외재주의적 자기지식론

하종호(Jong Ho Ha) 철학연구회 2005 哲學硏究 Vol.0 No.68

잠재적 블록을 가지는 대칭적 시간표 모듈의 유연성과 제어성

하종성(Jong-Sung Ha),류관희(Kwan-Hee Yoo) 한국콘텐츠학회 2018 한국콘텐츠학회논문지 Vol.18 No.12

본 논문에서는 대학교에서 시간표 작성 시 사용자의 다양한 요구사항들을 쉽게 충족시킬 수 있는 효과적인 시간표 모듈에 대하여 논의한다. 시간표 모듈에 따라서 시간블록의 할당방법도 달라진다는 점에 주목하고 먼저 4 블록 단위로 구성된 대칭적 시간표 모듈 6종을 제시하고 3블록 단위로 구성된 것에 비하여, 수요자 관점에서는 아무 손실 없이 그리고 공급자 관점에서는 공간사용율 상한선 감소를 감안하면, 더 많은 장점을 가진다는 점을 보인다. 제시된 모델들에 잠재적으로만 결정된 잠재블록 개념을 도입 적응시키고 운용 전략을 제시함으로써, 최종적으로 대학시간표 작성 시 유연성과 제어성을 동시에 얻는 방법을 완성한다. This paper considers effective timetable modules in order to easily satisfy various user requirements during scheduling timetables in universities. Noticing that the methods for allocating time blocks change according to the timetable modules, we suggest six models of symmetric timetable modules composed of 4 blocks, and show that our models have more benefits without any loss from the viewpoint of customers, if the suppliers consider the decreasing upper bound of ratio utilizing space resources. By adapting a concept of potentially determined blocks and suggesting their management strategies, finally, we accomplish a method for supporting flexibility and controllability when the universities timetables are scheduled.

유성 기어박스의 도메인 불변형 결함 진단을 위한 이상치 감지 인공지능 모델 개발 연구

하종문(Jong Moon Ha),승홍민(Hong Min Seung),최원재(Wonjae Choi) 대한기계학회 2022 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2022 No.5

외재주의적 정당화 이론의 정당성

하종호(Jong-Ho Ha) 한국철학회 1996 哲學 Vol.46 No.-

[解說] 디젤機關으로 부터 排出되는 微粒子狀 排出物質의 特性-제2보 : 燃料 組成과의 관계 및 低減技術-

하종률(Ha Jong-Yul) 한국자동차공학회 1991 오토저널 Vol.13 No.4

표면의 반사 특성을 이용한 타이어 정보 마크의 추출

하종은(Jong-Eun Ha),이재용(Jae-Yong Lee),권인소(In-So Kweon) 제어로봇시스템학회 1996 제어·로봇·시스템학회 논문지 Vol.2 No.4

제국의 통합 기제로서의 천황제와 그 변화

하종문(Ha Jong-Moon) 한일관계사학회 2009 한일관계사연구 Vol.32 No.-

본 연구는 천황제가 제국을 통합하는 기제로서 각 시대상황가 조응하여 변모하는 동적인 과정을 추적했다. 이를 위해 다이쇼(大正) 데모크라시 기를 대상으로 지배의 객체로서 소흘히 다루어졌던 피지배층의 시점에서 그들을 주체로 놓고 통합 기제로서의 천황제의 역사성을 재조명하고자 했다. 구체적인 작업 내용은 다음과 같다. 먼저 다이쇼 데모크라시의 본격화와 연동하여 천황제 인식이 어떻게 전개되어 갔는가를 점검했다. 두 번째는 1921년부터 본격화하는 천황과 황실의 개방화에 주목하면서 유력 재벌인 야스다 젠지로(安田善次郞)를 암살한 아사히 헤이고(朝日平吾)의 논리와 행동을 분석했다. 이를 통해 천황제에서 발원하는 ‘신민(臣民)’과 ‘적자(赤子)’라는 자기인식이 정치적 행동 표출의 근거로 부상하는 과정을 그려냈다ㅓ. 세 번째로 보통선거 운동과 천황제와의 관련성을 살펴보았다. 보통선거라는 정치적 변화가 갖는 ‘불온함’은 천황제와의 결합에 의해 희석되었으며, 그런 경과가 다이쇼 데모크라시의 상대화형해화와 더불어 1930년대 본격화하는 총동원체제의 구성과 접목 된다는 측면을 밝혔다. 마지막으로 노동자와 자본가가 대결하는 장인 파업이 천황 직소(直訴)를 거쳐 타결로 나아갔던 노다 쟁의를 통해 천황제가 매개하는 통합의 함의를 되짚어보았다. 다이쇼 데모크라시 하에서는 천황제와 정당정치가 충돌대립하는 경로를 발견하고 그것에 관여하는 경험도 구축되어 갔다. 그 실마리는 신민과 ‘적자’와 ‘국민’의 간극이었다. 1930년대에 ‘쇼와 유신’의 원천으로 천황과 국체가 빈번하게 거론된 것은 이렇게 축적된 청황-적자 관계의 재음미와 강화가 주요한 동력이었던 것이다. This research traces back the process in which Tennosei(天皇制) corresponded with the phases of Taisho Democracy era as a mechanism to unify Japan. In order to achieve the primary goal of this research, it is crucial to observe Tennosei in dominated people"s perspective which had been considered insignificant. Followings are specific and detailed procedures of this research. Firstly, I closely inspected the way cognition of Tennosei had developed associating with full-scale initiation of Taisho Democracy. Second procedure was psychological approach toward Asahi Heigo(朝日平吾) who murdered influential Zaibatsu(財閥), Yasuda Zenjiro(安田善次郞), at the same time focusing on open-door policy of Japan empire starting from 1921. From this process I was able to illustrate how self-recognition of oneself being Shimmin(臣民) and Sekishi(赤子) attributed to the outburst of political action. Thirdly, I scrutinized the relation between universal suffrage movement and Tennosei. The subversiveness of universal suffrage movement and Tennosei. The subversiveness of universal suffrage as a political change subsided after gradual dilution with Tennosei. And this alleviation led to the concept of general mobilization system in 1930s with the help from the weakening and breakdown of Taisho Democracy. Lastly, by closely investigating Noda Strike which originally started as capital and labor dispute but in the end settled thanks to Zikiso(直訴) to Tennou, I was able to grasp the connotation of unification that Tennosei intermediated. Under Taisho Democracy opposition between Tennosei and democratic government aroused and experience of dealing with these confrontations also had accumulated. The key was the aperture among Shimmin, Sekishi, and the people. The relationship of Tenno and Sekishi steadily augmented and this provided underground for repetitious openings upon Tennou and national polity which originated from Showa Restoration(昭和維新).

‘소여의 신화’에 대한 정초론적 해법의 확충

하종호(Jong-Ho Ha) 한국철학회 2012 哲學 Vol.0 No.113

이 논문의 목적은 내재주의적 노선을 견지하면서 ‘소여의 신화’ 논변을 벗어나려는 정초론자들의 해법을 확충하는 데에 있다. 이를 위해 1절에서는 지금까지 제시되어 온 정초론의 대응책을 약술하고, 2절에서는 그것의 미비점을 보완하고 확충하는 방안을 제시하겠다. 이 확충 방안은 정초론자들이 막연한 상태로 남겨 뒀던 구성적 의식 개념을 자기 표상적 의식 이론과 연결시켜 구체적으로 설명하는데에 초점을 맞추게 된다. 그리고 이 방안에 대한 반정초론자들의 예상되는 반론에 대해서도 답할 것이다. 3절에서는 기존의 정당화 개념이 갖는 모호한 성격으로 인해 소여의 신화가 파괴력을 가진 것처럼 여겨졌다는 판단에 따라 정당화 개념을 세분화하는 방안을 검토함과 아울러 이러한 이론적인 장치들을 통해서 기존의 내재주의와 외재주의의 극단적인 대립도 완화될 수 있음을 보여주겠다. 이로써 우리는 소여의 신화에서 정초론을 구하려는 작업이 무위로 끝나지 않음을 확인할 수 있게 된다. The purpose of this paper is to toughen the foundationalist solution to ‘the myth of the given’, which tries to keep a sort of internalist standpoint. For this, two major maneuvers of foundationalism against the myth of the given argument are sketched out in the first section. In the second section, my ideas for toughening their solutions, which focus on understanding clearly their obscure notion of constitutive awareness on the basis of the self-representational theory of consciousness, are suggested with discussion of some expected objections to them. The third section considers our way to polish up the notion of epistemic justification to weaken the seemingly strong destructive power of ‘the myth of the given’ argument. This consideration shows that the antagonism between internalism and externalism can be relieved. At the end of our discussion, it turns out that the project of saving foundationalism from the attack of ‘the myth of the given’ is not futile.

와이어 인발기의 떨림 현장 사례

하종용(Jong-Yong Ha),김선화(Sun-Hwa Kim),송애희(Ae-Hee Song),양보석(Bo-Suk Yang) 한국유체기계학회 2006 유체기계 연구개발 발표회 논문집 Vol.- No.-

This paper is a case study of a wire drawing machine which emits high noise (over 90 dB) no later than 2 years since it was newly installed and produces wavy wire. Wire passes through 11 blocks of die bore totally, and the diameter in the first bore is 4.79 ㎜ and the last is 1.48 ㎜. The final wire diameter is 1.2 ㎜. In the company to solve the curving shape phenomenon of the final wire product, a heavy wooden stick was put on the vibrating wire at each block. Here wire vibration frequency can be estimated by dividing the line speed by wavy wire pitch. This frequency is considered to be calculated by using formula for string's natural frequency.

조선 초기의 사원 경제 - 국사 및 왕실 관련 사원을 중심으로 -

하종목(Jong Mok Ha) 대구사학회 2000 대구사학 Vol.60 No.1

With the establishment of the Choson`s ruling system, the ruling elite of the kingdom had increasingly thought that the Buddhist monks lived an idle life upon the people`s labor. The priests were also regarded as the people who did more harm than good bringing about destitution of nation`s finance, decrease in the military conscripts, and an offense against public decency. Accordingly, the government attempted to control Buddhism, which suffered a great loss to the religion. Despite such trial, some temples maintained close ties with the royal household, and prospered. Basing on such special status, about 100-odd temples were granted lands, slaves, and salt fields from the king or the royal family. They enjoyed privileges such as exemption from taxation and public labor and were paid rice, clothing, salt every year. Furthermore, the king protected Yangban literati and the ruling bureaucrats from persecuting them. In short, in the early Choson period temples helped king`s rule religiously, and in return, were paid various privileges reviving their economy. In the course of reformation on private lands in the late Koryo period, land belonging to temples was excluded from such reformative acts. In April of the sixth year of King Sejong, however, the existing seven Chongs were reorganized into 36 temples in two Chongs of Zen and Kyo Each temple was given land from 150 to 500 Kyol. Lands of all temples other than 36 temple came under the jurisdiction of the nation. But their private lands were excluded from nation`s confiscation. Thirty-six temples designated by the government owned land granted by the nation as well as land possessed privately, maintaining a rich temple economy. The other temples were also granted a great deal of lands and slaves from the nation and were often more prospering than the privileged 36 temples. The Buddhist temples having special ties with the royal household were specially granted land and slaves by the king in the name of $quot;Sagup$quot; with existing nationally granted land. These special temples also broke the fresh ground and illegally seized others` `land, possessing enormous lands. Facing confiscation of temple land in April of the sixth year of King Sejong, Buddhist monks could not but take new measures to maintain temple economy. They participated in public works administered by the government as managers, and obtained the right to pay tribute for other people. They collected twice or even ten times the price of the tribute. The monks to pay tribute for others amassed enormous wealth. The monks also took part in various public works supervised by the nation or royal household, creating financial base of Buddhist temples. With the founding of the Choson kingdom and the transfer of the capital to Hanyang, national public works to build the royal palace, government offices, roads, and bridges were conducted. The government put the monks who lived an idle life to slave labor, and in return paid land, rice, clothing, and monk licenses to them. In the early Choson period, the marks were engaged in commerce and fishing industry and even in international trade with the Chinese and Japanese. In the reign of King T``aejong, Buddhist monks north of Kanggye, Yisong, Uiju, and Sonch`on were engaged in ginseng smuggling with the Chinese. Some monks contacted the Japanese in the southern part of the country. The monks were also very active in domestic commerce. They bought cows in Yanggye, Kangwon, and Hwanghae provinces at the cheap prices and sold them at expensive prices in Hanyang, the capital. Even, they butchered and sold meat. Some of them peddled salt and fishes about the country. Through such active commerce activities, some of them amassed a great deal of wealth. It is obvious that their commerce activities helped much reviving the temple economy. In the reign of King Yejong, the activity of paying tribute for others was banned. Since then, Buddhist monks sought another way to solidly m