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오수창(Oh Soo-Chang) 역사학회 2012 역사학보 Vol.0 No.213
The 17th century of the Jeseon Dynasty saw the establishment of the politics by multiple political factions. Despite its political accomplishments, the factional politics came to an end by the end of the century with the severe struggles and conflict between rival political parties. A scholar named I Ik recognized the nature of the conflict among political factions. But he failed to initiate a new order that could successfully deal with the political competitions and struggles, and rather turned back to the old idea of reducing the number of people qualified to participate in politics. Kings in the 18th century such as Yeongjo and Jeongjo tried to utilize Politics of Impartiality, the main idea of which was the king to be a unique and absolute ruler. Although they achieved much in many areas of state governance, their policy denied the traditional political idea that kings and their subjects had to obey common principles in governing the state. In addition, Politics of Impartiality could not be succeeded by later kings because it could be successfully executed only by heroic kings of super talent. The following main issue in the politics was the confrontation between people and the state. Such conflict were reflected in novels like Chunhyangjeon and in the rebellions and uprisings led by commoners in the 19th century. The Politics by In-Powers at the time was a supplementary phenomenon compared to the confrontation between people and the state.
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조선시대 대비 지위와 인조반정의 재검토―계승범 교수의 『모후의 반역』 비판
오수창 역사문제연구소 2022 역사비평 Vol.- No.140
Kye Seung Bum argued in his book “The Rebellion of Queen Mother”(2021) as follows. ① The dispute over the deposing of Queen mother Inmok was a clash between loyalty and filial piety. ② Those who supported the queen mother asserted that the king could not punish his queen mother in any case. ③ It was a wholly new logic that can be found only in Joseon society, completely detached from Zhu Xi’s theory. ④ As the events ended with King Gwanghae deposed and the accession of a new king, the supporters of filial piety won a complete victory over loyalists. ⑤ Joseon became a ‘strange Confucian state’ where filial piety prevailed over loyalty. The author refutes Kye’s argument as follows. ① The key issue in the debate over the queen mother was not filial piety but loyalty on both sides. ② Kye distorted the contention of those who defended the queen mother. They did not formulate their arguments as Kye summarized them. Such formulation as Kye summarized was not necessary and even very dangerous. ③ Kye made gross errors in quoting and interpreting Zhu Xi’s remarks. The contention of those who defended the queen mother was not detached from Zhu Xi’s opinion. ④ Filial piety in the debate was forgotten without much effect after King Gwanghae’s expulsion because it had not been the key issue. ⑤ There was nothing strange that did not fit the Confucian state in the political ideology after King Injo’s accession. (1623) Kye did not explain in what way Joseon took the form of a ‘strange Confucian state.’ 계승범 교수의 저서 『모후의 반역-광해군대 대비폐위논쟁과 효치국가의 탄생』을 검토한 결과 그 주요 논지는 모두 오류라는 총평을 피할 수 없다. ① 광해군대 인목대비를 둘러싼 논쟁이 충과 효의 정면충돌이라는 저자의 주장은 논란의 핵심을 잘못 짚었다. 왕실의 효, 즉 인목대비에 대한 광해군의 효에 대적할 충은 존재하지 않았으며, 저자는 그러한 충을 제시하거나 설명하지 못했다. 충은 오히려 인목대비 보호론 쪽에서 선명했다. 선왕의 배우자이자 왕실의 최상급자인 인목대비의 지위를 부정하는 행위가 반역에 해당한다는 사실은 광해군의 보호자였던 기자헌의 차자를 비롯하여 이항복 이귀 등의 논리에서 확인되는 바와 같다. ② 폐위반대론자들이 어떠한 경우에도 자식이 어머니를 폐할 수 없다는 극단적 논리를 세웠다고 한 저자의 규정은 당시 논의에 대한 왜곡이다. 그들은 효에 대해 새로운 논리를 세운 바 없다. 또 국가 권력을 담당한 국왕과 왕실 권위의 최상급자인 대비 사이에 그와 같이 대립을 가정하거나 정식화하는 일은 체제를 유지하는 데 불필요하고 매우 위험하기조차 했다. ③ 저자는 주희의 평가가 “왕(아들)이 대비(어머니)를 폐할 수 있다는, 아니 오히려 폐위해야 마땅하다는 논리”라고 하면서, 인목대비 보호론이 주희를 중심으로 하는 성리학의 논리에서 완전히 벗어난 조선만의 새 논리라고 주장했다. 저자는 주희의 견해를 거꾸로 파악했다. 이 책에서는 중국의 여러 사례가 검토되었지만, 자식인 군주가 모후・태후를 처벌하고 그것을 주희와 같은 성리학자들이 정당화했다는 주장은 성립하지 않는다. 광해군대 인목대비 보호론의 논리는 주희의 견해에서 이탈하기는커녕 정확히 같은 방향에 있었다. ④ 조선 국가는 왕실과 분리되지 않으며, 왕실 안에 효와 구분되는 충이 따로 있을 수 없다. 하지만 신하들에게 가문의 원리인 효와 국가의 원리인 충은 하나일 수 없다. 인목대비를 둘러싼 효 논의로 인하여 사회 전체의 충과 효가 역전되었다는 저자의 주장은 조선 국가의 운영원리를 고려하지 않은 오류다.
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오수창(Oh Su-Chang) 한국사연구회 2007 한국사연구 Vol.137 No.-
This study analyzes the cultural images of Pyeongyang reflected in the unofficial anthology of tales(yadam) called Cheongguyadam (靑邱野談). Moreover, an attempt is also made herein to understand the significance of these images. The term yadam refers to a traditional genre of Korean literature, and is also used as part of the name of all works of this genre. Various versions of Cheongguyadam were compiled by a number of anonymous authors during the early nineteenth century. Cheongguyadam contains 293 yadams in all. Pyeongyang was, after Seoul, one of the most frequently selected places as the backdrop for yadams. Following closely behind Pyeongyang as a popular background for yadam was the city of Andong in Gyeongsang Province. Yadams which used Pyeongyang as their backdrop often employed themes related to human beings’ engaged in economic activities such as those related to the acquisition of property and wealth, or in the fulfillment of basic desires such as entertainment or romance. This is clearly different from the themes found in the yadams which used Andong as their backdrop, which focused on themes related to traditional culture and the social order, such as marriage, family, the acquisition of government posts, and the management of the hyangcheon community. The images of Pyeongyang reflected in Cheongguyadam can be regarded as consisting of three elements: the Gwanchalsa(Provincial Governor), gisaeng(a female artist entertainer), and economic activities. While the Provincial Governor of Pyeongan Province appeared in yadams more often than any other provincial governor, he also usually played a key and positive role in the development of the storyline. Stories related to the gisaeng were also a big part of the yadams in which Pyeongyang served as the backdrop. Here again, stories related to gisaeng can be found much more frequently in the case of tales that unfold in Pyeongyang than is the case elsewhere. The Pyeongyang gisaeng tended to play a prominent role as the main protagonists in the entertainment and romantic aspects of such tales. There have also been a significant number of yadams in which Pyeongyang serves as the backdrop where economic activities is the main theme; in such instances, the story tends to revolve around an individual who, through his links to the Governor of Pyeongan Province, is able to amass a large fortune or run a large-scale business. The elites of Joseon society tended to emphasize the fact that Pyeongyang was the home of both Gija and Dan'gun, a perception that was also internalized by the elite of Pyeongan Province. In reality, the political discrimination which was given to the Pyeongan residents was regarded as a big issue. Nevertheless, one finds few examples in the yadam in which Gija and Dan'gun have been incorporated in the basic perception of Pyeongyang. Issues related to regional discrimination also failed to draw much interest in such works. As such, in the eyes of the both the authors and readers of yadam, Pyeongyang was a land of opportunity in which economic prosperity prevailed, and where human nature could be expressed in a much freer fashion than was the case in other areas. However, the stories included in Cheongguyadam fail to reflect the new social order which Pyeongyang was building. Pyeongyang, as the center of Pyeongan Province, was in the process of establishing a new order during the 18th~19th centuries which can be regarded as having been at the avant-garde of the social changes that occurred during the latter period of Joseon. However, these aspects were not reflected in the images of Pyeongyang reviewed above.
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조선시대 평안도 출신 문신(文臣)에 대한 차별과 통청(通淸)
오수창 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 2008 한국문화연구 Vol.15 No.-
17세기 이후 평안도의 역동적인 사회 변화 위에서 그 지역 출신의 문과 급제자는 비약적으로 증가하였다. 그럼에도 그 지역 문신(文臣)들은 중앙 정계에서 차별받고 소외당하였다. 평안도를 포함한 서북의 인사들은 과거를 통과한 후 관직생활을 시작하는 첫 단계에서 승문원(承文院)분관(分館)에 들지 못하였으며,참상관으로 올라간 후에는 통청(通淸)을 받지 못해 권위 있는 청직(淸職) 에 들어갈 수 없었다. 차별은 서북지방이 삼남 등 남부지역에 비해 성리학과 사족(士族)중심의 문화와 향촌질서가 성숙하지 못하였다는 상황을 근거로 행하여 졌다. 그러한 차별을 극복하기 위한 노력은 평안도민의 청직 등용으로부터 나타났다. 처음에는 국왕의 특별 명령에 따른 파격적인 대우, 일회적인 행위로 진행되다가,좀더 권위가 낮은 관직에 대한 관례화된 인사행위, 나아가 더 낮은 수준의 인사에 대한 제도적인 개혁으로 변화되어 가는 추세를 보였다. 또한 시대가 내려오고 더 하위의 관례․제도를 개혁하는 일일수록 현지민들의 요청이 더욱 강하게 작용하였다. 이렇게 평안도 문신에 대한 차별은 조선의 정치체제 내에서 일정한 방향과 논리를 따라 한 단계 한 단계 해결되어 갔지만, 그러한 체제내의 개혁이 과연 지역차별을 폐지하고 지역민의 활력을 끌어들일 수 있었는가 하는 점은 좀 더 넓은 시각에서 조망해야 할 것이다. Civil officials from Pyeongan Province were discriminated and alienated in the central government despite their increasing number of passers in Erudite Civil Examinations since the 17th century. They were not allowed to enter the Bureau of Diplomatic Documents after they had passed the examinations because of their birthplaces. Once eliminated from the Bureau, they could not reach the most outstanding elite course. Qualification for Clean Posts was an indispensable requirement for Joseon officials to be appointed to prestigious posts after they had clambered onto the sixth official rank. However, this qualification was not given to the officials from Pyeongan Province. The elite officials from southern regions justified such discriminations on the assumption that the literati and social order of Neo-confucianism were not established in northern rea including Pyeongan Province. It took about two hundred years from the 17th century to the early 19th century to reform such an unfair political system. Officials from Pyeongan Province came not to be discriminated in the qualification for Clean Posts in the late 18th century, and they were allowed to enter the Bureau of Diplomatic Documents in the early 19th century. Reforms were continuously carried out by the political and institutional principles of Joseon government. However, it still needs to be discussed in a broader perspective whether the reforms could abrogate the whole regional discrimination and mobilize social energy of the people in Pyeongan Province.
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