박정희 체제의 근대적 시공간 인식과 시골/도시 담론

황병주(Hwang, Byoung-Joo) 역사학연구소 2016 역사연구 Vol.- No.31

박정희 체제는 민족중흥과 조국 근대화라는 슬로건을 내세우고 급속한 산업화를 추구했다. 산업화는 단지 경제 분야의 성장으로 국한되는 문제가 아니었고 사회 전체적으로 거대한 변화를 추동하는 것이었다. 특히 산업화 주체를 구성하기 위한 인식론적 전환이 강조되었는데, 주체의 의식 전환에 있어 근대적 시공간 인식을 확산시키는 것은 가장 기본적인 요소였다. 근대적 시간 리듬은 진보와 발전을 목표로 한 직선적 시간관이다. 이러한 시간관 하에서는 모든 지역과 사회가 발전의 정도에 따라 동일한 직선상에 배열되게 된다. 요컨대 미래의 발전은 곧 동일한 직선적 시간 선분에서 앞서는 것이 된다. 이 경쟁 구도 하에서 모든 긍정적 가치는 미래의 발전으로 집약되어야 하며 과거와 현재는 이 발전을 위해 극복되어야 하는, 또는 파괴되어야 하는 부정적 대상일 뿐이다. 서구가 구성해낸 근대성이 세계적 표준이자 세속적인 것의 근간을 이루었던 상황 하에서 한국의 근대화는 곧 서구의 세속화를 반복하는 것이어야 했다. 그러나 다른 한편으로 박정희 체제는 민족의 신성한 시공간을 창출하고자 했다. 서구 근대가 만들어낸 세속의 시공간이 발전을 의미했다면 그 발전은 타락이기도 했다. 특히 서구화의 첨단을 달리고 있던 도시가 그 타락의 주범처럼 여겨졌다. 도시의 타락이 외부로부터 유입된 위험이라면 그것을 교정하고 치유할 힘은 내부로부터 구해져야 했다. 이때 내부의 핵심적 시공간으로 재현된 것이 농촌이었다. 농촌은 애초 빈곤과 후진성, 전근대성과 봉건성의 상징으로 시급히 근대화해야 될 대상이었으나 1970년대 이후 역으로 도시의 타락을 구원할 수 있는 민족 전통의 저장소처럼 여겨졌다. 개인주의와 자유주의적 풍조를 교정할 수 있는 집단적이고 공동체적 규율과 윤리가 살아있는 곳이 농촌으로 여겨졌고 이것이 수천 년 간 내려온 민족의 전통이라는 설명체계가 등장했다. 즉 외부로부터 도래한 위협과 타락을 구원할 내부가 새롭게 구성되고 있었다고 하겠다. Park Chunghee regime propelled rapid industrialization with slogan of national restoration and modernization of nation. Industrialization meant not only economic growth but tremendous social transformation. For industrialization it was underlined that the formation of subject who had to be brainwashed with modern rationality. In this context it was important that the diffusion of modern time and space perception amongst mass. Modern time rhythm is lineal concept of time which is aimed progress and development. In this concept of time all countries of the world are arranged in the same line in accordance with the standard of development. There is a competitive composition that development of future monopolize positive value and the past and present are the negative target had to be overcame and destroyed through modernization. The modernization of Korea should be repetition of the west’s one because of modernity, composed by the west, has been hegemonic standard of the world. The other hand Park Chunghee regime had tried to compose divine space time of nation. The secular space time of the west mean development but it is also corruption. Especially the typical symbol of corruption was urban area which was on cutting edge of westernization. The corruption of urban area was caused from the outside and the remedy of it was from the inside. The core of the inside was rural area. The object of modernization was rural area which was a symbol of backwardness, pre-modernity and feudality. But it became a storage of national tradition to save the corruption of urban area in 1970s. The communal discipline and ethics being held in rural area was defined as a remedy to correct the problem of individualism and liberalism from the outside. Park Chunghee regime tried to explain that this was a national tradition to have been endured for thousands of years. As it were, the inside has been composed so as to save nation from the danger and corruption originated from the outside.

1970년대 유신체제의 안보국가 담론

황병주 ( Hwang Byoung-joo ) 역사문제연구소 2012 역사문제연구 Vol.16 No.1

After experiencing a security crisis in the latter half of the 1960s, the Park Jeong-hi regime started to spread the so-called `State Security` discourse throughout the country, which accompanied the existing `Country Development` cause. The Park Jeong-hi regime`s slogan, which was `We build while we fight`, was created from this kind of environment. The State Security discourse defined North Korea as the foreign antagonist and an enemy, yet the `South Korea-North Korea` relationship was not that simple. Extreme words were used against North Korea, yet North Korea was also what would eventually be united with the South, and after all, all the residents were part of the Korean race too. In order to escape from this dilemma, the Park Jeong-hi regime emphasized South Korea`s status as the legitimate successor of the Korean race, and also intended to actually elevate the possibility of a war between South and North Koreas. By raising the prospect of a probably inevitable war, the regime wanted to deal with the dual nature of North Korea, which was to be destroyed at the moment but was also to be embraced and possibly joined in the future. The basic structure of the `State Security` discourse was based upon the internal entities` continuing conflicts and strifes. All the conflicts would create new combinations of situations, and in such condition an extreme form of politics would sustain and support the State Security discourse. Yet sometimes, rather odd connections would be made out of those conflicts, and such odd connections would create ambiguous standoffs. For example, spies and ordinary citizens were not to be distinguishable by plain sight, and the subjects and objects had to be interchangeable in their positions, as a rather indiscernible edge between the subject and the object would produce constant fear among the public. And with no distinction made between a `colleague` and an `enemy,` all colleagues were to be treated as potential enemies, unless they were proven not to be. The State Security discourse was primarily designed to pursue internal unity by fending off external threats through a war model, yet the inside and the outside were connected to each other, literally as the two sides of a Mobius strip. With the industrialization of Korea in rapid progress, new conflicts and new types of animosity were to surface rather immediately, and the State Security discourse came to not only target the outside of the country but the inside as well. President Park Jeong-hi threatened the public by letting them know that any faction trying to subvert the government, even when that faction was anti-Communist in nature, could be punished and executed by the National Security Law. He was trying to overcome a crisis situation in the inside with the State Security discourse, yet in the process such discourse was not always in perfect sync with the government`s anti-Communist stance. The power in command was considering not only the Communists but also anti-government factions and the social malpractices in general, as potential enemies of the state. This was indeed a life-and-death type of politics. Park Jeong-hi placed a lot of emphasis on the concept of `death,` while also doing some things for the issues of `life.` It seems like he, with his own demise, tried to bring all others as well to something of a closure, and therefore laying down a `foundation for life.` With regard to the issue of death, the Park Jeong-hi regime magnified the `crisis of war,` and amplified the people`s `fear of extinction,` yet it also put together a model composed of two causes: Development and Welfare, necessary for survival and the continuing of life.

식민지 시기 "공" 개념의 확산과 재구성

황병주 ( Byoung-joo Hwang ) 한국사회사학회 2007 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.73

이 논문의 목적은 식민지 시기 ``공``의 확산과 재구성 과정을 분석함으로써 한국의 근대(화) 과정을 이해하고자 하는 것이다. 식민지 시기 공은 중국 고대로부터 기원한 공이 서구 근대의 public, offentliche 등과 만나면서 형성된 것으로 보인다. 서로 다른 역사적 기원을 가진 두 용어의 결합은 단지 언어적 번역의 과정으로 끝난 것이 아니라, 식민지 조선을 근대적 사회로 재편하는 실질적 변화를 초래하는 중요한 계기가 되었다. 근대는 개인, 사회, (민족)국가라는 새로운 단위들을 구성해냈지만 그 기초가 되는 원리는 ``자유롭고 평등한 개인``이라는 근대주체의 설정이었다. 개인간의 갈등과 적대의 문제는 합리적 계약에 근거한 사회상태의 형성으로 해결될 수 있는 것으로 상정되었지만, 근대사회는 분명 그 사회적 적대와 계급갈등을 완전하게 해결할 수 없었다. 이러한 맥락에서 근대적 의미의 공은 개인을 사회와 민족/국가에 결합시키는 방식으로 등장했다고 할 수 있다. 이 때 공은 국가의 공권력에서부터 사회의 공덕까지 두루 걸쳐있는 것이었고, 개인을 특정의 집단 질서로 편제해내기 위한 중요 가치로 배치된 것이었다. 다라서 공은 폭력과 강제뿐만 아니라 도덕과 윤리와도 밀접한 관련을 가진 것이 되었으며 사회 전역으로 확산되었다. 즉 개인을 특정의 사회적 질서를 내장한 윤리적 주체로 구성하는 데 공의 가치는 핵심적 역할을 했다고 보인다. 한편 공의 가치가 사회 전역으로 확산되었다는 것은 공공영역이 형성되기 시작했다는 것을 의미한다. 공공영역은 식민권력의 강한 규정력 하에서, 제한 된 형태의 ``정치``가 이루어지는 곳이었다. 사회적 적대와 갈등의 연장으로서의 정치는 조선인/일본인, 좌파/우파 구도를 포함해 매우 복잡하게 전개되었다. 식민권력은 이러한 ``정치``를 통해 식민지민들을 규율하고자 했지만, 항상 그들의 의도대로 사태가 전개된 것은 아니었다. 인민주권이라는 근대정치적 가장이 확보되지 않았던 조건 하에서 일부 조선인들은 끊임없이 식민지적 차별에 문제를 제기하였다. 이렇게 공의 가치가 전면화되는 과정은 대중 길들이기와 밀접한 관련을 가진다고 보인다. 식민권력은 멸사봉공의 공민/국민을 구성하고자 했고, 조선의 엘리트들 또한 대중에 대한 헤게모니적 전유 시도를 반복했다. 이는 곧 공적 규율로 개체적 존재를 장악함을 의미했다. This study aims to achieve critical understanding of the modernization of Korea by analysing the diffusion and reconstruction of ``Gong``(公) during the colonial period in Korea. During the period, the notion of ``Gong(公)`` was formed by articulation of both the idea of Gong(公) of ancient China and the concept of pubic or offentliche of the West in the modern era. The modern world was constituted as a set of new units of individual, society, (nation) state, and its basic principle was a making of modern subject which was independent, free, and equal to each other. In the modern idea, the problem of the conflicts and hostilities among individuals was to be settled by rational social contract. The modern society, however, could not solve the problem perfectly. In this context, it appeared that the modern concept of Gong(公) functioned as a factor of integrating individuals into society or nation/state. Thus, Gong(公) was related closely not only to coercion but moral and ethics. In other words, Gong(公) played an essential role for transforming individuals into the ethical subject with a defined social order. The public spheres were ``political field`` which was influenced strongly by the Japanese colonial power. The Japanese colonial power intended to discipline the colonized with the sanitized politics, but its intention was not always so successful. Under the condition which did not allow the popular sovereignty, the colonized protested continuously against colonial discrimination. This process of diffusioning the value of Gong(公) was closely connected to disciplining the mass. While the Japanese colonial power tried to make the mass a citizen/nation(公民/國民) who was willing to kill oneself for Gong(公), the colonized elites repeatedly tried to appropriate the mass for their own hegemony. It meant the disciplination of individual by public discipline.

1970년대 의료보험 정책의 변화와 복지담론

황병주(HWANG Byoung-joo) 大韓醫史學會 2011 醫史學 Vol.20 No.2

This study is to analyze the change of the health insurance policy in the 1970s in relation to social welfare discourse. The public health care in Korea was in very poor condition around the first amendment of the National Health Insurance Act in 1970. Furthermore, due to the introduction of new medical technology, increasing number of big hospitals participating in the medical market, inflation, and other factors, medical expenses skyrocketed and made it hard for ordinary people to enjoy medical services. Accordingly, the social solution to the problem of medical expenses which an individual found hard to deal with became of demand. And as the way to the solution, it was inevitable to consider the introduction of health insurance as social insurance. In this condition, Park regime began to stress the social development from the 1960s. It was to aim to settle various social problems triggered by the rapid industrialization in the 1960s through social development as well as economic development. As the social development was emphasized, the matter of social welfare appeared of importance and led to the first amendment of the National Health Insurance Act in 1970. However, it was impossible for Korean government to enforce a nationwide health insurance. The key issue was how to fund it. Park regime was reluctant to use government fund; it was also hard to burden private companies. Even while the health insurance policy was not determined yet for this reason, the social demand for health insurance became large and large. In particular, in the midst of the first "Oil Shock" which gave a big blow to people's living condition from the late 1973, some reported issues in relation to health service, such as hospitals' rejection of the poor, became a big problem. Coupled with the social demand for a health insurance system, the changes occurred within the medical community was also important. Most of all, hospitals was facing the decrease of the effectiveness of their medical facilities. Therefore, they began to see health insurance as a means of developing potential demand for medical service. In addition, the business world, which already expanded their own corporate welfare for employees from the early 1970s, sharing the idea that it was impossible to keep the issue of public health insurance unsolved, showed an enthusiastic attitude. These factors finally enabled Park regime to adopt the public health insurance system. Likewise, it is critical to understand the establishment of the public health insurance system in Korea through pursuing the process to it. What matters is the discoursive changes as well as the changes in social condition around the establishment, not merely the policy changes per se. Then most people, including decision makers in Park regime, thought of social welfare as a privilege developed countries. Thus, in the 1970s when unbalanced industrialization brought about widening gap between social classes, the employment of a social welfare policy could be recognized as a symbol of an escape from backwardness. In fact, with the introduction of the national health insurance in the 1970s, Park regime could fortify the material fundamental of a social welfare discourse which would be mobilized to strengthen the dichotomous discourse of developedness and backwardness and to dump the social crisis caused by Park regime's industrialization drive on the next generation.

박정희와 근대적 출세 욕망

황병주(Hwang Byoung Joo) 역사비평사 2009 역사비평 Vol.- No.89

Korean society has experienced dual revolutions, industrial and social revolution, in the era of the Park Chung Hee regime. They increased rapidly social mobility, and vitalized both spatial movement in horizontal dimension and strata change in vertical dimension. In other words, they stimulated not only national desire for growth, but also many people’s desire for social success. Park Chung Hee, himself was a symbol of a desire for success. He shows extremely an example of social mobility from a son of a poor peasant to the president of the Republic of Korea. His successful career has stimulated strongly not a few people’s minds and caused them to pursue their personal success in the process of the modernization of South Korea. Put it another, it was the beginning of politics of desire in Korea. A successful life of Park Chung Hee was closely related with two things. Firstly, he had good education from modern educational institutions. Secondly he experienced military modernity while serving in the army. Entering a primary school in colonial Korea, for the first time he laid important foundation for his successful career which derived largely from his school teachers’ trust in his outstanding talent. As a class monitor, he had in part experience of social mobility through knowledge and power and began to prepare for the way to be a soldier. On the other hand, for Park Chung Hee to be a soldier was an useful means to overcome the discrimination imposed by Japan. Entering Daegu sabeom hakgyo (Daegu Teacher’s College), he confronted the reality of colonized Korea more acutely than before, and had a hard time by failing in achieving his desire for success. In a word, falling into 'colonial blues’, he accepted Imperial Japan’s call. Accordingly he made up his mind to be a soldier to serve Japan in risk of his death. Since the liberation of Korea, he has continued to pursue his personal success. Realizing the relation between power and personal success, he became a member of Namrodang (South Korean Labor Party) which was the strongest political faction at that time. But American Military Government which caught really power oppressed Namrodang severely. Thus Park Chung Hee did not do political activities as a member of it. Arrested for suspicion of a communist, he was converted to a rightist and gave military police secret information about Namrodang. After all his successful career was closely related with social transformation of modern Korea, and it was a sign of a desire for success which would be repeated on a large scale in the process of modernization after his seizure of power. It was also an inevitable choice to be taken by mass who were driven into unlimited competition under capitalism advocating not actual equality but equality of opportunity.

1950∼60년대 엘리트 지식인의 빈곤 담론

황병주 ( Hwang Byoung Joo ) 역사문제연구소 2017 역사문제연구 Vol.21 No.1

The aim of this study is focused on the transformation of poverty discourse of Korea in 1950s∼1960s. The introduction of the theory of modernization in Korea was not regularized untill 1960s. The theory of modernization overemphasized the impoverished reality of Korea for developement of it. In this context the poverty is a reality as well as a representation by discourse. In short the theory of modernization formed the poverty discourse which represent Korea as a poor and backward country. There were two politics of poverty in 1950s and 1960s. One is under the leadership of America globally and the other is national. The latter is a variation of the former. Especially the latter is differenciated two dimensions, inward and outward. The former is mingled with nationalistic discourse strongly the latter is a process of liberalization of Korea. There was demonization of poverty ethically in the process of diffusion of liberalism. The indigent was not only described as dangerous people who might be implicated with violence, crime and social evils but also represented as idle people who was in immoral. They were, therefore, the miserable who could not have self-regard for their poverty in itself. Poverty was a sensitive and dangerous thing. Elite intellectuals criticized the contradiction of gap and conflict between the rich and the poor. They also argued that the possession of means of production determined problem of poverty, and blamed government policies for their incompetence to solve it. But it was general trend to overcome poverty with development in 1960s.

정신문화연구원의 설립과 박정희 체제의 ‘정신주의’

황병주 ( Hwang Byoung-joo ) 청람사학회 2018 靑藍史學 Vol.28 No.-

This thesis aims to analyze the formation of nation in Korea focusing on the voluntarism of Park Chung Hee regime. It is the most important that the formation of nation from human being in nation-building process. As it were, to make nation state is to make national subject. To accomplish this project it is necessary that human mind reshaped by national will. Human mind regarded as a operational thing by Park Chung Hee regime. Mental revolution, most advocated in 1960~70s, is a synonym for brainwashing, enlightenment and etc. Studies for national spirit connect pre-war Japan to post-war Korea. Institute for national spirit were built in two nation states in another time. Two institutes of Japan were established in 1930s and the other was made in Korea in 1970s. Japanese time-space in 1930s was represented in liberated Korea in 1970s. Two time-spaces were so much different but articulated in national spirit, national culture and spiritual culture. It is not clear that there is something to connect two institutes in the concrete. If two institutes in two countries were not connected in actual it gave rise to more critical problem. What is the identity of function and character between the two? How can we understand the comparability under different conditions? To analyze the identity in difference or difference and repetition is the main goal of this article.

1960년대 경제 엘리트의 진보와 주체 인식-생산성본부 미국시찰단을 중심으로-

황병주 ( Hwang Byoung-joo ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2014 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.33

1960년대는 경제개발 중심의 근대화 프로젝트가 본격 가동되기 시작한 시기였다. 경제를 중심으로 한 개발과 발전(development) 개념이 지식인 사회에서 헤게모니를 잡기 시작함으로써 기존 담론지형 또한 크게 동요할 수밖에 없었다. 진보와 주체 개념 역시 이러한 변화와 무관할 수 없었다. 발전주의가 강화되면서 진보 개념을 전유하는 양상이 나타나기 시작했다. 진보 개념을 경제적 발전으로 전유한다는 것은 곧 사회정치적 해방의 문제설정을 경제적 문제설정으로 대체한다는 것이 될 것이며 이 전략이 최종적으로 목표로 하는 것은 그에 걸맞는 주체구성이 될 것이다. 그것은 곧 4ㆍ19로 확인된 거리의 혁명적 군중을 빈곤한 대중으로 만드는 것이었다. 물질적 진보 개념이 확산되면서 그 실체적 기성 모델로 제시된 것이 미국 또는 일본이었다. 특히 경제적 생산양식, 경영기법, 노동통제, 노사관계, 생산기술 등 경제영역의 미국화는 전세계적 추세였고 한국의 경우 60년대가 결정적 국면이었다. 이 과정을 주도한 것은 당대의 경제 엘리트들이었다. 경제적 문제설정이 지배적 패러다임으로 관철되면서 이들의 역할 또한 급격하게 증대되기 시작했다. 1960년대 이전까지 간간이 경제 사절단이나 시찰단이 해외로 파견되기는 했지만 시찰의 주된 주체는 정치, 문화, 교육 등 비경제 분야가 중심이었다. 개발연대가 개시되었다는 것은 한국의 부르주아 계급이라 할 경제 엘리트들이 자신들의 시선을 통해 세계와 한국을 재현해내고 이를 다시 대중의 의식과 상식으로 구성해내기 위한 실천을 시작했음을 의미하는 것이었다. 경제시찰단은 미국 시찰을 통해 미국의 번영과 발전의 비밀을 인간존중이라는 미국식 휴머니즘으로 설명했다. 이는 미국 번영의 근원을 미국의 정신적 가치에서 구하고자 했던 아이젠하워 정권의 담론전략과도 상통하는 것이었다. 즉 미국의 숭고함은 넓은 영토나 과학기술보다는 자유주의에 기반한 미국의 정신적 가치라는 것이었다. 이 가치는 미국식 자본주의 예찬이기도 했다. 만민 자본주의라는 용어에서 드러나듯이 시찰단은 모든 구성원을 자본가화할 수 있을 때 번영과 발전이 가능하다고 주장했다. 요컨대 호모 이코노미쿠스를 구성할 수 있을 때 물질적 진보가 가능하다는 판단이었다. The modernization project of Korea which focused on economical development was begun in 1960s. The rapid economic growth of South Korea has accelerated that the developmentalism held hegemony in intellectuals. Thus the concepts of the progress and subject began to be appropriated by developmentalism. It meant that the problematic of socio political liberation was substituted by economic problematic. Finally this strategy aimed at the formation of subject suitable for developmentalism. As it were, it intended to make the revolutionary people in April Revolution into the mass of poverty. As the concept of material progress was being diffused, America was suggested as a model of it. The Americanization of economics such as the mode of production, management, labour control, industrial relations and manufacturing technology was a worldwide tendency. Especially in case of South Korea, the 1960s was a crucial decade. Economic elite intellectuals in South Korea took the lead this process and made an inspection of America as one of the means for it. They, bourgeoisie in South Korea, began to represent the world and Korea through their perspective and intended to make it as the common sense of the public. The economic inspection team explained that the secret of the prosperity of America is humanism. This is related with the discourse strategy of Eisenhower administration which emphasized a spiritual value of America to enable her prosperity. Eisenhower insisted that the American sublime is not a large scale of the territory and scientific technology but the spiritual value based on the liberalism. This is a glorification of American capitalism. They used a term ‘everybody capitalism’. It meant that if they could make all the people of South Korea into a capitalist the prosperity would be theirs. In the last analysis, they thought that they had to product Homo Economicus for the material progress.

이야기로서의 한국 현대사, 국민 형성과 발전의 신화 -신형기, 2015, 『시대의 이야기 이야기의 시대』, 삼인 주제 서평-

황병주 ( Byoung Joo Hwang ) 국제한국문학문화학회 2016 사이 Vol.20 No.-

인간의 삶과 역사는 언어를 매개로 이루어진다는 점에서 이야기 분석은 역사이해의 기본적인 문제이다. 신형기의 『시대의 이야기 이야기의 시대』는 이야기를 통해 한국 현대사를 이해하고자 한다는 점에서 주목할만한 연구성과임이 분명하다. 이 글에서는 이 책이 다루는 주제 중 한국 현대사의 가장 중요한 이야기들 중의 하나인 반공주의와 발전주의에 주목해서 그 의미를 분석해보고자 했다. 반공주의는 초기 국가와 국민 형성과정에서 결정적인 역할을 수행했는데, 그 핵심적 요소가 빨갱이였다. 빨갱이는 일종의 기표 효과로 이해될 수 있다. 즉 그것은 대상의 속성과 본질로 이해된다기보다 빨갱이라는 기표가 들러붙음으로써 구성되는 존재이다. 결국 빨갱이라는 낙인은 곧 주권 권력을 포함한 발화자의 기표에 의해 만들어진다고 하겠다. 따라서 그것은 일방적이라는 점에서 절대적인 기표이다. 결국 대중은 주권 권력에 의해 국민으로 호명됨과 동시에 빨갱이라는 호명의 가능성이 항상적으로 주어짐으로써 비로소 구성될 수 있었다고 보인다. 발전주의는 공동체의 번영을 약속하는 가장 대표적인 근대적 이데올로기이다. 근대 사회에서 최고의 공동체는 일반적으로 국가와 민족으로 이해된다. 다양한 층위의 공동체에 대한 상상은 대부분 민족 단위의 거대 공동체로 수렴되는 경향이 강했다. 사적 소유권에 입각한 소유권적 자유가 강화되는 조건 하에서 공동체의 발전은 곧 자본주의적 관계의 확산과 긴밀하게 연동되었고 국민경제라는 집단살림 의 통합을 가속화했다. 시장의 자유 경쟁이 강화됨으로써 공동체의 구성원은 자기계발의 주체로 거듭나야 되었고 국가발전을 위한 생산적 주체가 되어야 했다. 그러나 시장의 공정성이 구현되지 못한 현실 속에서 대중의 저항은 불가피했고 그것을 이념적으로 표현하는 기표가 곧 민주주의였다. 민주주의는 거의 모든 저항을 과잉 대표하게 됨으로써 정치적 보편 언어가 되어갔는데, 여기에 휴머니즘과 같은 인간학적 담론이 결합되어 한국의 저항 언어를 구성하게 되었다. This article is a review on the book, The time of narrative, the narrative of the time written by Hyungki Shin who has been doing research into narratives of Korean modern history for more than ten years. This book try to understand Korean contemporary history through several narratives. Narrative is the basic problem because of the life and history of human being is proceeded by a medium through the language. From this aspect, it is distinct that this book is a important result. I’m gonna analyze anti communism and developmentalism which have been one of the most critical discourse in Korean contemporary history. Anti communism have done a crucial role in the early stage of the nation building of South Korea, and the essential element is ‘plagaengi’(red). Palgaengi can be comprehended as a signifier effect. That is, it can not be understand as a essence and attribute of object but can be made by enunciation of palgaengi signifier. Therefore it is a absolute signifier for it is a unilateral declaration. Nation have been consisted by the interpellation of sovereign power. But there have been a possibility all the same time that all the people can be interpellated as a plagaengi by sovereign power. Developmentalism is the most typical modern ideology to promise the affluence of community. Generally speaking, nation is called as a supreme community in modern society. Any other community have a tendency to have been converged on it. In the condition of strenthening freedom of proprietorship based on private ownership, the development of community began to be interconnected with the diffusion of capitalistic relations and accelerated the integration of national economy as a collective housekeeping. Every member of community had to be a subject who strive for self-improvement and to be a productive subject for national development while the free competition of market was intensified. But the resistance of people was inevitable under the condition that there was no justice of market. Democracy began to be a resistant signifier of people who was discontented. As democracy, intermingled with human scientific discourses such as humanism, over represented all of the resistance it became a universal language of politics.

새마을 운동을 통한 농업 생산과정의 변화와 농민 포섭

황병주 ( Byoung Joo Hwang ) 한국사회사학회 2011 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.90

새마을 운동이 진행된 1970년대는 급속한 산업화가 진행되던 시기이기도 했다. 산업화가 진행되면서 국가와 자본의 농업, 농촌, 농민 침투력은 비약적으로 성장했다. 이러한 변화의 최종적 귀결은 농업, 농촌의 몰락이자 농업 생산과정 및 유통과 정이 국가와 자본에 강력하게 종속되었다는 점이었다. 농업 전 생산과정이 국가와 자본에 편입되었다는 것은 종자구입부터 마지막 농작물 판매에 이르는 모든 과정이 마을 단위가 아니라 전국적 나아가 세계적 수준의 분업체제 하에 농이게 되었다는 것을 의미했다. 이렇게 재생산 과정이 국가와 자본에 장악된 상황 하에서 농민의 선택은 그리 많을 수 없었다. 도시로 탈출하거나 국가-자본의 요구에 맞추어 새롭게 재편된 생산과정에 적응하는 수밖에 없었다. 국가와 자본이 제시한 길이 전적으로 흡족한 것은 아니었지만, 그것을 거부한다는 것은 더 이상 농업 재생산 과정에 남아 있기 힘들다는 것을 의미했다. 따라서 국가와 농민은 patron-client 관계와 비슷한 방식으로 거래와 타협을 통해 농업을 영위하게 되었다. 즉 이 단계에서 농민에게 국가는 타도의 대상이라기보다는 요구의 대상처럼 되었던 것이다. 새마을 운동을 거치면서도 농민들의 경제적 처지는 도시에 비해 별로 나아진바가 없었다, 새마을 운동의 소득증대 사업은 구호는 요란했지만, 실상 농민들의 삶을 획기적으로 개선시킬 수 있는 것이 아니었다. 애초부터 주의주의적 저인에 관심이 많았던 박정희 체제는 소득증대가 벽에 부닥치면서 정신개발을 극력 강조했다. 이것은 소득증대라는 구체적 목표를 추상적인 정신개발로 전환함으로써 새마을 운동의 부담을 덜어주는 것이기도 했다. 정신개발의 강조와 함께 박정희 체제는 농민, 농촌을 민족의 기원으로 격상시키는 민족주의 전략을 추진했다. 몰락하는 현실 속에서 한국의 농촌과 농민은 민족의 기원이라는 환상적 좌표를 배정받았던 것인데, 재생산 과정을 장악당한 농민들에게 국가의 호명은 쉽게 거부하기 힘든 것일 수 있었다. ‘빈농의 아들’임을 강조한 최고 권력자의 동일성의 정치는 농업재생산 과정을 장악함으로써 더욱 강력하게 추진될 수 있었던 것이다. 이로써 농민은 ‘요람에서 무덤까지’ 국가와 자본의 ‘보살핌’의 대상이 되어갔다. This study is focused on the Saemaulundong(New Town Movement) of South Korea in 1970s. It was intermingled with the industrialization of Korea. While the industrialization was processing in Korea, the penetrating depth of state and capital into agriculture, rural area and peasants was increased considerably. At last, agriculture and rural area were declined, and the agricultural production processes and circulation processes were dominated by state and capital. Under that circumstance, there was no way peasants could select but escape to city or had to adjust him/herself to the reproduction processes which was transformed newly in order to meet the needs of state and capital. If peasants were not satisfied with the road given by state and capital, they could not reject it because of they had no alternative. Thus peasants entered into patron-client relation with state and they were not inclined to overthrow state but to demand. The standard of living of peasants was not improved through Saemaulundong as much as urban area. Though projects to increase the income of peasants and fishermen of Saemaulundong were carried out by government, it was impossible to improve the rural life of peasants greatly. As increase of the income was at a snail`s pace Park Chunghee who was concerned with voluntarism keenly underlined the mind development. It was a change from increase of the income to voluntarism. With emphasizing voluntarism, Park Chunghee regime exploited nationalism to arrange peasants and country as a origin of nation. It was a fantastic coordinate in collapsing real world. But because state held peasants in their hand, it was very difficult to resist the interpellation of it. Park Chunghee called often himself as ‘a son of poor peasant’, it was a kind of identity politics. For state held agricultural reproduction process, it could be efficient to appropriate peasants politically. At last, peasants began to be ‘a object of care’ of state and capital.