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일제강점기 최익한(崔益翰)(1897-?)의 사회주의 사상의 수용과 활동
송찬섭 ( Chan Sup Song ) 호남사학회 2016 역사학연구 Vol.61 No.-
Thought and activities of individuals should continue to grow or change with mark in life. Sometimes even to show a substantial change over time in the inner will be connected to each other. Choi Ik-han(崔益翰) are judgment that started from Chinese literature scholar to held a variety of modern disciplines such as history and nationalistic activities, socialism thought and activities, Korean Studies were also connected to each other. This article more verification about Choi Ik-han go to Japan time who accept socialism thought and activities, namely in from 1925 and the arrested in the third Chosun Communist Party(朝鮮共産黨) activities (February 1928), the activities to term of eight years imprisonment. Through this, we learn the intellectuals who lived as a time of rapidly change in the development process and to evaluate the his contribution to our society. Choi Ik-han`s 1920s was the process of move to the socialist movement from the nationalist movement. War chest fundraising event for the Provisional Government in 1919 caused the Choi Ik-han can be a personal act, there is no clear policy to deal with, but he was firmly exercise under the influence of 3·1 Movement and mentor Gwak Jong-seok(郭鍾錫), After a prison life, Choi Ik-han released from 1923 to 1925 was selected to study in Japan at the end of withdraw to two years and was converted into socialism thought and movements. This is also connected with the domestic situation is that socialism thought sprout and Japanese exchange students launch a organization of thoughts. Choi Ik-han learned from socialism thought, such as 大山郁夫(Ikuo Oyama) Professor and 福本和夫(Kazuo Fukumoto) while in Waseda University. And he was actively involved in various organizations that January Association(一月會), The Federation of Korean Laborers in Japan(在日本朝鮮勞動總同盟), The Korean Youths League in Tokyo(在東京朝鮮靑年同盟), Newly Society For Science Study(新興科學硏究會) and activities. Formed the Chosun Communist Party, and especially in from the January Association, Ahn Kwang-Chun(安光泉) was responsible Secretary of the third Chosun Communist Party while Japanese exchange students were actively involved in domestic activities. Choi Ik-han also began activity with travel to Korea and Japan. In particular, 1927 was considered Choi Ik-han when the most active. In this period the process of becoming Shinghanhoe(新幹會) was formed as a union of Left-RIght Coalition Movements, he plays a important role as claim that Organization of Thoughts Disorganization(思想團體解體論), and after he took the assistant administrator in Shinghanhoe and Shinganhoe Tokyo branch(新幹會 東京支部) established in February 1927. In May, 1927 inaugural meeting of Central Council of The Korean Society Organizations(朝鮮社會團體中央協議會) in order to check the JeonJinhoe(前進會), critical for Shinghanhoe, he was a great role as commentators to criticize their Theory of permanent restoration(常設論). Meanwhile, Choi Ik-han was actively splits his time between Korea and Japan when Kim Jun-Yeon(金俊淵) and Kim Se-Yeon(金世淵) were responsible secretary of third Chosun Communist Party. In November, 1927 he meet figure of the Comintern, received the money from him, was closeted with him which tells of Choi Ik-han`s weight. Due to the massive arrest of the Chosun Communist Party in February 1928, Choi Ik-han was arrested for domestic entered the party congress. The continue harsh trial and imprisonment though the Choi Ik-han acted proudly and Especially 1932 hurrah demonstrations(萬歲示威) and court struggle during the transfer to Daejeon prison was an important event to show the Choi Ik-han`s will and the proportion of the Anti-Japanese. Because to the resistance against the Japanese, he spent ten years in prison, of 1920, and 30`s. Despite this history, after release from prison he focused on Korean Studies activities to life and had period of blank in the socialism movement. The results the early part of liberation Choi Ik-han has resumed activity, but soon defected to North Korea while not played a big role.
일제강점기 정인보(鄭寅普),안재홍(安在鴻),최익한(崔益翰)의 다산(茶山) 연구
박홍식 ( Hong Sik Park ) 다산학술문화재단 2010 다산학 Vol.- No.17
본 논문은 일제강점기 『여유당전서』 발간을 전후한 시기에 안재홍·정인보·최익한의 다산연구를 고찰해 본 것이다. 이 세 사람은 교유에 있어서도 상호 친밀한 관계를 가지고 있었다. 그 관계의 중심에는 정인보가 있었다. 1930년대 다산 연구의 핵심인물이었던 안재홍·정인보·최익한 가운데에서도 인적 학문적 교류의 중심인물은 정인보였다. 세 사람의 학문적 교류를 활발하게 맺어준 통로는 『여유당전서』였다. 1930년대 안재홍·정인보·최익한은 『여유당전서』를 통하여 교류하며 다산에 대한 이해와 연구를 공유할 수 있었다. 초기 다산 연구에서는 이 세 사람의 공적을 잊을 수 없다. 안재홍과 최익한은 모두 일본에 유학하여 와세다 대학교 정경학부에서 공부를 함으로써 서양학문의 세례를 충분히 받았으며 당시 유행하던 사회주의 물결의 영향을 받았다. 반면에 정인보는 이건창의 제자로 들어가 조선 지식인의 전통-그 가운데에서도 양명학의 전통을 습득하였다. 이러한 세 사람의 학문적 배경의 상이점은 다산 이해와 해석에서도 차이점을 드러내었다. 반면에 안재홍·정인보·최익한은 다산과 마찬가지로 사상가로서 유사한 경험을 상당히 많이 공유하고 있다. 곧 시대의 모순과 부조리에 대한 체험, 오랜 기간의 강제된 유폐 생활, 고독한 사색과 독서, 국가 운명에 대한 위기감과 좌절, 지식인으로서의 역할과 사명, 민족사에 대한 책임의식, 민중들에 대한 애정 등은 안재홍·정인보·최익한이 시대를 뛰어넘어 다산과 온 몸으로 만나는 공유 의식이었다. 이러한 의식이 『여유당전서』의 저술과 감수 그리고 연구를 가능하게 하였다. This thesis focuses on the study on Tasan by An Jaihong, Cheong Inbo, and Choi Ikhan around the period of publishing Yeoyudangjeon-seo during the Japanese occupation of Korea. The people mentioned above had a very intimate friendship. The center figure of this group was Cheong Inbo. He was the key man of social and academic inter-course in 1930s` Tasan study. Yeoyudangjeonseo played an role as a passage that made an active academic intercourse possible between the three people. In 1930s, they exchanged their understandings and thoughts on Tasan through Yeoyudangjeonseo. In the earlier studies of Tasan, the accomplishments of these three people are very valuable. Choi Ikhan and An Jaihong both studied at Waseda University in Japan and this enabled them to be exposed to the western studies and to be influenced by the tide of socialism that was popular at that time. On the other hand, Cheong Inbo became a disciple of Lee Geonchang and learned the tradition of Joseon intellectuals, especially the tradition of Yangmyunghak. Due to their different academic backgrounds, their understanding and interpretation on Tasan are unlike to each other. However, An Jaihong, Cheong Inboo, and Choi Ikhan all went through experiences that are similar to those of Cheong Yagyong. Going through contradictions and irrationalities of the society, forced confinement for a long time, solitary meditation and reading, sense of crisis and frustration toward the destiny of the nation, a role and mission as an intellectual, social responsibility toward the people, and affection for the public were what they shared with Tasan beyond the ages. Such consciousness made it possible for Yeoyudangjeonseo to be written, supervised, and studied.
『여유당집(與猶堂集)』에서 『여유당전서(與猶堂全書)』로 - “전서 초본”의 재검토를 중심으로 -
김보름 진단학회 2015 진단학보 Vol.- No.124
본고는 정약용 스스로 정한 문집 『여유당집(與猶堂集)』에서 훗날 신조선사에 의해 간행된 『여유당전서(與猶堂全書)』로 변화하는 과정을 규명하려는 장기적 목표 아래, 『여유당전서』의 저본이 되었을 “전서 초본”을 확인하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 1) 정약용 저작 필사본의 생산과정에서 보이는 특징과 선행연구에서 제시한 분류 기준을 검토하고, 2) 장서각 소장 『여유당집』(청구기호 D3B 241) 27책의 입수 경위와 서지적 특이점을 살펴보았다. 3) 이어서 『여유당전서』 간행 직후 전서 초본의 형태를 묘사한 최익한(崔益翰, 1897~?)의 기록과 이 필사본이 일치함을 보였다. 또한, 4) 표지에 붙은 부전지에 주목하여 이 필사본은 1910년대 총독부에서 필사된 규장각본(78책)의 선행본이며, 뒷날 신조선사의 『여유당전서』 저본이 되었음을 밝혔다. The purpose of this paper is to determine the history of Collective Works of Yeoyudang until its publication by Sinjoseonsa (New Korea Company) during the Japanese colonial period due to the fact that the edition published by Sinjoseonsa contains a distinctly different order from that which Jeong Yakyong himself decided on for his works. Not like preceding researches focusing on hand-copied books of Jeong's works to illustrate their path of transmission, examined in this paper are newspapers, magazines in the colonial period, and documents related to Jeong and his works. Especially through investigation of Choi Yik-han's 1939 “Book Report of Collective Works of Yeoyudang", this paper discloses that 27 hand-copied books, which were donated to AKS by An, Chun-geun, are the master copy of Jeong's collective works.
김진균 열상고전연구회 2008 열상고전연구 Vol.27 No.-
崔益翰(1897~?)은 영남 유림 宇 郭鍾錫의 문하에서 전통 학문을 수학하다가, 1917년 경부터는 서울에서 중동학교와 YMCA에서 근대 학문을 접하였다. 독립군 군자금 모집 활동을 하다가 일경에 체포되어 1921년부터 1924년까지 징역을 치렀고, 석방된 후에는 일본 와세다 대학에서 유학하면서 사회주의 사상을 받아들여 사회주의자로서 활동하다가 체포되어 1927년부터 1935년까지 징역을 치렀다. 최익한은 사회주의 활동가였을 뿐만 아니라, 전통학문과 근대 학문을 두루 접하고 국학 고전의 근대적 의미에 대해 깊이 고민하던 근대 지식인이었던 것이다.그는 허생의 실적(1925)이란 글을 통해 연암 박지원의 허생전의 실제 모델을 추적해보며 고전에 대한 근대적 이해의 한 국면을 보여준 이후, 국학 고전의 다양한 유산들을 근대적 시각으로 재해석하는 글들을 발표한다. 특히 주목받은 여유당전서를 독함(1938)을 통해 다산 정약용의 학문적 유산을 철저히 탐구하여, 정약용의 진보적 측면과 시대적 한계를 동시에 밝혀내며, 칭송 일변도의 연구 태도와는 경향을 달리하였다. 최익한은 스스로 전통 탐구의 현대적 의의(1939)라는 글을 통하여 국학 고전을 탐구하는 올바른 자세에 대해 선언하였는바, 전통이란 현재적 진보의 필요에 의해 재구성되는 과거일 뿐이며 과거 전통을 우상화하거나 이상화하여 전통 그 자체에만 매몰되어서는 안된다고 하였다. 사회주의적 ‘과학성’을 담보하는 논리를 국학고전에 적용한 것이다. Choi Ik-han (1897~?) studied classics under Myeon-woo Kwak Jong-seok, Confucianist in the Yeong-nam Province, and began to experience modern sciences at the Jungdong School and YMCA from 1917. He was arrested for raising war funds for the National Independence Army and imprisoned from 1921 to 1924. Released from the prison, he studied at Waseda University in Japan and accepted the socialist ideology. He was again arrested while acting as a socialist and served another term from 1927 to 1935 in prison. Choi Ik-han was not only a socialist activist but also a modern intellect who experienced both traditional and modern sciences and deliberated deeply on the modern meanings of Korean classics. In his writing ‘Heosaeng’s Real Life’(1925), he traced the real model of Yeon-am Park Ji-won’s Heosaengjeon, and displayed an aspect of his modern understanding of the novel, and from that time on he published a number of writings that reinterpreted various Korean classics from a modern viewpoint. Particularly through the spotlighted work ‘Reading Yeoyudangjeonseo’ (1938), he thoroughly examined scholastic heritages from Da-san Jeong Yak-yong, and explained Jeong Yak-yong’s progressive aspects and his imitations in his days. In his writing ‘The Contemporary Meaning of Studies on Traditions,’ Choi Ik-han declared by himself the right attitude toward the study of Korean classics. According to his contention, tradition is the past restructured if necessary for today’s progress, and people should not idolize or idealize past traditions and should not be engrossed in them. That is, he applied the logic that guaranteed socialistic ‘scientificity’ to Korean classics
정종현(Jeong Jong Hyun) 서강대학교 인문과학연구소 2015 서강인문논총 Vol.0 No.42
본 연구는 식민지 시기 최익한의 「與猶堂全書를 讀함」에서 구성된 중층적인 정약용의 형상이 분단 이후 1950년대의 남북한에서 간행된 최익한의 『실학파와 정다산』(1955), 홍이섭의 『정약용의 정치경제사상 연구』(1959)로 각각 어떻게 전유되었는가를 검토한 것이다. 식민지 시기 최익한의 다산론에는 봉건제의 내부에서 모순된 질서를 재조정하려는 온건한 유교적 개혁가라는 관점과 사회주의적 경제이론을 선취한 혁명가라는 관점이 공존하고 있었다. 1950년대 분단과 냉전의 사상지리 속에서 발간된 『실학파와 정다산』에서 최익한은 이전에 만들었던 ‘유형원-이익-정약용’으로 이어지는 실학파의 계보를 보다 정교화했다. 그는 서경덕-이율곡-실학파로 이어지는 ‘기(氣)철학’의 계보를 주조하였으며, 자본주의적 화폐경제와 관련된 부정적 사상으로 북학파를 주변화하였다. 서학교파와 서학학파의 분리를 통해 기독교의 영향을 실학에서 배제하였으며, 무엇보다도 정약용을 체제 내부의 유교 개혁가에서 북한 사회주의를 예비한 자생적 혁명사상가로 전환시켰다. 정다산에 대한 관심이 식민지 시기 조선학 운동, 특히 최익한의 정다산론과 관련되었음을 밝힌 바 있는 홍이섭의 『정약용의 정치경제사상 연구』는 1950년대 남한이 위치한 냉전의 사상지리의 맥락을 잘 보여주는 저작이다. 홍이섭은 정약용을 체제 내적인 행정적 개혁론자로 이해한다. 특히 그는 북한에서 간행된 최익한 등의 저술이 다산의 전론을 사회주의권의 콜호즈를 선취한 혁명적 이론으로 파악하는 상황을 알고 있었으며, 그에 대한 반감을 드러내고 있다. 그에게 다산은 관료들이 유교적 윤리를 통해 도덕적으로 각성하기를 촉구했던 사상가였으며, 그의 사상은 국가기구를 개혁하는 ‘管理論’이었다. 홍이섭은 다산의 기독교와의 관련을 특히 강조하였는데, 이러한 그의 다산론은 저술의 출판을 지원한 미국의 민간기구 아시아재단의 이념인 반공과 기독교 복음주의와도 무관한 것은 아니었다. 이러한 논의를 통해 실학이 ‘실재’로서만이 아니라 특정한 역사적 맥락에서 자기 시대의 의제를 투영한 담론으로서 이해될 가능성을 제기하고자 했다. This study examined how multi-layered ideas constituted in 「Reading Yeoyudangjeonseo」 written by Choi, Ik-han led to Silhakpa and Jeong, Da-san (1955) by Choi, Ik-han, Research on Political and economic ideas of Jeong, Yak-yong (1955) by Hong, I-seop(1959), respectively, since the division published in South Korean and North Korea in the 1950s. Dasanron by Choi, Ik-han during the colonial times involved both the perspective of moderate Confucian reformer seeking to readjust contradictory order inside feudalism and that of reformer who achieved socialistic economic theory. In Silhakpa and Jeong, Da-san published in the ideological geography of the division in the 1950s and the Cold War, Choi, Ik-han elaborated the genealogy of positive school which featured ‘Yu, Hyung-won ―I, ik ― Jeong, Yak-yong’. He coined the genealogy of ‘Qi Philosophy’ which led to Seo, Gyung-deok ― Lee, Yul-gok ―Silhakpa and marginalized Bukhakpa through negative ideas related with capitalistic monetary economy. He excluded the effect of Christianity from positive science through the separation of Seohakgyopa and Seohakhakpa, and above all, transformed Jeong, Yak-yong from Confucian reformer inside system to voluntary revolutionary thinker who prepared socialism in North Korea. Research on Political and economic ideas of Jeong, Yak-yong (1955) by Hong, I-seop(1959), which illuminated the relation of the interest in Jeong, Da-san with the movement of Joseonhak during colonial times, especially Jeongdasanron by Choi, Ik-hyun, is the writing which shows well the context of ideological geography of the Cold War faced by South Korea in the 1950s. Hong, I-seop udderstands Jeong, Yak-yong as the internal administrative reformer in the system. In particular, he well aware of the situation in which the writings by Choi, Ik-han etc. published in North Korea regarded Dasan’s theories as the revolutionary one which took up kolkhoz in socialistic arena and therefore revealed his antipathy over it Dasan was a thinker who urged officials to awaken through the Confucian ethics to him, and his ideas were based on ‘Gwanriron’, reform of national organization. Hong, I-seop emphasized, especially, the relation of Dasan’s Christianity, and his Dasanron was not separated from Anti-communism, the ideology of Asia Foundation, America’s private organization, which supported the publication and Christian evangelicals. These discussions seek to represent the possibility for Silhak to be understood as discourse reflecting the agenda of its own era in the particular historical context, as well as being ‘esse’.
강영주(Kang, Young-zu) 한국고전번역원 2016 民族文化 Vol.48 No.-
이 논문에서는 홍기문이 북한에서 간행한 4종의 연암 작품 선역집을 서지학적 측면을 중심으로 검토하고, 아울러 연암 문학에 대한 그의 논의도 살펴보았다. 최익한과의 공역인 『연암 작품선집』(1954)은 『방경각외전』 전부와 연암의 일반 산문들을 남북한을 통틀어 최초로 선역한 책으로 선구적 의의가 있다. 『연암 박지원선집』(1956)은 『연암 작품선집』을 재간행하면서 번역문을 일부 수정하고 작품수를 배가하여 선역했으므로 그 개정증보판이라 할 수 있다. 홍기문의 단독 번역인 『박지원 작품집』(1)(1991)은 『박지원 작품선집』(1)(1960)을 재간행한 것으로, 여러 면에서 오류와 실수가 많아 개악된 텍스트라 판단된다. 따라서 홍기문 역 연암 선집의 정본은 『박지원 작품선집』(1)이라고 하겠다. 이 책은 상세한 「번역 범례」와 학구적인 주석을 갖추었으며, 원문에 충실하면서도 쉽게 읽히는 문체를 구사하여 높은 번역 수준을 성취한 업적으로 평가된다. 연암 탄생 220주년 기념 논문인 「박지원의 문체」(1957)와 『박지원 작품선집』(1)에 실린 해설들을 보면, 홍기문은 「박연암의 예술과 사상」(1937)에서 연암 문학의 민족문학적 개성과 사상적 진보성을 높이 평가한 자신의 지론을 견지하고 있다. 북한에서 그는 연암의 사상보다는 문체에 대한 연구에 치중했으며, 의도적으로 이념적인 논의를 기피하고 실증적인 고찰에 머물고자 한 것으로 보인다. The current study reviews the four different collectanea of Korean translations of classical Chinese works by Pak Chi-wŏn(pen name Yŏn-am, 1737~1805) that Hong Ki-mun(1903~1992) published in North Korea, with a focus on the bibliographical aspects, and examines his discussions on Pak’s works. “A collectanea of Yŏn-am’s Works(Yŏn-am Chakpum Sŏnjip)”, which Hong jointly translated with fellow North Korean scholar Choe Ik-han(1897~?) and was published in 1954, is the first selected translation of Panggyŏnggak oejŏn(放瓊閣外傳), a collection of Pak’s prose fiction written in classical Chinese, and Pak’s classical Chinese prose works in North and South Korea combined. Published in 1956, “A collectanea of Yŏn-am Pak Chi-wŏn’s Works(Yŏn-am Pak Chi-wŏn Sŏnjip)” is a revised and expanded edition of “A collectanea of Yŏn-am’s Works(Yŏn-am Chakpum Sŏnjip)”. Translated s ingly by H ong and published in 1 960, “A collectanea of Pak Chi-wŏn’s Works (1) (Yŏn-am Chakpum Sŏnjip, 1991)” includes detailed “Notes on the Translation” and academic annotations and employs a style that is faithful to the source texts yet readable. A republication of A Selected Collection of Pak Chi-wŏn’s Works (1) above, Hong’s translation A Collection of Pak Chi-wŏn’s Works (1) may be seen as a deteriorated text due to its numerous errors. As is apparent from his academic essay, “Pak Chi-wŏn’s Style” (Pak Chi-wŏn-ŭi munche, 1957) and two commentaries in “A collectanea of Pak Chi-wŏn’s Works (1)”, Hong held Pak’s literary works in high esteem, praising their uniqueness befitting Korean literature. In addition, he concentrated more on Pak’s style rather than on his ideology and seems intentionally to have avoided ideological discussions and to have sought to stop at positivistic examinations.
식민지시기 한시 작가로서의 崔益翰 -연작체 만시 哭兒二十五絶을 중심으로
한영규 ( Young Gyu Han ) 반교어문학회 2012 泮橋語文硏究 Vol.0 No.33
이 논문은 그동안 사회주의 사상을 가진 국학자로 평가 받아온 최익한(1897~1957이후)을 식민지시기 한시 작가의 한 사람이라는 측면에서 고찰하였다. 그는 그동안 홍명희, 변영만, 정인보와 더불어 식민지시기를 대표하는 논객이자 문필가로 평가받았다. 특히 그의 『실학파와 정다산』이라는 저술은 남북한 학계에서 실학 연구의 고전적 노작으로 손꼽힌다. 최익한을 비롯한 네 사람은 모두한문을 제1의 문어로 지녔던 이들로서, 신문·잡지 등 근대매체에 직간접으로 참여하여 국문으로도 많은 저술을 남겼다는 점에서도 공통된다. 즉 전통적 한학소양을 담지한 채, 국문으로 근대적 문필 활동도 아울러 전개했던 통섭적 지식인들이었다. 최익한은 면우 곽종석의 고제로서 후일 일본 유학을 거치며 사회주의 운동가로 전환적인 삶을 살았다. 그러나 그는 한문 전통에 대해, 그 역사적 한계성을 지적하면서도 또 동시에 전통을 이해해야 한다는 입장을 지녔다. 그가 이룩한 실학파와 정다산 연구 결과는 이러한 자세의 산물이었다. 즉 그는 "새로운 창조를 위해서 먼저 전통을 이해하지 않으면 안 된다"는 입장을 지녔다. 이 논문에서는 특히 옥사한 장남 최재소를 읊은 연작체의 곡아(哭兒) 시를 새롭게 주목하여, 집중적으로 분석하였다. 최익한은 이 한시에서 자식을 잃은아비로서의 개인적 슬픔을 곡진하게 토론하여 한 편의 애도시로서 높은 성취를 달성하였다. 그런데 이러한 애도의 정감은 개인적 차원의 슬픔을 표현하는 차원을 넘어, 피압박 식민지지식인이 겪어야 하는 울분과 독립에의 열망을 매우 전중(典重)하게 형상화하는 지평으로 나아갔다. 즉 이 곡아 시 25수는 1930년대를 대표하는 민족적 서정이면서, 동시에 식민지시기 한문학의 주요 성과라 할만하다. 요컨대 최익한의 만시는 1930년대의 한시가 식민지 현실에 대응하며 서정 장르로서 그 역할을 감당하고 있었다는 표징이라 할 수 있다. This paper examines Choe Ik-hwan (1897~1957) as a chief representative Chinese classic poet in the colonial period though he has so far been considered as a scholar in Korean studies who was engaged in the socialist philosophy. He has thus far been recognized as a representative controversialist and author in parallel with Hong Myeong-hi, Byeon Yeong-man, and Jeong In-bo. In particular, one of his writings, The Silhak School and Jeong Dasan, distinguishes itself as a classical contribution to the study in Silhak in both South and North Korea. Choe Ik-hwan, as well as the other three figures, was a person who had Chinese Classic as his first written language, and they were similar in thatthey left many writings in Korean as they directly or indirectly participated in modern media like newspapers and magazines. In other words, they were interdisciplinary intellectuals who were engaged in modern authoring activities in Korean while maintaining their merits in traditional Chinese classics. This paper pays novel attention to and intensively analyzes his poem, Gok-A ``A Crying Child,`` in which he sang his eldest son who had died in prison. Choe had a remarkable achievement in this work as a mourning poem by sincerely expressing his personal grief as a father who had lost his son. However, this sentiment of mourning proceeded to such a horizon that it very canonically illustrated a repressed colonial intellectual`s resentment and desire for independence. In other words, this poem, Gok-Aconsisting of 25 sections, is a representative national lyric in the 1930`s, and at the same time can be evaluated as a poetic work that can represent the Chinese classics in the colonial period. In sum, Choe`s mourning poem is an important token that says Chinese classic poetry played a role as a lyric genre that coped with the colonial realities in the 1930`s.
『여유당전서(與猶堂全書)』 간행 경위 일고찰 -전서초본(全書草本)의 행방과 여유당전서발행소의 활동을 중심으로-
김보름 ( Bo Rum Kim ) 한국한문학회 2015 한국한문학연구 Vol.0 No.57
The purpose of this paper is to determine the history of the Collective Works of Yeoyudang until its publication by Sinjoseonsa (New Korea Company) during the Japanese colonial period. In this paper, I contend the contents of the edition published by Sinjoseonsa have been reorganized to such an extent that they are distinctly different from the order assigned by Jeong Yak-yong himself. Contrary to past researches focusing only on hand-copied books of Jeong``s works to illustrate its path of transmission, newspapers, magazines in the colonial period, and documents related to Jeong and his works are examined to reveal the publication history of the Collective Works of Yeoyudang. Through discoveries and investigation of heretofore unknown materials, two major facts surrounding its publication history are disclosed. First, based on a newspaper article of August 8, 1925, it has been confirmed that a total of 183 volumes of the master copy of Jeong``s collective works survived the great flood of 1925 which destroyed his family residence. This new evidence will lay to rest the controversy over whether the master copy had been lost in the flood or not and, more importantly, lend credence to Choi Ik-han``s 1939 report of Complete Catalogue of Collective Works of Yeolsu because the total number of volumes listed in his report matches the number of volumes of the survived master copy. Second, the existence of the Publishing Office of Collective Works of Yeoyudang and its attempt to publish the collective works way before Sinjoseonsa did so are revealed in this article. Relying on the fact that, like Sinjoseonsa, the Publishing Office of Collective Works of Yeoyudang decided to name Jeong Yakyong``s works Collective Works of Yeoyudang and devised a plan to raise money to fund the publishing expense by selling subscriptions long before Sinjoseonsa did, this article raises a new thought-provoking possibility : Sinjoseonsa may have taken over the publication of Collective Works of Yeoyudang from the Publishing Office of Collective Works of Yeoyudang.