이탈리아 파시즘 시기 선전물의 쟁점과 어법 : 무솔리니의 도상을 중심으로

최병진,마르타 짐바르도 유럽문화예술학회 2020 유럽문화예술학논집 Vol.11 No.2

1922년부터 2차 세계 대전까지 이탈리아의 파시즘 정부는 역사적 전통과 근대화의 이미지를 복합적으로 절충하고 중첩해서 정치적 이데올로기를 메시지로 고안했다. 이 과정에서 무솔리니를 다룬 선전물은 이 같은 메시지에서 가장 중요한 매체였다. 연구를 통해서 확인할 수 있었던 것은 그를 다루는사진, 포스터, 영화가 현실에서 차용한 이미지를 활용했지만 이를 조합하고 계열화 해서 독립적인파시즘의 상징적 의미 체계를 만들어냈다는 점이다. Mussolini's image, which was immortalized during the twenty years of fascism, played a particularly important role in fascist propaganda. It became an allegory for fascist political ideology, and by virtue of this, his cult could be developed. Mussolini's representation was intended to establish a consensus, and to ensure the adherence of Italians to fascism. This study aims to provide an overview of the iconography of Mussolini, focusing on some of the recurring images found in remaining photographs, posters, and films. Changes in Mussolini's image over time, as his representation adapted to the development of propaganda, are also presented. Some concrete examples are explored to elucidate how Mussolini's representation, which borrows an image of reality and renders it more persuasive, created an independent metaphor for fascism, with its principles but also contradictions.

국회의원 후보자의 유권자 설득 메시지에 대한 기호학적 분석

이두원 청주대학교사회과학연구소 2018 한국사회과학연구 Vol.39 No.2

This study is designed to explore the persuasive messages of Korean political campaign for the 20th National Assembly election. The political campaign messages designed for persuading voters are a “mirror” of a political culture in the society to the extent that these messages are strategically composed of the major political values as the persuasive appeals and the major premises of the political culture as the persuasive premises. Semiotic explication of these persuasive appeals as signs and symbols and persuasive premises as cultural codes in the political campaign messages aims ultimately at revealing the ideologies governing the political culture of the society. Thus, this study attempts to explicate the value systems (cultural codes) and ideologies of the political culture of Korean society by decoding political campaign text. To achieve this goal, this study investigates three research questions: ① What are the major persuasive appeals appeared in the political campaign messages? ② What are the persuasive premises underlying those persuasive appeals? ③ What are the ideologies that govern those persuasive appeals and premises in the political campaign messages? The study result reveals twelve major persuasive values and premises along with three major ideologies governing the symbolism of Korean political culture. 이 연구는 정치 커뮤니케이션의 관점에서 국회의원 후보자의 유권자 설득 메시지를 수집 하여, 설득 메시지에 내재된 설득 소구점(기호들)과 정치 문화적 전제들을 분석하고 더나가 이러한 정치 문화적 전제를 생성하는 한국사회의 정치 문화적 이데올로기를 고찰해보기 위한 기호학적 접근이다. 이 연구의 분석 결과를 통하여 한국사회의 정치문화 속에서 소통의 코드 로 작용하고 있는 정치문화적 가치체계와 이데올로기적 지향점을 해석해보는데 본 연구의 목 적이 있다. 정치 선거에서 후보자 선전물은 일종의 정치광고이며, 광고주(廣告主)로서 정치 후보자는 ‘정치인은 이런 모습이어야 하며 이런 직무와 역할을 수행해야 한다’는 현 시대적· 사회적 요구를 반영하여 ‘유권자’의 선택을 유도하는 ‘전략적·설득적 텍스트’이다. 따라서 국 회위원 후보자의 선거 공보물에는 대다수 유권자들이 ‘지향’하는 이상적인 정치문화의 가치 체계와 이데올로기가 유권자 설득을 위한 ‘논거(論據)’와 대전제’로서 내재되어 있다. 이 연구 에서는 2016년에 진행된 20대 총선의 국회의원 후보자 책자형 선거 공보물[記號]을 수집한 후, 기호학적 의미 분석틀을 적용하여 ‘선거 공보물에 투영된 한국사회의 정치 문화적 가치 체계와 이데올로기’를 분석해보고자 하였다.

고대 국왕의 진신사리 공양과 정치적 함의

주경미 부경대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2009 인문사회과학연구 Vol.10 No.2

석가모니 부처의 진짜 유골이라 믿어지는 진신사리는 부처와 동일한 신격을 지 닌 존재로서, 불교계에서 널리 존숭되었다. 진신사리 신앙은 석가모니의 열반 직후 에 세워진 근본팔탑의 건립과 함께 시작되었으며, 일찍부터 국왕의 정치적 위상과 밀접한 관계를 맺으며 발달하였다. 특히 기원전 3세기 인도의 아쇼카왕에 의해서 세워진 팔만사천탑은 국왕의 진신사리 공양이 가지는 정치적 함의를 잘 보여주는 중요한 예이다. 이후 아쇼카왕의 선례를 따라 중앙아시아와 스리랑카, 동아시아 등 의 여러 불교 국가에서는 국왕에 의한 진신사리 공양이 이루어졌으며, 이러한 의례 와 당시 만들어진 조형물들은 후원자인 국왕의 정치적 위상을 높여주는 선전물로 서 기능하기도 했다. 중국에서는 아쇼카왕의 전설이 5세기경부터 남조에 전해지면서, 양무제나 진무 제와 같은 국왕의 진신사리 공양이 본격적으로 이루어졌다. 특히 양무제의 진신사 리 공양은 무력을 통해 집권한 자신의 정치적 위상을 확보하기 위한 것이었으며, 동시대의 백제와 신라에까지 영향을 미쳤다. 한편 남북조를 통일한 수문제는 아쇼 카왕의 팔만사천탑 고사를 본받아 인수연간에 100여개의 진신사리를 전국 각지에 보내어 각각 탑을 세웠다. 수문제의 이러한 사리신앙은 순수하게 종교적인 것이 아 니라, 통일된 제국을 통치하기 위한 정치적 목적에서 이루어졌다. 고대 국왕들에게 진신사리의 호지와 공양은 자신의 聖德을 상징하는 것으로 받아들여졌기 때문에, 그들은 자신의 정치적 위상을 높이고 민심을 모으기 위하여 진 신사리 공양을 적극적으로 후원하였다. 삼국시대에는 백제의 위덕왕과 신라의 선 덕여왕이 이러한 정치적 목적에서의 진신사리 공양과 전륜성왕 사상을 받아들였다. 이와 같은 진신사리 공양 과정에서는 국왕의 후원으로 그를 위한 선전용, 혹은 위 엄 과시용으로 탑이나 사리기와 같은 새롭고 독특한 조형물들을 제작하는 경우가 많았다. 현존하는 백제의 사리장엄구나 신라 황룡사목탑지 출토품 등은 그러한 영 향 관계를 보여주는 고고학적, 미술사학적 유물로서 매우 중요하다. In this paper, I examined the relationship between the Buddha's relic cult of the kings and its political meaning. The worship of Buddha's relics was developed in Ancient India, when Sakyamuni Buddha entered Nirvana. According to legend, the famous eight Kings of that time divided the Buddha's relics with each other and constructed the eight great stupas within their own land. When King Aśoka, the unifier of the Indian continent in the third century BC, came to hold Buddhist faith, he excavated the Buddha's relics from those eight stupas and built new eighty four thousands of stupas in the world in order to newly enshrine the Buddha's relics. These Aśokan stupas were the most important examples of the representation of the relic worship by an emperor exemplifying the imperial political propaganda. In ancient China, some emperors accepted the Buddha's relic worship like King Aśoka and worshipped the Buddha's bodily relic in order to make political impacts out of the worship. Emperor Wudi of Liang (梁武帝) and Wudi of Chin (陳武帝) in the southern China, who became kings by military forces worshiped Buddha's relics for legitimizing their own enthronements. Emperor Wendi of Sui dynasty (隋文帝) who unified China in the late six century also worshiped the Buddha's relics and built one hundreds stupas all over his territory for enshrining them emulating King Aśoka. These religious acts by Emperor Wendi were performed as a kind of Buddhist consolation for people who suffered from the long wars of unification and at the same time, functioned as a political propaganda for the legitimation of his reign. During the three kingdom period in ancient Korea, some kings also accepted this kind of Buddha's relic worship after King Aśoka and Emperor Wendi. King Wideok of Baekjae built two large wooden pagodas for worshipping the Buddha's relic and some of Buddhist reliquaries were excavated from the pagoda sites. However, Queen Seondeok of Silla built the giant nine storied wooden pagoda in Hwangnyongsa temple, praying to Buddha for the unification of the three kingdom by Silla. After she built the pagoda, Silla defeated Baekjae and Goguryo and completed the unification war. Therefore, those relic worships inspired by precedents of the Buddhist Kings were not purely religious offerings but rather political patronages of Buddhism for gaining their prestiges.

<최필공전>의 서사적 특징과 문학적 의미

오성준 계명대학교 한국학연구원 2023 한국학논집 Vol.- No.90

<Choipilgongjeon> is a work created by Hong Yang-ho at the order of King Jeong-jo, in the case of Choi Pil-gong, a Catholic leader of middle class, who was captured during the Sinhae Persecution in 1791, choosing to choose apostasy due to King Jeongjo's edification. Given that it deals with the Catholic issue and was built at the order of the king, <Choipilgongjeon> was inevitably created to secure the legitimacy of King Jeong-jo's political actions and to promote the edifying message as much as possible. The introduction of the subject of entry and the phrase of Mencius, which represents royal politics, are placed before and after the narrative, and the optimistic view that Catholicism from China, like other heresies, is reflected in this creative narrative. Looking at the narrative features of major events, first, he emphasized the edification of King Jeong-jo by reducing the period between the actual declaration of King Jeong-jo's edification policy and Choi Pil-gong's confession. Second, it promoted edification by describing the preferential policy for Choi Pil-gong, a re-converter who returned to Confucianism from Catholicism. Third, by objectifying the artist himself and appearing in the work, he tried to secure the credibility of testimony on how effective King Jeong-jo's edification was, from Choi Pil-gong's case of conversion to preferential treatment. In that sense, <Choipilgongjeon> can be said to be a kind of political plan or propaganda to cope with the Catholic problem for Hong Yang-ho, who is literary entrusted with the political message of King Jeongjo and King Jeongjo. However, it is up to the artist to decide on the creative direction, but Jeon(傳)'s sense of genre to present the object's life eagerly can not be overlooked. As a result, Choi Pil-gong, who hates lies and is honest in his mind, is partially captured. Through this, we could find the literary meaning of this work in that we could guess Choi Pil-gong as an honest human being who tried to carry out his beliefs in the time and space when Confucianism and Catholicism were sharply competing at the time. <최필공전>은 1791년 신해박해 때 잡혀 온 중인(中人) 출신 천주교 지도자 최필공이 정조의 교화로 인해 배교를 선택한 사건을, 정조의 명령으로 홍양호가 창작한 작품이다. 당시 중요한 사안이었던 천주교 문제를 다루고 있으며 왕의 명령으로 지어졌다는 점에서, 이 작품은 정조의 정치 행위에 대한 정당성 확보와 교화적 메시지를 최대한 알리기 위한 방향으로 작품이 창작될 수밖에 없었다. 입전 대상에 대한 소개와 주요 사건 서사의 앞과 뒤에 왕도정치를 대표하는 『맹자』의 구절을 배치하여 마치 해당 내용이 정조의 교화 정책을 대표하는 사례인 것처럼 보이게 하는 것도, 논찬 부분에 인물의 삶에 대해 평가가 아니라 중국에서 유래한 천주교가 다른 이단들과 마찬가지로 곧 무너지게 될 것이라는 낙관적 전망을 적어놓은 것도 이러한 창작 지향이 서사 구조에 반영된 결과이다. 주요 사건의 서사적 특징을 살펴보면, 첫째 실제 정조의 교화 정책 선포와 최필공의 회심 사이에 걸린 기간을 축소하는 설정으로 정조의 교화를 강조했다. 둘째, 천주교로부터 다시 유교로 돌아온 재전향자 최필공에 대한 우대 정책을 서술함으로써 교화를 홍보했다. 셋째, 작가 자신을 객관화하여 작품 속에 등장시킴으로써 최필공의 회심 사건과 그에 대한 우대에 이르기까지 정조의 교화가 얼마나 효과적인지에 대한 증언의 신뢰성을 확보하고자 했다. 그런 의미에서 <최필공전>은 정조와 정조의 정치적 메시지를 문학적으로 위임받은 홍양호에게 있어 천주교 문제에 대처하는 일종의 정치적 기획물 혹은 선전물이라고 할 수 있다. 그러나 창작 지향을 결정하는 것이 작가의 몫이지만, 대상의 삶의 모습을 핍진하게 제시하려는 전(傳)의 장르 의식 역시 간과할 수 없다. 그 결과 눈에 잘 띄지는 않지만, 거짓을 싫어하고 자신의 마음에 솔직한 최필공의 면모가 부분적으로나마 포착되고 있다. 이를 통해 당시 유교와 천주교가 첨예하게 힘겨루기를 하고 있던 그 시간과 공간에서 자신의 신념을 관철하고자 했지만 결국 포기할 수밖에 없었던 솔직한 인간으로서의 최필공의 모습을 짐작할 수 있다는 점에서 이 작품의 문학적 의미를 찾을 수 있다고 보았다.

“%lma yna”: 다윗 왕위 계승 순위의 뒤틀림

손종희 한국구약학회 2016 구약논단 Vol.22 No.2

Who will succeed the throne of David? This has been an issue of utmost importance not only for the people of Israel but also within the court of David. According to the principle of primogeniture as a fait accompli in Israel, Amnon is David's eldest son and therefore the heir to the throne. However, the line of succession within the royal palace is completely twisted and eventually Solomon succeeds David. Regal power in David's house is not smoothly transferred, and thus the court is exposed to urgent crisis with continuous power struggles among the princes related to the succession. What is the reason for such a twist? Was there a redactor's activity? Why was the Succession Narrative (2 Sam 9-20 and 1 Kgs 1-2), which revolves around the succession of the throne, written? In order to answer these questions, this study looks at each of the four candidates for the throne in order, and searches for the purpose and intentions of the author of the Succession Narrative. The author of the Succession Narrative, who worked as Solomon's apologist, reveals the reasons why Amnon, Absalom, and Adonijah were all rejected as David's successor, although they were the most privileged. The author records that Solomon is the only lawful successor set by Yahweh. The three candidates violated the law of Yahweh and committed crimes such as rape, murder, and rebellion, even though they had the legitimacy and rights to succeed David's throne. Thus those who committed crucial sins against the law cannot claim the throne, even though they are David the King's eldest son or the second one. In the eyes of the author of the Succession Narrative, therefore, Solomon's accession is the fulfillment of the Davidic covenant and a legitimate, natural result which accords with the will of Yahweh. The author explains through such a theological analysis why Solomon, the youngest son and thus the last candidate for the throne, was able to succeed the throne, and he seeks to find a solution to the immediate political crisis during the early years of Solomon's reign. Thus the Succession Narrative functions as Solomon's political propaganda, which is an apologetic account of the court to resolve public suspicions and accusations. 누가 다윗의 왕위를 계승할 것인가? 이 질문은 이스라엘 백성들뿐 아니라 다윗 왕궁 내의 초유의 관심사였다. 전통적인 고대 이스라엘의 왕위 계승법에 의하면, 다윗의 장남 암논이 왕위를 이어야 하나, 다윗 왕궁에서는 계승 순위가 완전히 뒤틀려 솔로몬이 왕위에 오르게 된다. 다윗 왕가에서는 계승이 순조롭지 못하였으며, 궁중에서는 왕위계승을 둘러싼 왕자들의 피비린내 나는 권력 암투가 연속적으로 일어나게 되어 왕궁은 풍전등화의 위기를 맞이하게 된다. 이러한 뒤틀림의 이유는 무엇일까? 어떤 편집의 손길이 있었던 것은 아닐까? 왜 왕위 계승을 주제로 하는 계승 내러티브 (삼하 9-20 & 왕상 1-2)가 기록되었을까? 본 연구의 목적은 이러한 질문들에 답하기 위하여, 네 명의 왕위 후보자들을 순위대로 살펴보고 계승 내러티브 저자가 이 내러티브를 기록한 목적과 의도를 탐구하는 것이다. 솔로몬의 변증가로 활동한 계승 내러티브의 저자는 왕위 계승에서 우선권을 가졌던 암논, 압살롬, 아도니야가 왜 계승에서 탈락하게 되었는지 그 이유들을 밝히고, 오직 솔로몬만이 야훼의 정하신 합법적인 왕위 계승자임을 자신의 펜으로 피력하였다. 이 세 후보들은 다윗의 왕위를 계승할 수 있는 특권과 정당성을 가졌음에도 불구하고 야훼의 율법을 어기고 강간, 살인, 반역 등의 죄를 범한 인물들이다. 이처럼 율법의 중대한 죄를 범한 자들은 아무리 다윗의 장남이나 차남일지라도 왕위를 계승할 수는 없는 것이다. 그러므로 계승 내러티브의 저자의 눈에는 솔로몬의 등극이 다윗언약의 성취이며, 야훼의 뜻에 의한 합법적이고 당연한 결과이다. 그는 이러한 신학적 해석을 통하여 계승 순위에서 최하위였던 솔로몬이 왕위를 잇게 된 이유를 설명하며 솔로몬 집권 초기에 당면한 정치적 위기에 해법을 찾고자 하였다. 이와 같이 계승내러티브는 대중의 의혹과 비난을 해소하기 위한 의도로 기록된 궁중 변증서로서 솔로몬의 정치적 선전물(political propaganda)의 기능을 하고 있다.

미디어중국어 수업모형과 적용실례

김자은 영남중국어문학회 2019 중국어문학 Vol.0 No.81

This paper introduces the media Chinese teaching model and application examples. I have set the goal of this class to help students gain access to information about China through the media and build up a rudimentary understanding of China. The contents of weekly learning were taught step by step as follows. Students have the basic ability to learn mediarelated terms first and to process information in Chinese on computers and mobile. And the video and subtitling of the party and the propaganda were taken as starting point to understand China. Next, we grasped the political and social meaning and linguistic characteristics of the advertisement, and examined the mechanism of Chinese society in more detail through regular news. The process of preparing and reading the contents of the news made it possible to understand the Chinese people's thoughts and expressions and realize the linkage between Korea and China. At the final stage, we confirmed that the students had reached the level of obtaining the desired information by using the Chinese media by carrying out activities using the Chinese website. The selection and difficulty of class contents is the biggest task of this class. Communication and empathy between professors and students are very important to overcome this. You also need to worry about whether this course can enhance your ability to use Chinese in practice. The professor should develop instructional methods to improve the ability of Chinese speaking, listening, writing and reading evenly. You also have to edit the new class every year. Above all, we must constantly strive to respond appropriately to the student's level and needs.

일제하 김명룡의 동래지역 사회운동과 적우사 사건

한종민 ( Han¸ Jong-min ) 부산광역시사편찬위원회 2021 항도부산 Vol.41 No.-

This study attempted to trace social movements of Dongnae in the late 1920s and early 1930s through a figure named Kim Myung-ryong, and to examine the activities of the secret organization ‘Jeokwoosa’ that unfolded along the lines of such movements. As one of successor generation heavily influenced by socialism, Kim Myung-ryong's action at the time easily reflect the activities of the emerging socialist forces that have led the local movements since the foundation of the Dongnae Youth league in 1928. The league played a leading role in the Dongnae branch of Shinganhoe and even after its disbandment, the league still led social movements through an organization called Dongnae Labor Union in their region. Kim Myung-ryong was prosecuted several times in the process and organized a secret society called ‘Jeokwoosa’ instead of leading Dongnae Labor Union. Primary activity of the group was to produce and distribute propaganda pamphlet. Although ‘Jeokwoosa’ itself was a small organization, it not only cooperated with Busan branch of Shinganhoe and Busan Youth league, also covered as wide as including neighboring areas such as Eonyang and Ulsan. Their pamphlet manifest potent arguments to overcome Japanese imperialism and capitalism and anti-warism regarding the Manchurian Incident. It also contains a sense of solidarity between Japanese and Chinese proletariat. Kim Myung-ryong eventually arrested for the activity of ‘Jeokwoosa’, and the process of his trial shows the very presence of colonial violence under Japanese imperialism and how brutal the modern legal system and prosecution rights can be if uncontained. Although this study could not cover Kim Myung-ryong's entire life, it is an attempt to illuminate an aspect of the social movement in the early 1930s through a new figure. It is hoped that more studies in socialist activities such as this can attribute to local studies as a relevant part.

참예언자와거짓 예언자의 구별

김한성 한국문화신학회 2009 한국문화신학회 논문집 Vol.14 No.-

The purpose of this article is to show the ways in which the Old Testament took up the concept of true and false prophet, enlarged its connotations, and adopted it as one of the more available and important means in order to preclude particular social and religious behaviors, from the perspective of redaction criticism.

스리랑카의 佛齒精舍와 동아시아의 求法僧

주경미(Joo Kyeongmi) 부산경남사학회 2008 역사와 경계 Vol.69 No.-

It is believed that the Buddha's Tooth Relic was brought to Sri Lanka in the early 4th century from Kalinga in Eastern India by Prince Danta and Princess H?mam?l?. It was enshrined in the special temple called Da?ad? M?lig?va inside King Siri M?ghava??a's court, and venerated by the King. Da?ad? M?lig?va means the Tooth Relic Temple in Sinhalese term and it was built in Anur?dapura for the first time. Now the temple is in Kandy, which was reconstructed in 1815. From the 4th century, the Tooth Relic has been identified as a symbol of royal authorities for the king of Sri Lanka, so many kings of Sri Lanka protected and venerated the Tooth Relic with their whole true hearts. When the king and the capital were moved to another city, the Tooth Relic Temple was also moved together. The Buddha's Tooth Relic in Sri Lanka is very famous as a real sacred relic to other Buddhist countries, and many Buddhist Pilgrims have visited the Tooth Relic Temple and venerated the Tooth Relic from the ancient time. The famous Buddhist pilgrim Faxian visited Sri Lanka in early 5th century and venerated the Tooth Relic during the annual festival for the Tooth Relic. He recorded very detailed scenes of the festival in his book of travels. It is very interesting that Esala Perahera, a festival for the Tooth Relic in present time, which is held in every July in lunar calender in Kandy, is very similar to the scenes in Faxian's record. After he returned to China, the fame of the Tooth Relic in Sri Lanka was known to the East Asian Buddhist. In Tang dynasty, many Buddhist pilgrims went on a pilgrimage to the Tooth Relic Temple in Sri Lanka. The worship of the Tooth Relic in Sri Lanka was always deeply related with the King's patronage, and it means that the Tooth Relic venerations were functioned as a political propaganda for the patron King. This political feature of the real Buddha's relic worship was transmitted to the Kings of East Asia by those buddhist pilgrims and diplomatic relations between Sri Lanka and the South China. As well as the political importance of the relic worship, the architectural style of the relic enshrinement and the festivals for the Buddha's relic in Sri Lanka were also delivered to the East Asian Buddhist communities along with the pilgrimage routes in the South Sea. The Tooth Relic Temple in Sri Lanka has been noticed as one of the most famous and influential Buddhist Pilgrimage Centers for the East Asian Buddhist.

신자료를 통해서 살펴본 일제강점기 출판 검열의 단면

문한별(Moon, Han-byoul) 한국언어문학회 2013 한국언어문학 Vol.86 No.-

There are not many materials that can lock at the reality of the publication censorship in Japanese occupation Excepting general information and statistical data, the materials which can identify the list and result on disposal of the magazines or works are so far only Joseon Chulpan Gyoengchal Wolbo(1928.9-1938.12) and Joseonchongdokbu Geumjidanhaengbon Mokrok (1941). Because of less data, to look at the physical aspects of the censorship of other times had to be limited. In this paper research process, were found the new materials that can complement the limitations of existing materials Based on this, the analysis and arrangement was performed The studying subjects of this paper Bulhugachulpanmul byeong sakjegisa gaeyoyeokmun (the summary translation of disallowed publications and deleted articles) is confidential data of the Beck Department of Gyeongseong District Court Public Prosecutor's office. It was Mitten over a period of 13 months from August 1927 to August 1928. In these materials, the list and reason of deleted or banned publication are stated. The screening results of magazines and books and propaganda are contained in the total list of 226. Through the list and additional reasons, I tried to investigate new aspects of press and publication oppression during the Japanese occupation. As a result, was able to identify that many ideological books and literature books had been banned or deleted in publishing through the censorship. In addition, was confirmed that this material had been affected systematization and expansion of censorship since through the Joseon Chulpan Gyoengchal Wolbo.