시작되는 것으로 파악된다. 이전 단계에는 말 이산 구릉의 북단에 치우쳐 목관묘와 목곽묘 중심의 비정형적 분포를 이루고 있었다. 45호분과 같이 고암반대를 조영한 목곽고총으로 볼 수 있는 무덤이 주능선상에 배치되긴 하지만 주변에 일정간격으로 연속된 고총의 축조가 보이지 않는 점에서 그러하다. 아라가야 고총체계는 매장주체부의 석곽묘 전환과 동시에 시작하며, 葬法의 변화를 수반한다. 장법상 가장 큰 변화는 순장의 시행이며, 매장주 체부 내부공간의 구조는 전대 대형 목곽묘의 구조를 계승하지만 유물부장의 패턴은 변화한다. 아울러 석곽묘의 구조에서 목가구시설 이 A유형 석곽묘를 중심으로 시설되는 등 묘제의 구조와 봉분의 규모 등으로 신분질서를 명확히 표현하는 것이 특징이다. 거대 봉분 을 축조하는 데에는 토목기술적 과도기는 확인되지 않으며 출현기부터 비교적 완전한 형태를 보이고, 지형에 맞춰 적합한 토목공법을 적용하는 등 유연한 모습을 보인다. 동시기 아라가야 왕성(도성)의 토성, 산성, 제방, 대형 건축물 등의 대형 토목구조물에서 동일한 토 목공법이 적용된 모습에서 아라가야의 발전된 토목기술과 이를 관리, 운영하는 시스템이 갖추어져 있었음을 짐작해 볼 수 있다. 아라 가야 고총체계는 말이산 구릉의 4지능선의 정부에서 시작하며 9지능선까지 이어지는데, A-1유형이 주능선의 정부와 가지능선의 정선 부에 일정간격으로 배치되고 주변으로 A-2·3유형이 배장묘로 배치되는 모습을 보인다. 시기적으로 5세기 중엽~6세기 초엽까지의 약 70년 정도의 비교적 짧은 시간에 집중적으로 조영되었으며 동시에 각 지능선에 A유형의 고총이 배치되는 것을 통해 말이산 구릉을 왕 묘역으로 조영한 시기에는 수장권이 一元化 되지 않은 多系列의 王權을 유지한 것으로 파악된다. 반면, 석실 고총으로 묘제의 전환과 동시에 남문외고분군으로 왕묘역을 이동한 단계부터는 고총의 배치에서 일원적 구조의 특정 수장계열의 확립을 엿볼 수 있다 The start of the Ara-Gaya the ancient tomb with a gigantic mound and System began in the mid-5th century, which is now Tomb No. 4 at Marisan Tombs(末伊山古墳群). The Ara-Gaya of the ancient tomb with a gigantic mound and System begins when the tomb ritual is changed to a stone tomb, and at the same time, the tomb ritual is changed. The biggest change in the burial ritual is the implementation of the Sacrificial burial(殉葬), and it inherits the structure of the large wooden chamber tombs from the previous period, but the pattern of the burial site changes. The transition period of civil engineering technology has not been confirmed in the construction of the ancient tomb with a gigantic mound, and it shows a relatively complete form from the time of its appearance. In addition, it shows a flexible appearance by applying a suitable civil engineering method according to the topography. It is confirmed that the same civil engineering method is applied to large civil engineering structures such as Saturn, fortress, embankment, and large buildings in the same province. Through this, it can be inferred that Ara-Gaya’s advanced civil engineering technology and its management and operation system were well equipped. The Ara-Gaya of the ancient tomb with a gigantic mound and System starts at the top of the fourth ridge of the Marisan Tombs and continues to the ninth ridge. Type A-1 is arranged at regular intervals on the top of the main ridge and the ridge of the branch ridge, and type A-2 and 3 are arranged as tombs attached to the periphery. The tomb of a large mound is in the middle of the 5th century. It was intensively contrasted in a relatively short time of about 70 years until the beginning of the 6th century. At the same time, considering the construction of large-scale mound tombs of type A on each ridge, it is believed that when the hills of Marisan Tombs were built as Scope of the Royal Tomb, the right of burial was not unified construction of royalty(多系列王權). On the other hand, from the stage of moving the the scope of a royal tomb to the Namnunoe Tombs(南門外古墳群) at the same time as turning into the ancient tomb with a gigantic mound and System, it is possible to get a glimpse of the establishment of a specific series of kingship(一元的 王權系列).

아라가야 토목구조물의 기술적 특징과 그 의미

최경규 ( Choi Gyong-gyu ) 동아문화재단 2019 文物硏究 Vol.- No.36

고대국가 단계에 지배 엘리트의 무덤인 고총고분, 행정센터인 도성, 방어중심인 산성, 종교적 기념물인 신전과 사원, 재해로부터의 방어와 농경의 필수요소인 제방의 건축에는 당시 사회정치적 발전과 권력의 중앙 집중화 정도를 내포하고 있다. 이러한 토목구조물의 조사 자료가 비교적 잘 확보된 아라가야를 대상으로, 축조 기술적 특징과 토목구조물에서 보이는 상호연관성을 살펴보고, 아라가야에서 토목구조물이 가지는 의미에 대해 검토해 보았다. 그 결과, 당시 최고의 토목공법이 사용된 거대 토목구조물인 말이산 고총고분, 가야리유적(전 아라가야 왕궁지), 안곡산성, 가야리제방의 축조에는 상호 공통된 토목공법이 확인되고 있는것을 확인하였다. 국가적 사업인 대규모 토목공사에 나타난 이러한 양상을 통해 동원된 기술자집단 또는 관리집단이 동일하였을 가능성을 상정해 볼 수 있었다. 그리고 백제 한성기 토성의 특징적인 토목공법인 토제가 말이산 고총고분에 상당히 적극적으로 활용된 양상을 통해 주변 선진토목기술의 적극적 도입을 위한 활발한 기술교류도 추정해 볼 수 있었다. 이러한 국가적 토목구조물을 축조하는 데에는 인구증가에 의한 노동력의 확보, 선진 토목기술의 축적 등이 필요하며 이를 운영ㆍ관리할 수 있는 체제의 안정이 필수적이다. 아라가야에서는 상기의 토목구조물이 5세기 후반 거의 동시기에 일률적으로 중심지에 배치되는데, 이때가 가장 강력한 국가적 역량을 보이는 시기로 생각된다. In the ancient state stage, the tombs of the ruling elite, the capital city, the fortress, the defensive center, the mountain fortress, the religious monument, a shrine and the temple, and the construction of the embankment, which are essential elements of agriculture, implies the degree of social and political development and centralization of power. For Ara-Gaya, where the survey data of these civil structures are relatively well secured, the construction technical features and interrelationships shown in the civil structure were reviewed and the implications of the civil structure were reviewed in Ara-Gaya. As a result, it was confirmed that common civil engineering methods were found in the construction of the Mari-san Tomb, the Gaya ruins (formerly Ara-gaya Palace), Angoksanseong Fortress, and Gayari Embankment, a large civil engineering structure where the best civil engineering methods were used at that time. This aspect of the large-scale civil engineering work, which is a national project, could be assumed to have been the same for the mobilized technical or management groups. In addition, it was possible to estimate active technological exchanges for the active introduction of advanced civil engineering technologies in the Baekje Dynasty through the highly active use of the characteristic civil engineering method of earrthen a bank, which was made during the Hanseong period of The Baekje Dynasty. Building these national civil structures requires securing workforce by population growth, accumulation of advanced civil engineering technologies, etc., and stability of the system to operate and manage them is essential. In Ara-Gaya, the above civil structures are placed uniformly in the central area almost simultaneously in the late 5th century, which is thought to be the most powerful period of national capability.

포상팔국 전쟁의 개전(開戰)시기와 전쟁양상에 대한 재검토

정상희 한국역사연구회 2018 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.110

Examined in this article are records like Samguk Sagi (三國史記), Samguk Yusa (三國遺事) and the “Han section” [韓傳] of the Chinese Samguk-ji (三國志), and references inside them regarding the Posangpal-guk war to be exact, in order to determine when the war actually broke out and why. Based upon such determination, hopefully we’d be able to understand the social dynamics that enabled the war, or the relationships among all involved countries that bred such war to begin with. First, the Naehae Isageum(奈解尼師今) entry in the “Chronology” section [Bon’gi] of Samguk Sagi and the Mulgyeja biography [勿稽子傳] of the “Biographies” section [Yeoljeon] in the same book were examined. It should be noted that the very object of Posangpal-guk’s attack is recorded differently in the former record and the latter. Addition to this, the identity of the emissary who asked for a relief force, and the very leader of that relief force, are also recorded differently between the two records. One record even contains factual details that are never mentioned in the other. For example, the Posangpal-guk’s attack upon the Galhwa-seong fortress is mentioned only in the “Biographies” section and not in the “Chronology” section. This suggests a possibility that both records (Bon’gi and Yeoljeon) were not in a relationship in which one abbreviated the other, but their respective contents were from entirely different sources of information. Another example could be felt from the Mulgyeja biography inside Samguk Yusa, as unlike Samguk Sagi, his biography here notes the fact that eight states, including Bora-guk(保羅國), attacked Shilla perimeters. Interestingly, ‘Bora-guk’ or ‘Samul-guk(史勿國)’ are state names which cannot be found in other sources. The second point that was examined was the actual time point when the Posangpal-guk war began. Taking the contents of the Hanjeon section in Samguk-ji into account, it seems it was early or middle period of the 3rd century. According to this record, in the mid-3rd century king-like figures emerged in the 12 states of Byeonhan, and Guya and Anya, who had been friendly with each other, came to form two of the most influential factions in the region. The described situation does fit the condition that would have preceded the Posangpal-guk war, and makes us presume the early or mid-3rd century was indeed when the war broke out. The final point to be discussed was the victims of Posangpal-guk’s attacks, based upon references made in Samguk Sagi’s “Chronology” as well as “Biographies” sections. It seems like the main target of Posangpal-guk was the Ham’an region’s Ara-guk(阿羅國), and it is highly possible that the Posangpal- guk state -with Guya at its center- isolated Anya-guk and surrounded it with the intention to expand its own power and influence. In response, for assistance Anya asked Shilla, which had been clashing with Guya for some time, and Shilla involved itself in the conflict by aiding Ara-guk(Any-guk), intending to crush and subdue the Guya-centric faction. Shilla’s such interference was the reason for Golpo, Chilpo and Gosapo (members of the Posangpal-guk alliance) attacking Shilla’s Galhwa-seong fortress three years later. In other words, Posangpal-guk, including the Gimhae region, was able to establish itself through the war, and the Posangpal-guk war itself was literally a process in which Guya was expanding its own power.

한국 자생풍수 발생의 학문적 경계와 사상 문화 연구 - 경남 함안지역을 중심으로 -

황종태 ( Hwang Jong-tae ),마경희 ( Ma Kyoung Hee ) 대한풍수연구학회 2022 대한풍수연구 Vol.9 No.-

본 연구는 한국 자생적 풍수 발생에 관한 학문적 경계와 사상 문화를 연구한 것이다. 함안지역 고인돌은 기원전 청동기시대 대표적 묘제로 덮개돌에 새겨진 알 구멍은 별자리를 상징하는 성신(星辰; constellation) 사상으로 표현되고, 동심원(同心圓)은 태양신(太陽神; sun god) 사상으로 나타나 한국 자생적 풍수 발생의 학문적 단초를 제공한 것으로 보여 다양한 사상관 등이 녹아내린 자생풍수 발생의 경계로 추정할 수 있다. 청동기시대 성신사상 표현은 기원후 5세기∼6세기 고분 무덤 덮개돌에서 발견되어 성신사상 전래는 약 2천 5백 년 전부터 1천 5백 년까지 이어진 것으로 추정할 수 있다. 특히 함안 말이산에 위치한 고분군은 기원후 1세기∼6세기 아라가야(阿那伽倻)시대 묘제이며 대표적 묘제는 수혈식석곽묘로 말이산 주 능선과 가지 능선의 주요 위치에 점유하고 있고, 횡혈식 석곽묘는 말이산 끝 평저한 지대에 위치하고 있다. 말이산 능선에 열 지어 있는 수혈식 석곽묘와 횡혈식석실 묘제의 장축 방향에서 피장자의 두침(頭枕) 방향성은 산세와 관계없이 북극성을 중심으로 바라보고 있으며 작은곰자리별까지 49°범위가 우세한 것으로 나타 난다. 말이산고분군의 풍수학적 요소는 아라가야시대 별자리 관측이 용이한 지역에 용진혈적과 물의 영향을 받지 않은 구릉지 선택, 지형·지세를 이용하여 자생풍수 사상이 녹아내린 가야식 매장풍습이 반영되었다고 볼 수 있다. This is a study of the academic boundaries and ideological culture of Korea’s own generation of feng shui. The dolmens in the Haman area are representative tombs of the Bronze Age BC, and the egg holes engraved on the cover stones are expressed as constellation constellation ideology, which means constellations. In addition, the concentric circle appeared as the idea of the sun god, and it seems to have provided the academic foundation for Korea’s own generation of feng shui. Therefore, these can be estimated as the boundaries of the occurrence of Korean feng shui, which are included in various views of thought. In the Bronze Age, the expression of constellation thought was found in tomb cover stones from the 5th to 6th centuries AD, and it can be estimated that the introduction of constellation ideology lasted from about 2,500 years to 1,500 years. In particular, the ancient tombs located in Mt. Mali in Haman are the tombs of the Aragaya period from the 1st to 6th centuries AD, and the representative tombs are pit-type stone chamber tombs, occupying major locations along the main and surrounding ridges of Mt. Malis. It is located in the flat area at the end of Mt. Mali. In the axial direction of the pit-type stone chamber tombs and the transverse-pitted stone chamber tombs built on the ridge of Mt. Mali, the direction of the burial is centered on the North Star regardless of the mountain height, and it appears that the 49° range up to Ursa Minor appears to be dominant. The feng shui elements of the tomb group in Mt. Mali can be considered to reflect the Gaya-style burial customs that include natural feng shui ideas by using the terrain and topography, selecting a hilly area that is not affected by Yongjinhyeol and water in an area where constellations can be easily observed during the AAra Gaya period.

아라가야에 대한 연구 동향과 향후 전망

이주헌 ( Lee Ju-heun ) 부경역사연구소 2018 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.42

가야를 단일주제로 한 가야사의 연구가 본격화된 것은 1980년대 이후이다. 그동안 축적된 가야사 관련 연구성과는 가야사회의 발전과정을 연대순으로 재구성하는 바탕이 되었을 뿐만 아니라, 김해의 가락국, 고령의 가라국(대가야)을 중심으로 한 가야사 연구경향에서 벗어나 함안의 아라가야(안라국) 및 고성의 소가야(고자국)를 포함한 가야 각국에 대한 심층적 연구가 활성화되는 변화를 가져왔다. 가야각국은 한국고대사에서 주체적인 역할을 담당한 정치집단이었으며, 각 정치집단은 사회의 발전 정도가 달라서, 대가야나 아라가야는 정치적으로 고대국가 단계로까지 나아간 것으로도 현재 논의되어지고 있다. 그동안 아라가야를 주제로 한 각 분야의 다양한 연구로는 변진구야국과 안야국, 포상팔국 전쟁, 광개토왕릉비문의 ‘안라인수병’, 『일본서기』 계체ㆍ흠명기의 안라회의, 임나일본부 등과 같은 특정 주제와 관련된 파생적인 문제로만 다루어져 왔다. 따라서 가야사회의 유력한 정치체의 일원으로서 아라가야에 대한 보다 심층적인 연구에는 아직도 한계가 있음을 시인하지 않을 수 없다. 아라가야에 대한 연구는 태생적으로 자료 부족이라는 특수성으로 인해 문헌사 연구분야에서는 대외관계사가 주류를 이루고 있다. 특히, 삼국사기 초기기록과 광개토왕릉비문을 제외하면 주로 6세기 전반의 『일본서기』 기록에 근거하고 있는 연구의 편중성은 아라가야사를 체계적으로 재구성하는데 있어 적지 않은 문제점을 남기고 있다. 또한 고고자료에 있어서도 대부분이 5세기 이후의 고분 관련 자료에 집중되어 있고, 동일한 유구와 유물의 해석에 있어서도 연구자 간에 서로 상이한 해석으로 실상에 대한 인식차가 큰 점 역시 문제점이라 하지 않을 수 없다. 이와 같은 문제들을 단계적으로 극복하기 위해서는 기존의 연구방법과는 차별적인 새로운 연구법의 모색과 문헌 및 미지의 고고학 자료에 대한 적극적인 조사와 발굴은 더욱 절실하게 요구되는 부분이다. 특히, 고고자료의 심각한 편년관의 극복 및 매장관련 분묘연구 위주에서 생활양식 연구로의 전환, 그리고 왕궁-거점취락-일반취락간의 유기적 관계 검토에 따른 입체적인 사회상 복원은 우선적으로 진행되어야 할 과제이다. 또한, 아라가야에 대한 효과적인 연구를 위해서는 전문연구 인력의 부족 문제를 해결하여야 할 뿐만 아니라, 지역민 스스로 지역사에 관심과 열정을 갖도록 하는 효과적인 방안도 충분히 고려되어야 할 것이다. Although research on the history of Gaya began in earnest in the 1980s, efforts to ascertain what the history of Gaya was really like through excavation surveys of historic sites and reinterpretation of the Nihon Shoki are being made even more concretely today. Recently, scholars specializing in the ancient history of Korea have begun referring to the “Four Kingdoms Period” rather than using the established term ‘Three Kingdoms Period’. The results of research on the history of Gaya accumulated so far not only form the basis on which to recompose the process of development of Gaya society chronologically, but have also brought about changes resulting in more in-depth studies of each of the mini kingdoms in present-day Haman and Sogaya of the Gaya Confederacy, breaking with the past trend of research focused largely on Garakguk in Gimhae and Garaguk in Goryeong. So far, studies on Aragaya have only been conducted with a focus on derivative matters like Byeonjinguyaguk, Anyaguk; war among the Posangpalguk ; the Allainsubyeong referred to on the Stele of King Gwanggaeto of Goguryeo; the Alla Conference or Mimana Nihonfu mentioned in the Nihon Shoki. Thus, it should be pointed out that in-depth study about Aragaya as a powerful polity of Gaya still has a long way to go. The research on Aragaya is limited by a lack of informative materials, as most of the relevant literature only concerns its relationship with neighboring countries. Other than early parts of Samguk sagi and the content of the Stele of King Gwanggaeto, Nihon Shoki, which was written in the early sixth century, is the only material researchers can rely on heavily for their studies of Aragaya. That is the main limitation faced by researchers in their efforts to systematically recompose its history. However, there are other problems. Most of the available archaeological materials are related to tombs dating from the fifth century or thereafter, and there is a large difference in the way researchers view the same historic sites and relics. It is necessary to overcome such problems one after another by looking for a new research method and new literature and archaeological materials. In particular, efforts need to be made to end the reliance on specific archaeological materials, to shift the focus from tombs to ancient people’s way of life, and to restore three-dimensional social aspects by reviewing the relationship between royal palaces and villages.