청말 호남성 지식인과 湖湘學 繼承

이영란 명청사학회 2010 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.34

崇尚性理哲学,又以经世致用为基本特征,强调亲身实践的湖湘学是湖南省知识分子的思想之根。在这样的风气之下湖南的知识分子们为了挽救国家的危亡, 首先从自己的省份开始,在湖湘学派的人群里主动地以政治家、思想家、革命家的态度进行了活动。自宋代以来,湖南省内以学术活动为目的形成的湖南学派,为了开拓自身学派的形成建立了书院。由胡国安,胡宏父子在南岳一带创建的碧泉书院、文定书院、道山书院和张栻在长沙研究、传播理学时设立的岳麓书院、城南书院就是他们学术活动的场所。张栻的弟子们在岳麓书院不仅参与讲学活动,又设立了湘乡的涟滨书院、湘潭的主一书院、衡山的南岳书院等。这样,湖湘学者们在湖南省建立书院的同时在经世致用的风气之下培养了人才。他们的思想里因为有了湖湘学派的经世致用的救国精神,因此在1840年前后刮起中国近代化之风,同时需要改革派知识分子的出现时候,湖南省的知识分子们想在改革的思想基础上找出湖湘学的传统,实施符合现实的新的制度。湖南省重要人物大多来自于湖湘学派。首先是湖湘学派的学术根据地书院,特别是由岳麓书院培养的人们相继成了经世家、湘军势力、变法派、革命派。继承了湖湘学传统的岳麓书院,在1840年前后培养的经世家有唐鉴、魏源、贺长龄、贺熙龄和湘军势力的曾国藩、胡林翼、左宗棠、罗泽南、曾国荃、郭嵩焘还有戉戌变法运动的变法人谭嗣同、唐才常、熊希龄。此后的革命派黄兴、杨昌济、阳毓麟、陈天华也称得上是继承湖湘学的知识分子。另外湖南省出身的官僚中的黄自元、谭延闦等也研究过实用文学,参与了新学堂的设立,因此也可以纳入具有改革意志的湖南省知识分子范畴内。曾经是中央官僚的他们回到湖南省后参加了改革运动,并通过湖湘学派与湖南省的知识分子一起在书院结成师弟、学友关系。还有派遣到湖南省的地方官湖南按察使黄遵宪、湖南巡抚陈宝箴、学政江标、徐仁铸虽是他省出身,但是属于参与湖南省改革运动的代表官僚,所以也可以称作是受到湖湘学影响的湖南省知识分子的一个类型。戊戌变法失败后大部分清末湖南省改革知识分子们选择了日本留学。他们回到湖南省后抗议清朝政府,参加了自立军的起义。他们把变法中起过革命先导作用的起义思想,考虑到民主和爱国,融入到湖湘学里了。虽然是岳麓书院培养的近现代人物和官僚,且具有改革意志的人物、湖南省地方官僚、留学生都参与了湖南省的改革运动,并以湖湘学派的经世致用的学术思想完成了湖南省改革思想的原形。知识分子的培养方式是多样的。在湖南省湖湘学学派在过去近千年跨入近代的过渡期、经世致用从新成为重要作用的转换期,湖湘学学派作为纽带提供了重要的基础,为确立湖南省知识分子的思想体系指引了方向。

外商直接投资对湖北省产业结构影响的实证分析

顾椅晛,朱金生,况琴琴 한중경상학회 2008 한중경상연구 Vol.7 No.2

淸代 湖北省 西部와 陜西省 南部 環境 變化의 比較 硏究

鄭哲雄(Chung Chul-Woong) 동양사학회 2001 東洋史學硏究 Vol.75 No.-

After a remarkable demographic increases in the developed areas in Qing period, many people went to a 'new world' to seek for new economic opportunities. One of the most popular regions for these immigrants was the bordering areas of three provinces, the Hubei, the Shaanxi and the Sichuan. Rested intact for a long time, they were rapidly exploited by the immigrants. In present level of study of these mountainous regions, we can not generalize the type of their exploitation, but there existed grosso modo two types of exploitation. One was a simple exploitation for self-subsistence, the other was a systematic exploitation in which we can find some groups of cultivators, proprietors, and renters. The complex structure of exploitation due to the several types of alienation heightened the tension between cultivators and proprietors, and accelerated the destruction of forest. The forest was also damaged by such industrial activities as iron, charcoal, salt productions. In contrast to the Province of Shaanxi where the exploitation begun due to the immigrants, a state policy called gaituguiliui(改土歸流: incorporating non-Han people to regular administrative system) stimulated the exploitation of the province of Hubei. Many immigrants and their exhaustive exploitation of natural resources made this region's environment change very rapidly. The first change, even the contemporary felt it, was the fast decrease of the forested areas. Second, wild animals also disappeared with the decrease of forest and trees. Except that frontier settlers brought here inappropriate techniques and tools, the existed agriculture in Hanjiang(漢江) area lost its productivity very rapidly because of the insufficient water supply caused by mountainous soil erosion. In other part of this area, the industrial activities also encountered insufficient supplies of wooden fuel. These environmental changes made the Hanjiang hydraulic system more dangerous than before. More serious was that the Shaanxi and the Hubei were exposed to flood simultaneously. The bureaucratic reaction about this catastrophic changes was limited to keep public order which would be menaced by immigrants en mouvement. Even though some regional bureaucracies payed much attention to plant trees, it was to raise the peasants' profits, not to ameliorate the deteriorating environmental conditions.

1931년 長江 大水災와 湖南省에서의 水災救濟 : 國民政府 救濟水災委員會와 湖南省 當局의 相互關係를 중심으로

朴敬石(Park Kyung-Seok) 역사교육연구회 2003 歷史敎育 Vol.85 No.-

This study analyzes countermeasures taken by the Nanjing National Government to cope with the great flood that occurred in the Yangzi Valley and Huaihe(淮河) basin in 1931. At that time, the National Flood Relief Commission(NFRC, 國民政府 救濟水災委員會) had assumed full charge of flood relief. The organization and activity of NFRC is the focus of this study. This study seeks the following : (1) To extend our perspectives on the historiography of Chinese traditional disaster relief(中國荒政史), with careful consideration given to distinguishing aspects of the disaster relief system during the period of Nanjing National Government. (2) To reveal the connection between central and provincial government, and between national and societal power which intervened in the disaster relief process during the 1931 flood. Moreover, issues of connection are the essential themes of historiography of the "Nanjing Decade". This treatise thus examines the development of flood relief in case of Hunan Province, especially in regard to the interrelation between NFRC of central government and provincial relief authorities as well as Hunan Flood Relief and Rehabilitation Commission(湖南水災善後委員會), which is related with process of relieving flood damage. I thus arrived at the following conclusion. Through the common objective of flood relief between the provincial and central government, accommodative relationship between the central and provincial government was formed irrespective of political and military confrontation. Conditions created under the influence of the central government continued to spread throughout the regions such that the Nanjing National Government publicly declared its "national intention" of going beyond the limits of a regional regime which has had a profound significance vis-a-vis modern "nation-state building". This conclusion suggests that we need not unqualifiedly consider relations between central and provincial government as opposing. That is to say, we have to consider that relations as unitive. At this case, dichotomy viewpoint which considers issues of relations between central and provincial government as integration or disintegration is not good. In part, the interrelationship between central and provincial authorities was in accordance with the modern "nation-state building" taking place during the Nanjing Decade. Nevertheless, I could find out not only primarily collaborative relationship but also certain constraining relationship between central and provincial government. Hunan provincial government intended to get a maximum aid out of central government, at the same time intended to maintain autonomy. On the other hand, central government intended to ensure a maximum supervisory competence and control power. Now to conclude, relations of magnetism and diamagnetism is in relationship between NFRC(central government) and Hunan provincial authorities. Till now, there is a proverb left in China, that is "if policy is in the center, countermeasure is in the regions".

중국(中國) 지식인사회(知識人社會)의 위기의식(危機意識)과 호남성(湖南省)의 경세학(經世學), 1796-1850

이영옥 중국사학회 2007 中國史硏究 Vol.48 No.-

논문(論文) : 변법운동시기(變法運動時期) 호남성(湖南省) 지식인(知識人)의 서원개혁(書院改革) 구상(構想)

이영란 ( Young Ran Lee ) 중국사학회 2011 中國史硏究 Vol.71 No.-

湖南省知識分子來說, 采用了儒學傳統德育與西洋專門敎育的新式書院是適合建立新知識體系之處. 戊戌變法時期, 湖南省所實行的書院改革構想是以傳統書院的講學及學術活動及經典科目課程爲基礎而形成的. 經典學習的編排對湖南省知識分子來說, 是爲了在改革這一課題下, 從自身的根源--湖湘學中조到出發點, 幷通過對儒學的再闡釋來摸索改革之路. 太平天國鎭壓後, 在地方自治呼聲高漲的湖南省, 湖湘學所持的"經世"思想, 成爲參與書院改革和學會、報刊活動的湖南省知識分子們改革意志的主要連接紐帶. 卽他們不但引入西方知識與理論, 而且在對傳統儒學進行再闡釋的情況下, 爲了解決現實問題而確立新知識體系. 湖南省知識分子所主張的書院改革的最終目標是培養人才. 僅保守派主張應以傳統書院的方式來習得實用學問, 培養出解決中國危機的人才. 變法知識分子則通過將西方自然科學、社會科學理論與對傳統的再闡釋結合的"實學"來確立新知識體系. 尤其是變法知識分子以新式書院、報刊與學會來使變法理論輿論化, 培養變法人才. 在變法理論輿論化的過程中, 拿出來討論的民權、平等理論使繼承了湖湘學作風的湖南省知識分子形成了"變法"與"保守"的葛藤結構. 戊戌變法初期持合作態度的保守派中心人物王先謙、葉德輝、院長、齋長等, 反對變法派的民權、平等等政體變化主張. 然而, 湖湘學派以書院爲基礎形成了學脈, 而且在被稱爲"書院"的敎育機構裏修學的湖南省的知識分子們, 爲了挽救國家的危亡, 他們的改革構想都是把培養人才作爲敎育改革的重心, 尤其是在通過書院改革來實現這一點上是一致的. 儒學的忠義思想是他們的思想之本, 他們都是憂國憂民的知識分子. 在劃定出保守派與變法派以前, 他們根據改革的必要性來參與改革活動, 還爲了人才培養這一最緊迫的問題而提出了敎育改革論.

청말(淸末) 서원 교학과 운영의 정체(正體) - 호남성(湖南省) 악록서원(嶽麓書院)을 중심으로 -

이영란 한국서원학회 2013 한국서원학보 Vol.2 No.-

在19世紀末被稱爲中國近代的課題中, 湖南知識人所隸視的改革中的一部分便始敎育改革。特別是節院所處的位相占据了所有敎育改革中最重要的位置。戊戌變法時期湖南省知識人們也主張恢復非西洋敎育方式的書院所具有的學術性格,幷要求解決自身的時代問題。 提倡中國近代化進程中湖南省改革改制章程的湖南省書院爲中心進行硏究。把代表湖南省的岳麓書院作爲事例來分析改革方向。改章前岳麓書院在這一時期將優秀學生選擧爲齋長主管敎育,實行大膽的組織改編,創造以齋長爲中心的自由講學?圍,看出了岳麓書院方面的意志。這些擧動在湖湘學的經世致用中可以?到。書院的藏机能向除經學以外的其他學間領域感興趣的各位硏究者提供了可以輕松進行學術硏究的机會。只是 仍然以實用學問書籍爲主這一点有一定的限制性。1896年選擇改章方法的岳麓書院仍然保持幷繼承着傳統書院學術硏究和敎學方式,湖南省出身的院長旣是主講,又向弟子們普及湖湘學經世致用的思想,欲培養中國近代的人物。但是改章以后,在各科投入學長制,學長和齋長應該是熟悉所有實用學間的人才,幷且他們在專門敎起到中堅作用, 這幾点成爲其最大特征。卽維持着强調學生和老師的關系,自由討論,學生的品德等儒敎道德的敎學方法。相反岳麓書院也安排了算學和譯學等實用學間敎科課程,導入招聘譯學敎習專門敎師制度,采取分階段學習算學和譯學的敎學方式。湖南省知識人以書院爲根本,改變敎科課程和運營方式,懷着培養人才的信念,帶頭進行書院改革。這些目標對湖南省省城書院岳麓書院以及改章的實質內容也産生了不小的影響。湖南省知識人以書院爲根本,改變敎科課程和運營方式,懷着培養人才的信念,帶頭進行書院改革。

戊戌變法時期 湖南省의 新式書院 - 嶽麓書院과 時務學堂을 중심으로 -

이영란 명청사학회 2009 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.31

书院整顿上谕在全省发布以后,岳麓书院也于1896年末对其自身进行了整顿。书院在延续其传统风格、学术、教育教学方法的同时,也保留了儒家在师生关系、自由讨论、学生品德培养等方面的教育、德育思想。并且招聘在当时社会上德高望重的人担任教师,形成了一种言论自由的学风。时务学堂也具备书院的一些基本特征:对儒家经典的学习和强调对学生进行德育教育,同时也要求实现言论自由。时务学堂的总教习梁启超要求学生们学习经、子、史学,还提倡互相讨论式、批判回答、上下论证的学习方法,同时也延续了书院原有的师生之间互相质疑、讨论的教学方法。藏书不仅仅是只有中文书籍,而且还购买了西方书籍。财政上仍是靠学田和依附于官府和地方绅士,这也成为当时新式书院的主要财政来源。时务学堂的设立经费也和书院一样,依靠绅士和地方官。 新式书院属于近代教育范畴。岳麓书院招聘了专业教师,增设了学长制,并形成了完备的专业化教学体制。为了教授经史、掌故和公法、格致、测算等实用自然学科,时务学堂的总教习为在这些教学内容下的各个科目都招聘了专业教师。与此同时,还采用了体系化、阶段性的教育方式。它为因科举考试而名落孙山的学生明确地提供了一条新出路,也为新人的辈出蓄积了力量。当时在时务学堂读书的学生,有参加乡试、或者进入京师大学堂、去海外留学的资格。并给予他们一些做翻译和在南北制造做事的机会和被派遣到别处等这类明确的出路。戊戌变法时期,湖南省的岳麓书院和时务学堂都由维新派来负责整顿改良。招聘了算学和译学的教师,还引入了专业化教师制,教学科目和学习方式都采用了分阶段式。 戊戌变法时期的湖南新式书院,是在维新派的改革下所形成的新概念的教育机关。维新派的改革是在继承传统书院教育学术风格的基础上,通过对岳麓书院和时务学堂在学术上和教学方式上的改革,而形成的具有近代教育体制的新式书院。

『西游記』中的湖北方言與吳承恩的“荊府紀善”之任

肖大平(Xiao, Da-Ping) 한국중어중문학회 2016 中語中文學 Vol.0 No.64

오승은이 만년에 荊府紀善이란 직책에 재임하였는가에 대한 문제는 80년대부터 오늘날까지 학계에서 계속해서 논의되어 왔다. 최근 蔡鐵鷹 등과 같은 학자들은 심도 있는 고증을 바탕으로 오승은이 荆府纪善이란 직책에 재임한 사실에 대해 보다 설득력 있는 논증을 펴내고 있다. 이는 『서유기』 연구자들의 주목을 받았으나 아직까지 이러한 관점은 학계에서 정론으로 인정받지 못하고 있다. 필자는 『서유기』에 대량의 호북의 방언 어휘와 문법을 활용하였다는 점에서 오승은이 호북성에서 긴 시간을 머물렀다고 보았다. 그렇지 않고서야 『서유기』에 호북 방언의 어휘와 문법이 많이 활용되었다는 점을 이해하기가 힘들것이다. 오승은의 생애를 살펴보면, 그가 호북성과 관계를 맺게 될 수 있었던 계기는 長興縣丞으로 벼슬을 하였을 때 억울한 누명을 벗긴 이후 받은 荊府紀善이란 관직의 补任과 유일하게 관련된다. 따라서 필자는 오승은이 명나라 때 호북에 위치한 荊王府의 荊府紀善이란 관직에 실제로 재임하였을 뿐만 아니라 그 재임기간도 또한 짧지 않았을 것이라고 본다. 비록 『서유기』에 호북 방언이 대량적으로 활용되는 것만으로 오승은이 荊府紀善이란 관직을 실제로 역임했다는 사실을 증명하기란 쉽지 않지만, 역으로 생각하면 『서유기』 내 호북 방언의 대량 사용을 통해 오승은이 荊府紀善이란 관직을 실제로 역임하였다는 사실에 대해서는 방증할 수 있을 것이다. 이것이 바로 본 연구의 의미와 가치이다. 만약 오승은이 荊府紀善이란 관직을 실제로 역임하였다면, 『서유기』는 오승은이 荊府紀善이란 관직에 재임하는 동안 창작된 작품이라고 볼 수 있으며, 이는 우리가 주목할 만한 결론이라고 할 수 있겠다. From 1980s till today, scholars spent so much time on discussing the question whether Wu Cheng’en(吳承恩) took up the position named Jingfu Jishan(荊府紀善). Recently, Some scholars such as Cai Tieying(蔡鐵鷹) proved that Wu Cheng’en did take up the position, which is proved by well-informed textual research.It attracts many scholars’ attention and support. Even so this viewpoint has not been a conclusion and consensus in the academic circle. According to my opinion,through the vocabularies and the grammars of Hubei province’s dialect which is been used of large number in the novle 『Journey to the West(西游記)〉, we can prove that the author of 『Journey to the West』 had stayed in Qizhou(蕲州)which belonged to Hubei Province for a long time. Or, it’s very difficult to explain why there are so many vocabularies and the grammars of the dialect of Hubei province used in the novel 『Journey to the West』. But according to the arguments that we have, during Wu Cheng’en’s whole life,there’s just one possibility that made him be associated with Hubei Province, where he worked as an official named Jingfujishan(荊府紀善)in Qizhou of Hubei province after he was wronged as an County Magistrate(縣丞) in Changxing(長興).Therefore,it can be concluded that Wu Cheng’en did work as Jingfujishan(荊府紀善) in Qizhou of Hubei province and he stayed there for a long time.Although the existence of so many vocabularies and the grammars of the dialect of Hubei province which are been used of large number in the novle 『Journey to the Wes t』 can not be considered as a irrefutable evidence,but it also can be used as a circumstantial evidence. This is the significance and value of this paper. If Wu Cheng’en did work as Jingfujishan(荊府紀善) in Qizhou of Hubei province and work for a long time, the viewpoint that the novle 『Journey to the West』 is written by Wu Cheng’en when he worked as Jingfujishan(荊府紀善) is a viewpoint that we should take seriously.

唐生智와 武漢國民政府

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