百濟의 ‘君’號에 대한 試論的 考察

김영심 충남대학교 백제연구소 2008 百濟硏究 Vol.48 No.-

This study focused on the title of the 'Gun(君)' of Baekje which appeared in 'Nihon Shoki(『日本書紀』)' during the 5th century and the first half part of the 6th century. The owners of the title of the 'Gun(君)' were composed of the members of the royal family of Baekje, who played a certain roles and had some bases in Japanese territory. Knowing from the examples of 'Gun-gun(軍君)' and 'Do-gun(嶋君)', the title of 'Gun(君)' was a kind of title given to a noble man included in the limited group of the royal family such as brothers of the king or princes. In order to analyze the characteristics of the 'Gun(君)' of Baekje, I used the comparative study focusing on the royal family and the expanded group of the royal family of other countries such as Goguryeo, Shilla, China, and Japan. Though the 'Gochuga(古雛加)' in the early period of Goguryeo included the broad ranges of outgoing royal families and the family of the Queen, the ranges of the 'Gochuga(古雛加)' after the establishment of the centralized administration system narrowed down to the royal family. In this sense, the 'Gun(君)' of Baekje had the similar characteristics of the 'Gochuga(古雛加)'. The 'Galmunwang(葛文王)' of Shilla, who had the right to the throne in case of King's death, were basically the being of pseudo king, and were placed with the brothers of the king in the period of Maribgan(麻立干). The 'Gun(君)' of Baekje might be analogous to the 'Gochuga(古雛加)' of Goguryeo, because the 'Gun' were received by the limited group of the royal family such as brothers of the king or princes, and the holders of the 'Gun(君)' were allowed to the right to the throne. I studied the role of the 'Gun(君)' in the area of diplomatic relationship with Japan through the analysis of 'Gun-gun(軍君)/ Gonji(昆支)', on whose activities 'Samguk Sagi(『三國史記』)' and 'Nihon Shoki(『日本書紀』)' had good enough stories. The basic purpose of going to Japan by 'Gonji(昆支)', who was a brother of king Gaero, was building the relationship of mutual defense. However, in the long run, his duty included the promotion of friendly relationship between Baekje and Japan through the systematization of the community of the migrants from Baekje into Japan. Although 'Gonji(昆支)' was excluded from the key members of royal family and power elite, he had his own realm of power by contributing the strong relationship with Japan. It was important in the East Asia in pre-modern era how adroitly to manage and utilize the brothers of king and princes for strengthening the royal authority and the government system. It was appeared as a serious task just after King Geunchogo(近肖古王) completed the job of establishing the system of the state of the Baekje to manage the royal family including the expanded royal family systematically. Managing the major powers was crucial to fortify the authority of the king. The owner of the title 'Gun(君)' usually contributed to establish the absolute royal authority as an exclusive group of royal family because the title 'Gun(君)' was given to the more limited group of royal family than the title 'Wang(王)·Hu(侯)'. However, the title 'Gun(君)' still meant Baekje’s royal authority had not broken away from the governance system depending on the employment of the royal family members privately and distributing the title of nobility. Paradoxically, I can argue that the time of disappearance of the title 'Gun(君)' was the stage of the establishment of the centralized state based on the bureaucracy instead of the nobility system, and the era of King Sung(聖王) was no other than the first period of the new governance of Baekje. 본 연구에서는 5세기부터 6세기 전반에 걸쳐 『일본서기』에 등장하는 백제의 ‘君’ 칭호에 주목하였다. ‘君’ 칭호의 소지자는 백제의 왕족으로서 왜에 일정한 기반을 두고 활약했던 인물이었다. ‘軍君’이나 ‘嶋君’의 예에서 알 수 있듯이 ‘君’ 칭호는 왕제 또는 왕자 등 제한된 왕족집단에게 사여된 일종의 爵號였다. 백제의 君의 성격을 파악하기 위해 고구려, 신라, 중국, 일본의 왕실 내지 종실집단과 비교 검토하였다. 고구려 초기 고추가의 범위는 전 왕족이나 왕비족까지 상당히 포괄적이었으나 그 대상이 왕족으로 점차 축소되었기 때문에 王弟나 王子 등 특정 왕족에 한정되었던 백제의 ‘君’과 유사한 면이 있다. 마립간 시기 신라의 갈문왕에는 왕자와 왕제 등이 임명되었으며, 갈문왕은 副王的 존재로서 왕의 유고시 왕위에 오를 수 있었다. 이는 백제의 ‘君’호가 왕제와 왕자 등 제한적인 왕족에 한정되고, ‘君’호 소지자가 왕위에 오를 수 있었던 점과 상통한다. 또한 백제의 ‘君’호가 왕자와 왕제에 국한되었다는 점은 서진에서 황제·황자에 한해서 封王이 이루어진 것과도 유사하다. 일본에서도 親王으로 있다가 왕이 되는 경우가 있기 때문에 친왕이라는 칭호가 천황이 될 수 없는 사람에게만 붙였던 것은 아니라고 생각된다. ‘君’이란 존재의 대왜관계에서의 역할은 『삼국사기』와 『일본서기』에 그 활동상이 가장 잘 남아있는 軍君(昆支)의 활동을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 개로왕의 아우였던 곤지의 도왜 목적은 유사시 請兵이었으나, 장기적으로는 일본열도 내의 백제계 이주민을 조직화하여 이들을 기반으로 왜 정권 내의 친백제계 노선을 유지하게 하는 데 역할을 했다. 곤지는 비록 왕권의 핵심부로부터는 배제되었지만, 왜와의 관계를 돈독히 하는 데 기여함으로써 자신의 기반을 키울 수 있었다. 동아시아의 전근대사회에서는 왕권 내지 지배체제의 강화와 관련하여 왕제나 왕자 등의 왕족을 관리, 활용하는 문제가 매우 중요하였다. 백제에서도 국가체제의 정비가 일단락되었던 근초고왕대 이후 왕족을 포함한 왕실집단에 대한 체계적인 관리 문제가 대두되었다. 국왕의 권력 기반을 강화하기 위해 핵심세력을 관리할 필요가 있게 되었다. ‘君’호는 ‘王·侯’호에 비해 제한된 왕족 집단에 사여되었기 때문에 ‘君’호 소지자는 왕권을 절대화시켜가는 과정의 산물이었다. 그러나 ‘君號制’는 아직은 왕족에 의한 私的, 爵的 질서를 완전히 탈피하지 못한 것을 의미한다. 따라서 역설적으로 ‘君’이라는 작호의 폐지 시점이 작제적 질서 대신 관료제적 질서에 입각한 중앙집권 국가의 성립 시점으로 이해할 수 있으며, 백제의 聖王代가 그 시점에 해당된다고 볼 수 있다.

조선 전기 왕자 교육의 실태와 그 특징

한희숙(Han, Hee-Sook) 고려사학회 2016 한국사학보 Vol.- No.64

본고에서는 조선 전기 왕자인 대군・왕자군들의 교육 실태와 그 특징에 대해 살펴보았다. 조선 전기에는 왕위 계승자인 세자와 원자의 교육은 국가적인 차원에서 제도적으로 이루어졌다. 그러나 대군과 왕자군의 교육은 제도적 장치를 갖지 못하고 부왕의 관심에 따른 사부교육 중심의 개인교습으로 이루어졌다. 그것은 각 왕대의 대군•왕자군의 수가 소수이고 일정하지 않았던 점과, ‘宗親에게는 임무를 맡기지 않는다’는 명분에 따라 왕자들이 관직에 나가는 것을 금지했기 때문이다. 그러나 조선 전기에는 왕자들이 왕위를 계승할 수 있는 잠재적 존재였고, 또 외교활동 및 종친부를 비롯한 왕실관련 기관의 임무를 수행해야 했으며, 왕실 자제로서의 품위를 유지해야 했기 때문에 왕자들의 지식 함양과 자질향상을 위한 교육은 매우 중요하였다. 왕자들의 교육에는 부왕의 재위기간과 관심, 훈육 등이 많이 좌우하였다. 태종은 마음가짐이 단정하고 經書에 박학한 師傅를 뽑아서 대군들을 가르치게 하였다. 세종은 종친의 교육을 위해 종학을 설립하고, 8세가 되면 종학에 입학토록 하고, 모범을 보이기 위해 대군들을 입학시키기도 했지만 사부교육을 더 중요시 하였다. 성종도 대간들의 반대에도 불구하고 왕자들을 사부들로 교육시켰다. 성종은 말년에는 궁궐 내에 讀書廳을 두고 문신을 가려 贊讀이라 이름 하여 왕자들을 가르치게 하였다. 종학은 연산군 11년에 폐지되었다가 중종대 다시 설치되었지만 중종도 왕자들을 사부로 하여금 가르치게 하였다. 조선 전기 세자를 제외한 왕자 교육은 주로 왕자사부에 의한 개인교습교육이 중심이 되고 여기에 종학교육이 보조적으로 이루어졌다. 종학은 종친들을 위한 교육기관이었지 왕자들을 위한 체계적인 교육 기관은 아니었다. 왕자 교육은 방법이나 내용면에서 양반들의 교육과 큰 차이점이 없었다. 왕자들은 기본적으로 『小學』과 『孝經』 『四書』와 『大學衍義』 『三經』과 『通鑑』 등을 배웠다. 그러나 왕자들에게는 제왕교육을 받은 세자와는 달리 治國과 平天下 등 정치적인 역량을 키우는 교육은 하지 않았다. 왕자들의 교육에 가장 큰 관심을 둔 왕은 세종이었다. 그러나 조선 전기 세자를 제외한 왕자 교육은 그 실태와 체제면에서 대체로 부실했다. 그 가장 큰 이유는 왕자들은 “宗親不任以事”의 명분에 의해 공부를 해야 할 동기가 부족했기 때문이었다. 또한 경제적인 문제와 공간 부족 문제, 그리고 道敎的인 인식, 避病, 避厄 등의 이유로 어린 왕자들을 궁 밖에 위탁 입양시키는 일이 많았던 왕실 자녀들의 양육 문화 때문이었다. 그리고 세자를 제외한 모든 왕자들은 11~14세에 결혼을 하여 궁 밖으로 나가서 살아야 했던 왕자들의 이른 혼인 나이도 영향이 있었다. 혼인 후 부왕의 관심이 줄어들 수밖에 없었다. 따라서 조선 전기 90여명의 왕자들 가운데 양녕대군이나 수양대군, 안평대군, 월산대군, 제안대군 등 소수의 재능 있는 대군들만이 詩・書・風流 등에 두각을 나타냈을 뿐이었다. The early Joseon Dynasty education of the Seja and Wonja had been made by the national level institutionally. But the education of the Daegun and Wangjagun had been formed by private education as a attention of the king and it did not have the institutional arrangements enough. Because it was the small number of Daegun and Wangjagun of each King and also the princes were prohibited from working at government office as a according to the Jongchin who did not have been entrusted with the job. However, there was the potential that the prince could be the king in the early Joseon and they had to perform the duties of royal institutions, including Jongchinbu, and diplomatic activity, and they had been trained to maintain the dignity as the royal family son. The princes had received a lot of according to the attention of the king Taejong allowed the private teacher taught the princes. Sejong established the Jonghak for the education of the princes and the Jongchin. The princes had to enroll in the Jonghak from 8years old. Sejong let the princes attended the Jonghak by good example but he thought that private teacher education was more important. Seungjong allowed private teachers taught the princes inspite of the opposition of the Daegan. In later Sungjong Doksircheung was established in the palace and the princes were taught by the Chandok. The Jonghak was abolished when Yonsangun 11years, but it was reinstalled when Jungjong who wanted to teach the princes by a private teacher. The princes were educated to the moral character, except political education which was for threat to the throne. The princes education excluding Seja was generally poor in its status as a system in early Joseon. The educational institutions and systems in accordances with the growth process of the princes did not prepare well. That’s why instead of the princes who could not go to the government office, and they had received a nice treat as a social and economic goal and their education goal motivation was not clear, and the princes were being raised at outside the palace due to economic, space, and avoid illness from the youth, and education could be interrupted by early marriage, and many students attended at Jonghak. Therefore, only small numbers of Daegun were distinction in literature and calligraphy.

조선 건국 초 왕자의 明 사행과 그 배경

윤승희 조선시대사학회 2023 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.- No.107

Throughout the entire Joseon Dynasty, the prince’s tributary visits are very rare, and they are usually concentrated in the early days of the founding. This is a characteristic of the period of “the late Goryeo and early Joseon”, which was not long after being ruled by Yuan Dynasty. During the reign of Yuan, Goryeo’s king and crown prince frequently visited Yuan. A visit by the king or crown prince was considered a useful political action. The tributary visit of Jeongan-gun(靖安君) in 1394 shows that the memory of being ruled by Yuan continued to Joseon. The experience of Yuan still had an impact on the crown prince’s tributary visit in 1407. However, on the other hand, efforts were also made to cut off from the legacy of Yuan and change into a polite relationship through tributary system. Entering Sejong’s reign, the perception of the prince’s tributary visit changed further. In particular, the son of the current king was not even mentioned in the group of people visiting Ming after the period of King Taejong(太宗) and Yongle Emperor(永樂帝) ended. Nevertheless, the process of sending the former king’s son to resolve urgent diplomatic issues shows that the memories of the Yuan Dynasty were still working. 조선 초 명과 새로운 관계를 형성하며 다양한 외교 문제가 산재하였고, 이를 해결하기 위해 국왕의 아들이자 잠재적 왕위계승 후보인 왕자가 파견되었다고 설명하기엔 한 가지 더 중요한 해석이 필요하다. 바로 원간섭기를 겪은 지 얼마 되지 않은 ‘여말선초’의 시기적 특징이다. 원간섭기 내내 고려 국왕과 태자의 원 입조는 빈번하게 이루어졌다. 백여 년에 걸쳐 쌓인 고려의 경험치는 원의 몰락과 함께 갑자기 사라질 수 있는 것이 아니었다. 역사 속에서 국왕이나 태자의 입조는 유용한 정치 행동으로 여겨졌고, 이는 명이 새로운 천자국으로 들어선 뒤에도 일정 기간 계속 영향을 끼쳤다. 고려에서는 창왕 즉위 후 악화된 명과의 관계를 회복하고자 국왕의 친조를 추진하였고, 조선이 건국되기 불과 1년 전에는 세자가 명에 입조하였다. 1394년(태조 3) 정안군의 사행은 원간섭기 때의 기억이 조선에까지 지속되었음을 보여준다. 긴장된 양국 관계 해결을 위한 정안군 파견은 특별할 이유가 없었다. 하지만 세종대에 들어와서 왕자 파견에 대한 인식은 다소 변화하였다. 1419년(세종 1) 경녕군의 사행을 결정했던 태종은 이전과 달리 왕자를 파견하는 것에 대해 소극적이었고, 태종-영락제의 시기가 끝난 이후로 현 국왕의 아들은 명에 입조하는 인물군에 언급되지 않았다. 다만 1429년(세종 11)과 1438년(세종 20)에 반드시 해결해야 하는 사안에 대한 방법으로 세종의 이복형제인 공녕군과 혜령군이 파견되었다. 이는 시급한 외교 현안 해결을 위해 왕자가 파견되었던 원간섭기 이래의 경험이 여전히 유효함을 보여준다.

조선후기 大君과 王子君 그리고 王孫의 교육연구

陸受禾(Yuk Su-hwa) 한국학중앙연구원 2006 장서각 Vol.0 No.15

본 연구는 조선후기 왕실 자손들의 교육기관에서 이루어지는 교육과 의례과정을 규명한 것이다. 그 대상은 왕의 적자인 大君과 서자인 王子君, 그리고 왕세자의 적자인 嫡王孫과 서자인 庶王孫 등이다. 대군과 왕자군의 교육기관은 講學廳이라 하고, 왕손의 교육기관은 敎學廳이라 하였으며, 대군과 왕자군의 스승은 師傅라 하고. 왕손의 스승은 敎傳라 하여 그 廳號와 稱號를 구별하여 사용하였다. 왕위계승자인 왕세자와 왕세손 등의 교육은 국가적인 차원에서 체계적으로 이루어진데 반해 이들의 교육은 종친부 주관으로 이루어졌다. 교육과정은 기본적으로 · 『소학』 · 『효경』등의 초학과정을 이수하면 사서삼경으로 이어져 왕위계승자들의 교육과정과 별반 다르지 않았다. 그러나 왕세자와 왕세손의 경우 왕위계승자임을 염두에 두어 교육이 이루어졌다. 때문에 帝王學을 위한 방편으로써 역사서도 아울러 강조되었다는 점에서 이들의 교육과정과 차이가 있었다. 또한 왕세자의 사부는 정1품, 왕세손의 사부는 종1품인데 비해, 대군과 왕자군의 사부와 왕손의 교부는 모두 종9품으로 왕위계승자들과는 현격한 차등을 두었다. 차이를 인정하기 보다는 차별을 강조하는 유교적 전통은 각종 의례과정에서 더욱 부각되는데, 그 대상이 누구냐에 따라 철저히 위상을 달리하여 이루어졌다. In this paper I examins the educational institutions for son of the king's principle wife(Daegun, 大君), son of the king's concabine wife(Wangjagun, 王子君) and Crown Prince's son(Wangson, 王孫). The educational institution and teachers for Daegun, Wangjagun were called Gnghakcheong(講學廳) and Sabu (師傅) respectively. Gyohakcheong(敎學廳) and Gyobu(敎傅) were for Wangson. The education for Crown Prince and Grandson-Heir Apparent was performed systematically as a means of governmental strategy. The education for Wangson was only conducted by Bureau of Royal Descendants(Jongch'inbu, 宗親府). The curriculum for royal families included Dongmong seonseup(童蒙先習), Sohak(小學), Hyogyeong(孝經) and other confucianism classics. This curriculum was similar with that of Crown Prince and Grandson-Heir Apparent. When compared to the curriculum for other Royal descendents, the history was the most important subject for the teaching of Crown Prince and Grandson-Heir Apparent.

조선후기 大君과 王子君 그리고 王孫의 교육연구

육수화 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2006 장서각 Vol.0 No.15

In this paper I examins the educational institutions for son of the king's principle wife(Daegun, 大君), son of the king's concabine wife(Wangjagun, 王子君) and Crown Prince's son(Wangson, 王孫). The educational institution and teachers for Daegun, Wangjagun were called Gnghakcheong(講學廳) and Sabu(師傅) respectively. Gyohakcheong(敎學廳) and Gyobu(敎傅) were for Wangson. The education for Crown Prince and Grandson-Heir Apparent was performed systematically as a means of governmental strategy. The education for Wangson was only conducted by Bureau of Royal Descendants(Jongch'inbu, 宗親府). The curriculum for royal families included Dongmong seonseup(童蒙先習), Sohak(小學), Hyogyeong(孝經) and other confucianism classics. This curriculum was similar with that of Crown Prince and Grandson-Heir Apparent. When compared to the curriculum for other Royal descendents, the history was the most important subject for the teaching of Crown Prince and Grandson-Heir Apparent. 본 연구는 조선후기 왕실 자손들의 교육기관에서 이루어지는 교육과 의례과정을 규명한 것이다. 그 대상은 왕의 적자인 大君과 서자인 王子君, 그리고 왕세자의 적자인 嫡王孫과 서자인 庶王孫 등이다. 대군과 왕자군의 교육기관은 講學廳이라 하고, 왕손의 교육기관은 敎學廳이라 하였으며, 대군과 왕자군의 스승은 師傅라 하고, 왕손의 스승은 敎傅라 하여 그 廳號와 稱號를 구별하여 사용하였다. 왕위계승자인 왕세자와 왕세손 등의 교육은 국가적인 차원에서 체계적으로 이루어진데 반해 이들의 교육은 종친부 주관으로 이루어졌다.교육과정은 기본적으로 동몽선습 소학 효경 등의 초학과정을 이수하면 사서삼경으로 이어져 왕위계승자들의 교육과정과 별반 다르지 않았다. 그러나 왕세자와 왕세손의 경우 왕위계승자임을 염두에 두어 교육이 이루어졌다. 때문에 帝王學을 위한 방편으로써 역사서도 아울러 강조되었다는 점에서 이들의 교육과정과 차이가 있었다. 또한 왕세자의 사부는 정1품, 왕세손의 사부는 종1품인데 비해, 대군과 왕자군의 사부와 왕손의 교부는 모두 종9품으로 왕위계승자들과는 현격한 차등을 두었다. 차이를 인정하기 보다는 차별을 강조하는 유교적 전통은 각종 의례과정에서 더욱 부각되는데, 그 대상이 누구냐에 따라 철저히 위상을 달리하여 이루어졌다.

1877년 완화군(完和君)의 관례복식(冠禮服飾)에 대한 연구

이은주(Lee Eun-Joo),이경희(Lee Kyung-Hee) 한복문화학회 2015 韓服文化 Vol.18 No.2

A study conducted on the Coming-of-Age ceremonial costumes of Prince Wanhwa(1868-1880) which was documented in the 『Records of Prince Wanhwa"s Coming-of-Age Ceremony』 and it has produced the following conclusions. First, the coming-of-age ceremonial costume of a prince consisted a men"s robe with a straight collar(Jikryeong). And an official coronet(Osamo) and a men"s official dark green robe with a rounded collar (Heukdallyeong) appeared in the first part. A government official"s coronet(Bokdu) and an official attire(Gongbok) appeared in the second part, and an official"s ceremonial coronet(Yanggwan) and the ceremonial attire(Jobok) occurred in the third part. However, details of the costume items varied according to different periods. Second, after the first appearance the ceremony was conducted in three parts, and higher ranking attire were worn as the ceremony progressed. There were some differences in the specific items worn between the crown prince and prince of the nobility regarding the status rank. Third, Prince Wanhwa wore Jikryeong, a red string waisted cord and ritual shoes. According to the Annals of King Sunjo(純祖), the crown prince wore a nobleman"s coat(Dopo) for his first appearance. Therefore, it is necessary that documents were maintained the conservative aspects by recording the nobleman"s coat, the Jikryeong. Fourth, Osamo and Heukdalryeong were worn in the first part. An insignia embroidered with an imaginary animal was attached to the Heukdalryeong which was worn together with a horn belt, a headband with plain jade buttons, men"s formal winter cap, and black socks whilst holding a fur screen in hand. Fifth, Bokdu, Gongbok and a horn belt were worn in the second part. The sleeves of the Gongbok were very wide at this time and the gussets had slits in the sides which being folded up and fastened to the back like the daily official attires(dalryeong) of the later years. The style of the Gongbok gradually changed into a similar style to the dalryeong of the late Joseon Dynasty. Sixth, Yanggwan, Jobok, black socks and black shoes were worn in the third part. After the 18th century, officials wore navy inner robes instead of white inner robes, and the black shoes were worn after the reign of King Jungjong(中宗). Seventh, items which were not part of the ceremonial costume such as the red official"s hat(紫笠), textile hat string, decorative hat strings made of ambers(明貝纓子), men"s winter cap(笠耳掩), and shoes(唐鞋) were prepared together.

조선 태종의 즉위과정과 내세운 명분

남지대(Nam, Jidae) 호서사학회 2014 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.69

고려 중기 왕실과 화엄종

남동신(Nam Dong-shin) 한국역사연구회 2011 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.79

In this article, five members of the Goryeo royal family who became National preceptors(國師) will be examined. They lived during the middle period of the dynasty, and served the Hwa'eom-jong/華嚴宗 order when they were appointed to the seat. Hopefully their lives will reveal the relationship that existed between the state and Buddhism during that time, and help us determine the nature of that relationship. The princes who became Buddhist priests, left the secular world to serve a religious mission that was ushered upon them, which was praying for the good fortune and prosperous future of both the state and the royal family. On the other hand, the So'gun/小君 figures, who were sons of royal concubines, were rather asked to leave for the Buddhist schools, as they frequently tended to become problems for the royal family. So while the former cases were a result of the royal family's rather active decision to ensure a better future for the royal family, the latter cases were a result of a rather defensive choosing to prevent any mishaps to occur inside the palace. Yet both cases also shared one commonality: neither of these cases were actually choices that were made voluntarily. They all followed the 'request' of the kings, who ordered them to go when they were still very young. From the Goryeo period, total of 37 priests are confirmed to have been born from the royal family. During the middle period of the dynasty, which was from the reign of King Munjong/文宗 through the reign of King Gojong/高宗, a period which witnessed the foundation of administrative institutions for the Goryeo government, 8 princes and 20 So'gun figures left the secular world to serve Buddha. Among them, five prince-turned-priests, who were serving the Hwa'eom-jong/華嚴宗 school at the time, were named National preceptors by the kings. As it was a principle to have only one preceptor serve a single generation("一代一師"), the seat of the National preceptor was inherited from uncles to nephews, and while doing so they all tried to live in the footsteps of Master Dae'gak(大覺國師) Eui'cheon/義天(1055?1101). The practice of having sons of the royal family leave the secular world and choose a life as a Buddhist priest was not an uncommon thing in the Asian region where Buddhism was a prospering norm. Especially in Goryeo, which had a philosophy that considered ‘Protecting the state(護國)' and 'Protecting the Buddhist teachings(護法)’ to be the same thing, the sendoff of a royal prince was regarded as the ultimate sacrifice and contribution(功德). The Goryeo people created an institution around such practice and maintained it for a long time. Not only the members of the nobility class and high-ranking governmental officials, but also gentlemen in lower statues and the people who belonged to the commoner class, all had their offsprings report to the Buddhist orders. And as a result, the social order based upon a secular social class system, came to be reflected in the operations of the Buddhist orders as well. The noble houses which were very secular in their nature, took over the overall Buddhist society and inherited their positions inside the order to other members of their own houses. Buddhism, which has always pursued universality beyond any kind of secular values, fell prey to a very much aristocratic and secular form of religion that rose in the Gaegyeong capital, during the dynasty's middle period.

고려전기 왕실 출신 승려들의 출가와 활동

이정훈(Lee Joung-hoon) 한국역사연구회 2009 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.71

family members who left the palace, entered (Buddhist) priesthood, acted as members of the Buddhist community, until their very death. Also examined here, are how the government managed them, and continued this kind of practice(letting Royal family members entering priesthood). These (Buddhist) priests from the Royal family entered priesthood at the order of the King. And they went through necessary rituals before leaving the palace. With the support of the King, they studied under Royal or National priests, and also under priests renowned for their deeds, studies and integrity. Right after their entrance into priesthood they received Gujok-gyae, and was automatically exempted from having to apply for the priesthood examination. Priests who were formerly (and still) princes inside the Royal family received high designations such as ‘Seungtong’ or ‘Dae-Seonsa’. On the other hand, sons of Royal concubines('Sogun') received relatively lower designations, yet in cases of taking the priesthood examination they could be named to either Seungtong or Dae-Seonsa as well. ‘Prince-priests' were usually named as head priests for large, famous and powerful Buddhist temples, and in many cases they served as head priests for not one but several temples at the same time. And these priests from the Royal family generally never served as head priests for temples located in the ‘local areas’(they did so only in special cases like having to escape political turmoils). Whenever a priest who was part of the Royal family died, the King provided special treatments, and more so when the deceased was one was a prince. In such occasion, the King would change into a mourning attire, skip the morning conferences, and honor the one with the (posthumous) title of a National priest. Although there were slight differences between the status granted to priests who were originally princes and the status granted to priests who were originally a royal concubine’s son, in general, priests from the Royal family were granted with special favors and privileges compared to other ordinary priests. The Kings provided them with all these privileges under the intention of having them obtain higher positions inside the Buddhist community, and also Buddhist order through them. Plus, the noble deed of abandoning a prestigious position as a prince, and taking the humble and difficult path to seek for 'the truth', served as a significantly strong demonstration of the fact that the King and the Royal family were actively practicing the teachings of Budda themselves, which could only be helpful in capturing the hearts and approval of the public. The priests from the Royal family were allowed to freely enter and exit the palace. And they were perceived as dignitaries, and recognized as an entity having an extensive relationship with the King, like the King’s son(皇子), or the King’s brother(大弟). And like Euicheon, who suggested that a policy of casting coins for national usage be established(‘鑄錢論’), they served as counselors and aides for the King and the Royal family as well, providing counsels regarding dynastic policies.