점복(占卜)과 제사(祭祀)에 관한 문자 연구

염정삼(JungSam YUM) 서강대학교 인문과학연구소 2009 서강인문논총 Vol.0 No.26

이 글을 쓰는 목적은 제사 의례에 관한 문자들을 살펴봄으로써 중국의 역사속에서 성과 속이 일치하는 연속적 경험으로서의 종교적 특질의 단면을 규명하고자 하는 것이다. 기본적으로는 『설문해자(說文解字)』의 ‘복(卜)’ 부와 ‘시(示)’ 부의 글자를 중심으로 살펴볼 것이며, 구체적으로는 제사를 통한 조상 숭배의 문화와 자연신 숭배의 문화가 문자에 어떻게 담겨 있는지 연구하고, 또한 복록(福祿)에 대한 개념을 표상하는 문자와 금기(禁忌)에 대한 관념이 표상된 문자를 살펴 볼 것이다. 은허(殷墟)에서 발견된 갑골(甲骨)에는 점을 친 내용과 점의 결과를 새겨 넣은 복사(卜辭)가 담겨져 있다. 은(殷)은 극히 제사 의식이 극성했던 국가였으며 제사의 중요한 대상이 되었던 것은 ‘상제(上帝)’를 포함한 조상신이었다. 이러한 문화가 주(周)왕조가 성립하면서 ‘상제’를 대신하여 ‘천(天)’의 관념이 성립되고 천(天)을 제사지내는 교제(郊祭) 및 종묘사직의 제사로 변형 계승되었다. 이 전통은 진한(奏漢) 제국이 출현한 이후에도 국가의 통치제도로서 자리를 잡았다. 시황제(始皇帝)와 한무제(漢武帝)의 봉선제(封禪祭)는 그 대표적인 사례를 보여준다. 이러한 역사적 경험과 전통이 다시 유가(儒家)의 예(禮) 관념의 형성에 중요한 영향을 끼쳤을 것이다. The paper examines characters related to fortune-telling and rituals in order to investigate how china' s religious characteristics were interpreted in different eras and expressed in scripts. To that end, the study focuses on scripts that belong to the "bu(卜)" radical and "shi(示) radical." More specifically, the study investigated how the culture of worshiping ancestors and natural gods using rituals to offer sacrifices to them is reflected in scripts, while examining characters representing the concept of "fulu(福祿, inborn fortune) and the perception of taboo, jinji(禁忌), in order to determine how these representations have influenced the conceptual formation of li (禮). Jiaguwen(甲骨文) discovered during the Shang(商) Dynasty have incidents of fortune-telling and the resulting fortunes are engraved. Shang was an extremely religious nation, and the religious culture of the Shang Dynasty is shown in rituals performed at graves and the royal sanctuary. The main target of these rituals was Shangdi(上帝). With the arrival of the Zhou(周) Dynasty, such a culture served as a foundation for the tian(天, sky) notion, which replaced Shangdi, and the rituals evolved into offers of sacrifice to the sky or ceremonies for royal ancestors. Although the religious elements of rituals of the Shang Dynasty were lost to a great degree, this tradition was established as the nation's governing regime even after the Qin(秦) Han(漢) Dynasty came into being. The fengchan(封禪) rituals of the Shihuangdi(始皇帝) and Hanwudi(漢武帝) are representative of such a characteristic. It is needless to say that such religious traditions became a main pillar of the li concept of Confucianism.

기획논문 : 중국의 서학, 유럽의 중국학 ; 서양의 기억술과 중국문자의 상형성 -『서국기법』 (西國記法)의 작상론(作象論)-

염정삼 ( Jung Sam Yum ) 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2012 人文論叢 Vol.67 No.-

Matteo Ricci(1552∼1610: 利馬竇(Limadou)) was a pioneer in formu- lating the Jesuit missionary approach to China in the 16th century. His attitude toward Chinese culture was relatively balanced between praise and criticism. Ricci began his discussion of Chinese culture by stating that educated Chinese stressed the written language far more than the spoken language. He noted that even friends living close together in the same city would communicate by writing rather than by meeting and talking. Ricci stated that the Jesuits had concentrated on learning guan-hua(官話) (literally, official`s language) of which the term mandarin, which means both the officials and official language, is a fairly close equivalent. Xiguojifa(西國記法) was written by Ricci, who had much interest in learning Chinese written language, and was published by Zhudinghan(朱 鼎澣) after Ricci`s death. This book demonstrates not only a Western scholar`s effort to understand the Chinese characters, but the way how to memorize the words and things. So the book was titled as an Art of Memory(記法) in Western Countries(西國), Xiguojifa. When Ricci showed his ability of memorizing the Chinese characters forwards and backwards in front of the Chinese scholars, he was asked to teach Luwangai(陸萬해)`s son the art of memory to make him pass the exam for government official. Ricci wanted to show off his memory and Western traditional art of memory, so he decided to write this book. Xiguojifa consists of six chapters, Yuanbenpian(原本篇), Mingyongpian(明用篇), Sheweipian(設位篇), Lixiangpian(立象篇), Dingshipian(定識篇), Guangzipian(廣資篇). His ultimate goal is to demonstrate the efficient way to memorize things and words, which have been transmitted in Western tradition. An immense weight of history in Western tradition presses on the memory section of Ad Herennium. The Ad Herennum was a well known and much used text in the Middle Ages when it had a special prestige because it was thought to be written by Cicero. Art of memory in the Western tradition must refer back constantly to this text as the main source of the tradition. Every Ars memorativa treatise, with its rules for ``places``, its rules for ``images``, its discussion of ``memory for things`` and ``memory for words``, is repeating the plan, the subject matter, and as often as not, the actual words of Ad Herennium. And the astonishing develop- ments of the art of memory in the sixteenth century still preserve the ``Ad Herennium`` outlines below all their complex accretions. The artificial me- mory is established from places and images[Constat igitur artificiosa memoria ex locis et imaginibus]. In Xiguojifa, Ricci also introduced the art of memory based on ``Ad Herennium`` outlines. Through the images of words, he tried to explain that Chinese characters can be memorized. He thought if we make use of the icons of characters, we can understand easily how to know the meaning of characters. A sign of signification in Ricci was his remark about the written Chinese as the images of the words. He stated: "This method of writing by drawing symbols instead of forming letters gives rise to a distinct mode of expression by which one is able, not only with a few phrases but with a few words, to set forth ideas with great clearness, which in our writing would have to be expressed in roundabout circumlocutions and perhaps with far less clarity". From the above description, we can judge that Ricci had an understanding of Chinese language which had on the whole a deep and solid basis. When European culture encountered that of China in the 16th and 17th centuries, Jesuits were willing to accept the Chinese culture and tradition. This book can help us to comprehend Jesuit accommodative ideas of Chinese characters at a very early stage of their activity in China.

묵가의 ‘류(類)’를 이해하기 위한 소고(小考) ―〈대취〉 〈소취〉편의 독해를 기반으로

염정삼 ( Yum Jungsam ) 한국중국어문학회 2018 中國文學 Vol.94 No.-

본고는 묵가들이 사용한 類의 의미를 이해하기 위하여 작성된 것이다. 묵가는 兼愛와 尙同의 기본 목표를 설정하고, 그것을 사람들에게 설득하기 위하여 말하는 방법을 다듬었다. 그 것이 《묵자》의 〈대취〉와 〈소취〉편에 정리되어 전해진다. 특히 〈대취〉편은 ‘相愛’와 ‘相利’의 이상을 어떻게 실현할 것인지에 대해 구체적인 방법을 제시하는 한편, 그것을 어떻게 언어로 설명하여 드러낼지 제시하였다. 묵가가 주장하는 愛와 利를 올바로 실현하는 방법론은 ‘權’과 ‘求’로 제시되었으며, 언어를 사용하는 ‘辯’의 방법론은 ‘故, 理, 類’로 제시되었다. 이때 묵가가 필요로 했던 것이 바로 ‘類’였다. 본고는 〈대취〉, 〈소취〉편에 활용되고 있는 ‘類’의 의미를 분석하여, 묵가의 언어론에서 활용된 ‘類’의 특성을 분명히 밝히고자 한다. The objective of this paper is to investigate the concept of lei類 in Mohist linguistic theory. Mohist established the core doctrines of ‘Universal love兼愛’ and ‘Exalting Unity尙同’, through which they tried to persuade people to make a well-ordered and peaceful society. In order to demonstrate the ideal world, they made the logic of explaining, speaking and persuading of their doctrines. In the chapter of Daqu大取 and Xiaoqu小取, there are a lot of contents which which explains the way of dialectic related with the main doctrines such as Universal love and Exalting unity. This paper, in particular, focuses on the usage and meaning of lei類. Mohist were eager to make distinction of the same同 and the difference異. Through the process they were able to clarify the concept of lei類 and to explain the definition of persuasion說. I insist that we should remember Mohist logic is much different with that of Confucius in terms of making use of lei類 in that perspective.

漢字 形象의 의미론적 연관 구조에 관하여 : 部首字를 중심으로

염정삼(Yum Jung Sam) 韓國中語中文學會 2004 中語中文學 Vol.35 No.-

조선 중·후기 훈련도감(訓鍊都監)의 군사복식에 관한 연구

염정하(Jung Ha Yum),조우현(Woo Hyun Cho) 한국복식학회 2013 服飾 Vol.63 No.8

This is a study on the military costumes of Hunryeondogam, which was the center of Five Military Camps in the mid and the late Joseon dynasty. I confirmed the characteristics and system of military costumes of Hunryeondogam by document research and positive research. The military organization of Hunryeondogam was comprised of the high-ranking military officers such as Hunryeondaejang, Junggun, Cheonchong, Byeoljang and Gukbyeoljang, the mid and low ranking military officers such as Pachong, Chogwa and soldiers. And the military costume of Hunryeondogam included Gapju, Yoongbok and Goonbok for military officers and all kinds of military uniforms for soldiers. Imjin war and ritualized military ceremonies in the era of peace had influence on the military costume. Officers, for example, were wearing Dangap and soldiers were wearing Cheolgap or Pigap that depended on the branch of the army. Politically, kings in the mid and the late Joseon had organized military organizations to strengthen their royal authority. I think that the policy can be effectively seen by observing the military costume system. The qualitative differences in cloth materials and the presence or absence of patterns of Goonbok, the qualitative differences in the decoration of Jeonrip and the presence or absence of Yodae were able to distinguish the identity and the rank. An assumption can be made that these things could have been affected by social causes, such as frequent trips of the King and stable society. This cause could be influence on substitute Yoongbok with Goonbok that from the low ranking military officers to the high ranking military officers of Hunryeondogam. The societal changes in the mid and the late Joseon dynasty are reflected on the military costumes system of Hunryeondogam.

장서각 소장 군영 자료로 본 조선 후기 삼군영의 군사 복식 보급

염정하(Yum, Jung-ha) 한국학중앙연구원 2019 장서각 Vol.0 No.42

한국학중앙연구원 장서각에 소장된 조선 후기 군영 자료는 다양한 군사 정보를 담고 있으며, 이 중 군사의 의생활 문화도 빼놓을 수 없는 주요 정보이다. 이 글에서는 장서각에 소장된 군영등록을 바탕으로 그동안 파악하기 어려웠던 조선 후기 삼군영의 계급별 군사 복식의 보급에 관해 알아보았다. 삼군영의 대장은 왕의 갑주를 사여 받아 착용하거나, 고급재료의 갑주를 착용하였다. 중군 이하 장관과 장교는 주로 단갑주 등을 착용하였다. 훈련도감의 군병은 병종에 따라 갑주를 보급받았으며, 어영청과 금위영에서는 각 상황과 수행 위치에 따라 갑주를 보급받아 착용하였다. 삼군영의 장관과 장교는 군복값과 전대용 남방사주, 전립용 상모를 지급받아 군복을 마련하였다. 각 군영의 재정과 운영 상황에 따라 지급 기준에 약간씩 차이가 나타났다. 훈련도감은 대다수 군병에게 군복을 지급하였으나, 어영청과 금위영에서는 행행과 관련된 군병을 중심으로 군복을 지급하였다. 그리고 각 군병은 시위하는 대상에 따라 지급받는 군복값이 달랐다. 이 글을 기반으로 장서각 소장 군영 관련 문헌을 참고하여 더욱 다양한 군사의 의생활 문화에 관한 연구가 지속되길 기대한다. The Military Camps-Related Documents at the Jangseogak archives of the Academy of Korean Studies includes a variety of military information and military clothing life culture is one of the main information among them. This study aims to look into the distribution of the Military Costumes in the Late Joseon Dynasty based on the Military offices’ Deung’rok Registers, a collection of materials from Jangseogak archives. The captain of Three Military Camps wore high-quality armor or the one bestowed upon them by the king. Low-rank graded officials and civilian employees of military force wore a studded coat type armor called Dangap (緞甲) and a helmet with ear flaps. Soldiers at Hun’ryeon Dogam were supplied with armor according to their roles while those at Eo’yeong-cheong and Geum’wiyeong were supplied according to their respective situations and locations of operations. Ministers and Officers of military force of Three Military Camps received sashes, helmets and the expenses for their uniform. Each Military Camp provided different equipment basis of issue was varied according to the financial and operational situations of each Military Camp. Hun’ryeon Dogam issued most soldiers with uniform, however, Eo’yeong-cheong and Geum’wiyeong supplied uniform to the soldiers those who participated in parades. Also, the different expenses were offered to each soldier according to whom they escorted. It is hoped that there will be more diverse studies on military clothing life culture based on Military Camps-Related Documents at the Jangseogak archives.

‘文’ 개념을 통해 본 중국적 수사의 특성

염정삼(JungSam YUM) 한국수사학회 2009 수사학 Vol.0 No.11

『명리탐(名理探)』에 소개된 서구 논리학의 특성

염정삼(Yum, Jungsam) 인제대학교 인간환경미래연구원 2016 인간 · 환경 · 미래 Vol.- No.16

17세기 예수회 선교사들에 의해 중국에서 서양의 학문이 소개되었을 때, 신학에 관한 여러 종의 저서뿐만이 아니라, 아리스토텔레스의 논리학 저서가 『명리탐(名理探)』이라는 이름으로 번역되었다. 번역의 저본이 되었던 것은 17세기 포르투갈의 코임브라 대학에서 예수회의 논리학 강의교재로 사용된 Commentarii Collegii Conim bricensis Societate Jesu In Universam Dialecticam Aristotelis이다. 예수회 선교사들이 논리학을 중시한 이유는, 물론 중세 신학적인 토미즘의 토대 위에서 논리학을 통해 기독교 선교의 목적을 효율적으로 달성하기 위해서였다. 그런데 그들이 서양학문에 대한 아무런 정보가 없는 중국인들에게 ‘논리학’을 가르치기 위해서는, 서양의 학문이란 무엇이고 어떤 체계로 이루어졌는지를 먼저 설명하고 그곳에서 ‘논리학’은 어떤 자리를 차지하며 어떤 중요성이 있는지를 설명해야 했다. 그래서『명리탐』 속에는 라틴본 서문의 내용이 1권으로 번역되어 있는데, 그곳에서 서구학문이 도대체 무엇인가에 대해 정의하고 전체적으로 개괄하는 동시에 학문의 상하 분과 체계에 대해서 상세하게 설명하고, 특히 논리학의 위상과 의의 및 필요성, 논리학의 하위 분과 등을 상술하고 있다. 본고에서는 『명리탐』 권1에서 ‘명리탐’이라는 한문 번역 제목이 어떻게 만들어졌는지 설명하는 대목을 집중해서 살펴보고자 한다. In the 17th century when Jesuit missionaries first introduced Western studies to China, Aristotle’s writings of logic and other prestigious works in theology were translated into a book named Minglitan名理探. Aristotle’s logic was an academic realm that was consistently studied since birth and whose academic importance was repeatedly argued among academics during the course of Western history. What is interesting about Minglitan is that these historical controversies surrounding the academic status of logic was demonstrated in the book. For example, in Minglitan vol. 1 there is an exclusive chapter wholly contributed to the discussion of whether logic can be defined as an independent realm of academic study. The chapter also presents different arguments that responded to this question and offers details on how they differ from each other. Through the comprehension of Minglitan vol. 1’s argument: ‘Can logic be defined as an independent science?’, this thesis intended to clarify the distinctions between the arguments that arose to this question and study the methodology of how Western logic was first introduced to China in the 17th century.

역설계를 이용한 신발 밑창 금형의 직접 가공

염정노(Yum, J. N.),박용복(Park, Y. B.) (사)한국CDE학회 2003 한국CDE학회 논문집 Vol.8 No.3

논문 : 고(古)-금(今)서체의 단절과 계승에서 본 전서(篆書)의 의미

염정삼 ( Jung Sam Yum ) 중국어문학회 2013 中國語文學誌 Vol.45 No.-

This paper aims to explain how the orthodoxy of zhuanshu 篆書 has been established and reassured. Zhuanshu had become a standard writing style with the tremendous contribution by Lisi李斯 in Qin秦 dynasty and Xushen許愼 in Han 漢 dynasty, who leveraged zhuanshu to unify various character writings and styles that were used in Zhanguo戰國 period. While competing with lishu隷書 and kaishu楷書 that were fairly popular in Han dynasty, zhuanshu gained the sovereignty over other styles and maintained its prestigious status for a long time - from the traditional period till Tangsong唐宋 dynasties. Even in Qing淸 dynasty zhuanshu regained the power in character meaning research and calligraphy. I propose three main reasons why zhuanshu had reigned for such a long time. First in historical and political point, second scholastic and academic point, and third artistic and esthetic point, it is the strength of zhuanshu to be able to succeed the previous styles and also connect to new ones so as to survive for a long period.