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김종현 중국학연구회 2011 中國學硏究 Vol.- No.58
有关农民集体上访研究,一个主流观点是在维权话语主导下展开。比如,农民上访作为一种“依法抗争”行为,在这种行为中,农民运用法律和中央政策维护其政治权利和经济利益不受地方政府与地方官员侵害。再者,“以法抗争”模式也提出来。这种抗争是一种旨在宣示和确立农民的合法权益的政治性抗争。这两个模式在解释中国农民集体行动问题上的路径其实是一致的。只是后者更加强调其在行为上之组织性和政治性。随着现代化改革和市场化改革在农村社会中推广,农民上访行为类型有所变化。一些学者则主张中国的农民集体上访并不同于西方意义上的民主政治参与行为,甚至跟民主权利并无多少关联。他们强调说,受国家发展战略转型、干群互动模式和压力型信访治理机制的影响,在当前乡村社会中,以谋求利益为主要动机的谋利型上访开始凸显出蔓延趋势。在一个观察乡村社会变迁的研究者的立场而言,这些解释框架所展出的分析逻辑各有其特。不过,这就使人难免产生运用这一概念上的混乱。无论如何,这些解释框架所主张的归根到底,就是农民集体上访会否引起乡村社会改制或政治改制。着眼于这一点,笔者就借以“社会运动”(social movement)概念来考察农民集体上访的行为动机和其内在机制特性。在具体分析方面,以斯梅尔塞的集体行为理论(Theory of collective behaviour)去检讨农民集体上访之行为逻辑,从中尝试该集体行为能否成为改变既有社会秩序的动力。
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조선족 농민의 비농화와 국제이주 : 연길시 M마을의 사례를 중심으로
김화선 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2012 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.36
自从1980年初开始,中国进行改革开放以后越来越多的中国农民流入到城市去就业,近30年来中国的“农民工”人口已达到了1.2亿名。2011年,在中国历史上第一次出现了城市人口比农村人口多的新的现象。与汉族相比较,1990年代以后,中国朝鲜族农民的国际迁移就业化趋势越来越突出,大部分朝鲜族村庄已变成了排出大量国际移民的“移民母村”。为此,本文的研究目的是探讨改革开放以后中国朝鲜族农民的非农化方式的特点与国际迁移之间的关系。本文选择一个朝鲜族村庄 M村为个案分析对象,采取深层访谈为主的质性研究方法,揭示了朝鲜族农民通过发展明太鱼加工产业推进“就地非农化”的努力与通过国际迁移就业实现非农化的两种非农化方式之间的抗争过程。研究结果表明,第一,不管是发展加工业还是国际迁移就业,朝鲜族农村女性在非农化的过程中起了开拓性的引领作用。第二,朝鲜族农民在发展加工产业的过程中由于种种原因经不住市场经济的考验失败了,这表明朝鲜族农民要在市场经济环境中生存、发展,需要接受再学习、再教育的制度方面的支持。第三,朝鲜族农民普遍选择国际迁移就业作为最佳非农化方式,导致了朝鲜族村庄的 “移民母村”化,带来了村落经济结构、人口与家庭结构、亲密性结构等方面的诸多变化。
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이종무 중국인문학회 2018 中國人文科學 Vol.0 No.69
本论文的主要研究目的在于,通过有关文献和实地考察,探讨所谓云南蒙古人即喀桌人的迁徙和文化适应过程。 中国云南是少数民族较多的一个地区。在漫长的历史发展进程中,不论民族大小,每个民族都创造出自己独特的文化,各民族之间在文化上互相渗透、互相影响。其中就有所谓云南蒙古人即"喀桌人"。本论文主要着重于研究、考察他们的迁徙和文化适应过程。 现在喀桌人聚居在中国云南省通海县兴蒙蒙古族乡。云南兴蒙乡的蒙古人自称为"蒙古瓦"、"蒙古勒"或"刚桌",当地其他民族称其为"蒙古族",统称为"喀桌人(或卡桌人)"。现在在兴蒙乡聚居的云南蒙古人有五千多人。他们来源于北方大草原。1252年成吉思汗孙蒙哥命令其弟忽必烈率统帅十万军队进攻云南。从那时过了九年的时间,云南终于被蒙古族统治起来了。当时云南上至各县,驻有蒙古军户,皆立屯田,以资军饷。在云南住居的蒙古族聚居当地,成为远离蒙古故土的一个群体。兴蒙乡的喀桌人便是当年驻屯杞麓山的后卫军改编的蒙古军户后裔。 喀桌人的文化中有继承北方蒙古族的游牧文化,也有与北方蒙古族不同,又深受周边的白族、彝族、哈尼族和汉族等民族的影响。他们融入了当地,又有别于当地,再与北方蒙古族有着密切的联系。而喀桌人在异乡的土地上确实创造出自己独特的文化。当时兴蒙乡的蒙古人为求生存,学会了划船,利用依山傍水的自然环境,进行捕鱼捞虾、围垦种植,逐步从北方游牧民变成了杞麓湖畔地道的渔民和农民。他们使用着只有他们乡里人才听懂的,被称之为"喀桌语"的一种语言。它在语音系统方面与北方蒙古语基本相同。而与当地的云南土语差别很大,所以喀桌语既不同于北方蒙古语又不同于当地话,应该说它是喀桌文化与其他文化的最为重要的界限之一。
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張波,金昌庆 동북아시아문화학회 2018 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.54
To keep the society in an orderly state, Tokugawa Ieyasu utilized the concept of hierarchy in the Zhu Zi’s philosophy to divide people into four groups systematically and spiritually after his seizure of power, i.e. scholar, farmer, artisan, and merchant. There is an impassable gulf among each hierarchy and each one fulfills his duty within the range and their status would be inherited by their descendants, thus, to ensure the social ability and the stability of Tokugawa Regime. However, the hierarchical order of scholar, farmer, artisan, and merchant was challenged in mid-late Edo period. Every hierarchy was divided and changed internally. The bureaucratized, knowledgeable, pauperized, commercialization and independent trends of samurai, polarization between the rich and the poor of farmers, and affluence of businessmen swayed the hierarchical order, and finally threatened and overthrew the Tokugawa Regime. The samurai class of the ruling class has undergone profound changes.The bureaucratization has caused the samurai to lose its heroic character, thus losing the rationality. Knowledge-basedization has led the samurai class to gradually accept the requirements of the status quo of the reformed abacus system based on the continuous acceptance of Western culture. The samurai's poverty and constant commercialization have caused loyal warriors to deviate from their Lord Jun. The peasant class has changes in the separation of the rich and the poor,and triggering peasant uprisings, threatening the basis of the ruling system.The affluence of municipalities sparked the rise of the anti-abstinence and anti-abstinence ideology of the townspeople, leading to the emergence and development of the idea of opposition to the order of feudalism,and the culture of the people of the towns, resulting in a great deal of arrogance challenge.
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Juanping Huang YIXIN 출판사 2024 Journal of Chinese Marxism studies Vol.1 No.1
In her book Everyday Life, Ágnes Heller takes a humanistic philosophical standpoint and abandons the traditional Marxist view that focuses on the macroscopic field and ignores the microscopic field of daily life. She explores how the daily life subject can achieve the transition from the “in-itself” objectification to the “foritself” objectification from the daily life environment that people are familiar with but most easily overlooked. There are three specific ways: The first is to form the “self-determined” personality of the daily life subject;the second is to cultivate the “self-determined” theoretical attitude of the daily life subject;the third is to realize the “self-determined” daily communication of the daily life subject. Heller's theory has important reference significance for how to give full play to the subjective status of peasants in the improvement of rural human settlement environment in our country and improve the governance of rural human settlement environment improvement. 阿格妮丝·赫勒在其著作《日常生活》中从人本主义哲学立场出发,摒弃传统马克思主义注重宏观领域而忽视微观日常生活领域的观点。她从人们熟悉而又最易忽视的日常生活环境中探寻日常生活主体何以实现向“自在的”对象化领域转向“自为的”对象化领域发展。具体途径有三:一是形成日常生活主体“自为的”个性;二是培养日常生活主体“自为的”理论态度;三是实现日常生活主体“自为的”日常交往。赫勒的理论这对我国农村人居环境整治中如何发挥农民的主体性地位,提高农村人居环境整治的治理具有重要的借鉴性意义。
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