신돈 집권기 전민추정도감의 설치와 그 성격

신은제(Shin, Eun-Jae) 부산경남사학회 2015 역사와 경계 Vol.95 No.-

이제까지 전민추정도감의 연구는 공민왕대 개혁정치에서 중요한 위치를 차지하는 것으로 평가받거나, 그러한 평가에 대한 반론을 중심으로 이루어져 왔다. 그러나 이러한 접근은 본격적인 전민추정도감 연구에 입각해 이루어 진 것은 아니었다. 본 논문은 이러한 문제의식에서 출발하여 신돈집권기 설치된 전민추정도감의 설치목적과 성격을 분석했다. 공민왕 15년 5월 실치된 전민추정도감은 한해 전 설치된 형인추정도감을 개편한 것이었다. 형인추정도감은 가뭄을 막기 위해, 그것을 야기하는 억울한 소송과 지체된 소송을 해결한다는 명목으로 설치되었고, 이후 전민추정도감으로 개편되었다. 그러나 이는 그야말로 명분이었다. 그 이면에는 여러 관부를 규찰하여 그들을 제어하려는 정치적 의도가 내재되어 있었다. 특히 신돈이 형인추정도감을 전민추정도감으로 개편한 것은, 토지와 노비에 민감한 민심을 이용해 국정을 장악하기 위해서였다. 형인추정도감을 기초로 설립된 전민추정도감은 신돈이 판사가 되고 임박이 使가 되었으며, 이춘부와 이인임 이하의 관리들이 전민추정도감에 파견되어 토지와 노비의 소송, 형옥, 관부에 대한 규찰 등의 업무를 담당했다. 이중 토지와 노비의 소송은 특히 중요했는데, 소송을 통해 부당한 탈점이 확인되면 탈점자는 법으로 처벌받았다. 한편 전민추정도감은 공민왕의 친정이 시작되는 19년 10월 즈음 무력화되었고 12월에는 전민의 쟁송 등의 업무가 모두 판도사, 전법사, 도관에 이관되어 그 존재이유를 상실했다. 전민추정도감의 해체이유는 여러 관사를 제대로 규찰하지 못해 천도가 불순해 졌다는 것이지만, 그 이면에는 공민왕의 친정과 신돈의 제거라는 정치변동이 자리하고 있었다. The constitution of Jeonminchujeongdogam(田民推整都監) was regard as his inclination to reform by some students, for long time. They have understood that the policy of Jeonminchujeon was the attempt to protect the peasant from the powerful who snatched a land from the peasant and made them into own servant. Of course, there are the counter argument of the understanding. Though debate, I think that there were not the full research of Jeonminchujeongdogam. Without the research, its meaning was argued and debated. This paper start from the critical mind. I will study the constitution and object of Jeonminchujeongdogam. Jeonminchujeongdogam was founded in the May 1366, when King Gong-Min reorganized the Hyenginchujeongdogam(刑人推整都監) to Jeonminchujeongdogam. Hyenginchujeongdogam was founded, a year ago, in order to solve the drought and unfair trial, then was reorganized to Jeonminchujeongdogam. But that purpose was nominal. The real purpose was the control of the officials who had served to the Koryo Dynasty. Especially, the reorganizaton to Jeonminchujeongdogam aimed to the use of the people"s sentiment that always desired the land and servants. By Jeonminchujeongdogam, Shin-don was to get the people"s support, then to contorl the officials. Because of the lack of material, I couldn"t reaserch the organization of Jeonminchujeongdogam, but some partial material introduced the precious knowledge to me. Shin-don was the prime minister of Jeonminchujeongdogam, Lim-bak became the person in charge of the organization. Lee, In-im and Lee, Chun-bu who served to the other office, sometimes, attent to Jeonminchujeongdogam, conduct their own task. Jeonminchujeongdogam has a distinguished feature from previous Jeonminbyenjeongdogam. The former had the forced power, while the latter did not. The officials of Jeonminchujeongdogam had power to carry out the punishment. Jeonminchujeongdogam which was founded in 1366, deconstructed in 1370, in the reason of the bad climate. But it was nominal, the essential reason was that Shin-don was be ousted from power.

공민왕의 신돈 등용의 배경

신은제(Shin, Eun-Jae) 부산경남사학회 2014 역사와 경계 Vol.91 No.-

승려 신돈의 등용은 공민왕대 정치에서 이례적인 사건이었다. 본 논문은 그러한 이례적 사건이 발생하게 된 배경을 규명하기 작성되었다. 신돈의 등용은 공민왕의 의지였다. 두 가지 상황 하에서 공민왕은 이같은 파격적 정치를 단행했다. 첫째, 공민왕은 연저호종공신을 중심으로 정국을 운영해 왔었다. 그러나 정세운 살해사건을 계기로 공민왕의 측근들은 동요하기 시작했고, 결국 흥왕사의 변란에서 확인되듯이, 일부 세력은 공민왕 시해를 시도했다. 이 사건의 결과 공민왕의 충성스러운 측근들이 살해당했고 공민왕은 연저호종공신에 대한 신뢰를 거두었다. 이제 공민왕은 새로운 측근을 필요로 했다. 둘째, 기철이 제거된 이후, 원조정의 실력자 기황후는 공민왕과 불편한 관계를 유지하게 되었다. 그러나 홍건적의 반란에 직면한 원조정은 공민왕을 징치할 형편이 되지 못했다. 홍건적이 진압되자 원은 즉각 공민왕을 폐위하고 덕흥군을 고려왕으로 책봉하였다. 덕흥군 책봉을 관철하기 위해 원은 군대를 고려로 파견했고 공민왕은 무장세력을 동원해 그들을 막아야 했다. 덕흥군의 침략을 성공적으로 물리친 후, 고려 조정에서 무장세력의 지위는 상승해 가고 있었다. 그러나 공민왕 13년 기황후가 원조정에서 실각하고 원이 멸망의 길로 접어들게 되면서 공민왕은 비교적 안정적으로 정국을 운영할 수 있게 되었다. 신돈은 이런 분위기에서 공민왕에 의해 등용되었던 것이다. 이런 상황에서 권력의 중심부로 진입한 신돈은 공민왕의 기대에 부응해, 유숙과 김보와 같은 연저수종공신, 최영으로 대표되는 일부 무장세력, 이공수와 이수산과 같은 기씨일문과 가까웠던 인물들을 권력의 주변부로 몰아내었다. Shin-don(辛旽)"s appointment as prime minister was exceptional affair in King Gong-Min politics. This paper was written in a intention of understanding that affair. It was King Gong-Min who appointed Shin-don as prime minister in Groye(高麗) court. Two situations made King Gong-Min give Shin-don the prime minister. From his enthronement, King Gong-Min had conducted state affairs on the retainers, who attended King Gong-Min in the capital of Yuan Dynasty. But the administration was ended in the killing of Jeong She-Yun(鄭世雲) who was the retainer, the hero to save Groye from the invaders, named Hongkonjeck(紅巾賊). Some of retainers would like to kill King Gong-Min in the Heungwang-temple(興王寺), After the rebellion of Heungwang-temple, King Gong-Min didn"t give retainers the trust. He should get a new supporter. After the elimination of Gi-Cheol who was the brother of the Empress in Yuan, the relation between the Yuan Dynasty and King Gong-Min made bad. As soon as repressed the Hongkonjeck, Yuan dethroned King Gong-Min, gave Deckheunggun(德興君) the throne of Groye Dynasty. Yuan"s sent the army to Groye because Groye Dynasty rejected the Yuan"s decision. Though Groye successfully defect the Yuan"s army, a anxiety of King Gong-Min wasn"t removed. A lot of military officals was developed through the wars, they threatened the king"s power. In 1364, Yuan was swiftly collapsing, King Gong-Min attacked them under the situation, appointed Shin-don. Shin-don ceased the power under the king"s support, he removed the officials from Groye court. There were three type of removed officials. One was the military officials, who were developed in the war against Yuan. Another was the officials, who were on the friendly terms with Yuan court, expecially the Qi empress. The other was some retainers, who lost the King"s trust.

고려시대 전장(田莊)의 용례와 범주

신은제 ( Shin Eun Jae ) 부경역사연구소 2004 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.15

In Korea Dynasty, the farms have been regarded as a simple large estate and a land to charge taxes. It was important that there were two kinds of the forms of the farms. The first was the farm of the accumulated estate and the second was the farm of the accumulated land on which the taxes were charged. However, this definition on the category of the farms had some shortcomings. Firstly, if the farm was a simply large estate, the category may be obscure. Secondly, because of something that had different quality which was not defined in the same category, the category of the farm of the accumulated estate or the accumulated land to charge taxes may make mistakes. So the definition made the category of the farms was inaccurate. In order to draw near to the quality of the farms, I will define the category on the basis of the examples of the farms. As we know, the farms were distinguished into many kinds, such as the Jeonyo(田廬), the Jeonsa(田舍), the Jeonwon(田園), the Byeolyob(別業), the Nongjang(農莊) and the Byeolseo(別墅) in Korea Dynasty. Some terms had the same name because these terms were related to the same quality. Besides of the same quality, some things had individual or unique quality themselves. As a result, I think if we ascertain the individual or unique quality, we can understand that the farms had universal quality. By the analysis, I found that the Byeolseo was a manor or a land belonging to the lord of the manor and the Jeonwon was the fields where the vegetables or fruits growing up or they were farmed. Through this difference between the Byeolseo and the Jenwon, I think that the terms with the different meanings were regarded as the same things by the persons who lived in Koryo society. If the different terms including the separated meanings were defined as the same meaning not correctly, the quality was shared. Namely, if the farms including the manors, the fields where the vegetables or fruits growing up, and the land belonging to the lord of the manor, I think that we can make two conclusions. On the one hand, their terms could be defined as the universal meaning of the farms. On the other hand, their terms had different quality.

14세기 전반 원의 정국동향과 고려의 정치도감

신은제 ( Eun Jae Shin ) 한국중세사학회 2009 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.26

고려 문종대 경정전시과(更定田柴科) 시행 배경과 그 의미

신은제 ( Shin Eun-jae ) 한국중세사학회 2024 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.78

After 30 years of reign, King Munjong re-enacted Jeonsigwa(田柴科). The establishment of this system was based on the implementation of Yangjeon(量田) throughout the reign of King Munjong. For Yangjeon, Mun Jong also reorganized the systems related to Yangjeon. One of the characteristics of Jeonsigwa System in the 30th year of King Munjong’s reign was the establishment of Munsangye Jeonsigwa. In Goryeo, Musangye was given to Hyangri(鄕吏), Jurchen chiefs, Tamra(耽羅) Wongja, and Akgonh(樂工). The reign of King Munjong was the period when the Jurchen‘s surrender and incorporation began in earnest. In particular, after the 27th year of King Munjong’s reign, the Jurchen people scrambled to surrender and request to be incorporated into Goryeo. It was necessary to provide land to the newly incorporated Jurchen chiefs, and this was one of the main reasons for establishing the Munsangye Jeonsigwa. One of the most important features of King Munjong’s re-enacted Jeonsigwa is that the land is provided only to the unemployed. In this case, retirees and those who first entered public service and received a Dongjungjik(同正職) excluded from land payments and face economic difficulties. A noteworthy measure in this regard is the establishment of the Yangban Gongeum Jeonsi in the 3rd year of King Munjong’s reign. There are various discussions about the features of Yangban Gongeum Jeonsi, but it is understood to be a system in which the subjects of Muneum(門蔭) and Gongeum(功蔭) were classified into five classes and land was provided to them. In this case, land would have been provided to those who held Dongjungjik before receiving the first official post. Meanwhile, those who had not yet received their first job by passing the civil service examination in the civil service examination, were able to continue their livelihood by receiving the newly established system of Deunggwajeon(登科田). After the 30th year of King Munjong’s reign, Goryeo officials received two types of land from the government. One was the so-called the ‘jeonche land(傳遞土地)’ like Gongeumjeon and Deunggwajeon, which were inherited by descendant who maintained the position, and the other was the ‘nabgong land(納公土地)’ that had to be returned to the state depending on whether one was unemployed or not.

고려시대 전장의 형성과 그 위상

신은제 ( Eun Jae Shin ) 한국중세사학회 2005 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.18

The Farms are the form of the feudal estate. Therefore, there is very important significance to investigate the formation and expansion of the farms through the study on the land owned by its owner. According to the studies of today, the farms were formed and expanded largely in the 12th or 13th century. Particularly, some historians thought that the farms were formed by two ways. The one way is to dispossess the lands which was used to charge the taxes and the other one is to take the peasants`s lands. However, the farms had appeared in the 7th century. After the foundation of the Goryeo Dynasty, the farms became more and more larger. Some researches and sources, though incomplete, demonstrated that temples, the Royal Household and the gentry possessed farms and that posses of farms was very important. For example, there were two persons who came from China and were naturalized in Goryeo with the name Chai In Bum(tk), Dae Ilc(l) accepted farms in Goryeo and this fact proved that the farms were necessary to the aristocratic life of them. If we examine the examples of dispossessed lands, we can find that the most dispossessed lands were the estates of the temples, the Royal Household and the gentries differing from the results of the most researches. It means that the farms were not formed just in the 12th century and that the farms had existed widely since the foundation of the Goryeo Dynasty. So according to my analysis, I think that the farms were the form of the estate of Goryeo Dynasty from the early Goryeo Dynasty to the late Goryeo Dynasty.

고려의 촌락, 민의 주거지와 생활

신은제 ( Shin Eun-jae ) 한국중세사학회 2021 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.65

Villages inhabited by people during the Goryeo Dynasty were located in the field of four conditions. They include land, water, firewood supply, and mulberry plantation. Among them, the most important consideration is farmland and water. Some of the remains of villages during the Goryeo Dynasty were located in alluvial areas along the river, where is believed to be the result of land and water acting as an important factor in the village’s location. Of course, there were villages in the hills. In this case, it would have been relatively easy to collect firewood, but the farmland was relatively small and it was difficult to secure water. During the Goryeo Dynasty, peasants lived in hollow dwellings(竪穴住居址). The average size is about 2 to 5pyeong(坪), and the shape is square and circular, but most of them are square. Considering the size of the residential area, it is confirmed that there was a superiority between villages during the Goryeo Dynasty, and that there was an economic superiority among the peasants in the village. During the Goryeo Dynasty, peasants mainly consumed grain, millet, and barley rather than rice. It was difficult for the peasants to eat meat, and protein was gained for peasants mainly through fish in rivers and seafood from the sea. The food, the peasants ate with grain, was vegetables. The widely grown and consumed vegetables were cucumbers, eggplants, and turnips. Peasantss were likely to boil or steamed in a pot, and cooked food was likely served on a plate and bowl. But there are not many receptacles like the plates and bowls in the excavated dwellings. I guess that the peasants hardly have any receptacles and they should have eaten the food without one. Peasants in the Goryeo lived the poorer life than we have thought.

조선인 고려를 기억하다 『고려사(高麗史)』 편찬 후 고려에 대한 기억

신은제 ( Eun Jae Shin ) 한국중세사학회 2007 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.23

고려전기 경기의 설치와 그 의미

신은제(Shin, Eun Jae) 한국중세고고학회 2018 한국중세고고학 Vol.- No.4

본 논문은 고려전기 경기제의 성립, 변화과정을 기술하고 그것이 어떤 배경에서 이루어졌는지를 규명하기 위해 작성되었다. 고려가 건국된 이후 태조 왕건은 자신의 근거지인 송악과 인근의 개성현을 통합해 개주를 설치하였다. ‘호족’들에 대한 통합과 제압을 통해 건국된 고려는, 건국직후 지방에 대한 체계적 통제를 실현하기 어려웠다. 고려가 지방을 본격적으로 제어하기 시작한 시기는 성종대 부터였다. 성종은 이전시기 지속적으로 시행되어온 양전과 호구조사를 바탕으로 ‘치읍(置邑)’을 적극적으로 시행하였고 그 결과 성종 14년 일련의 제도개혁을 일단락 지을 수 있었다. 이 제도 개혁과정에서 성종은 당나라의 제도를 모방하여 전국을 10도로 나누고 개경을 6개의 적현과 7개의 기현으로 구분한 뒤 개성부로 하여금 관할하도록 했다. 성종대 적 · 기현제는 한편으로는 전국적 적(籍)의 작성이 완료된 시기에 이루어 진 결과이며, 다른 한편으로는 거란의 위협이라는 상황에서 군사적 성격의 제도를 개편하는 과정에서 나온 것이었다. 성종대 마련된 적 · 기현제는 현종 9년 경(京)과 기(畿)를 구분한 경기제로 변화한다. 현종 9년 경내와 기를 구분하여 경은 5부로 구획하고 기는 12개 현을 나누고 개성현이 주현으로 3개의 속현을 관할하고 장단현이 주현으로 7개의 속현을 관할하였다. 이러한 체계는 현종 9년 완비된 주현-속현체계와 궤를 같이 하는 것이었다. 현종대 경기제의 확립에서 보다 중요한 사항은 경내와 기가 구분되었다는 점이다. 이는 거란의 침입으로 개경의 복구가 필요했고 특히 송악성과 나성을 축조하여 공간적으로 경내(京內)와 경외(京外)가 구분될 수 있었기에 가능한 제도 개혁이었다. 경기는 문종대 다시 한 번 변화를 맞는다. 비록 그 변화에 대해서 연구자들 사이에 논란은 있지만, 문종대 양전, 전품규정, 전시과의 분급과 더불어 개경 인근 지역에 대한 일정한 재편이 이루어졌다고 보는 것이 타당하다. 고려전기 경기제의 개편은 성종대, 현종대, 문종대 각각 1차례씩 이루어졌다. 이러한 경기제의 개편은 기본적으로는 국가의 재정운영과 잇닿아 있으면서도 다른 한편으로는 군사적 필요성에 의해 규제받기도 하였다. 성종대에는 수취체제의 정비과정에서 경기제의 개편이 이루어졌고, 현종대에는 거란의 침입과 나성의 축조와 더불어 경기제의 개편이 이루어졌으며, 문종대에는 전시과의 개정와 연관되어 경기제의 개편이 이루어졌다. 이렇게 보면 경기제의 변화는 하나의 원칙하에 일관되게 이루어진 것이 아니라 해당 시기 상황의 필요성에 의해 이루어 진 것으로 판단된다. This paper was written to describe the process of establishing and changing the institution of Gyeonggi(京畿) and to clarify the context in which it took place, in the first half of Goryeo Dynasty. After the founding of Goryeo Dynasty, King Taejo unified his base of Songak and neighboring Gaeseong prefecture to establish the Gaeju as new capital. It was difficult to realize the systematic control of the provinces immediately after the founding of the Goryeo Dynasty, which was established through the integration and suppression of the Hojok(豪族). It was from Sungjong(成宗) period when the Koryo Dynasty began to control the region. Based on the land measuremaent(量田) and census ever since, Sungjong actively carried out the `Building the town(置邑)`. As a result, he were able to complete a series of institutional reforms in 14 years of Sungjong. In the course of this reform, Sungjong imitated the system of Tang Dynasty, divided the whole country into 10 provinces, and devided Gaegyeng(開京) into 6 Geoghyeon(赤縣) and 7 GIhyeon(畿縣) in which Gaeshengbu(開城府) controled. This institution was the result of `the Building the town(置邑)`, based on the land measuremaent(量田) and censusthe, and of reform of the military-oriented system in the situation of the threat of Khitan(契丹). The institution of Geoghyeon(赤縣) and GIhyeon(畿縣) which was established in Sungjong, is changed to that of Gyeonggi which distinguishes Kyeong(京) and Gi(畿) in the ninth year of King Hyunjong`s reign. Kyeong was devided into five areas, Gi into nine provinces. The change of institution in the King Hyunjong`s reign, was prevent from invasion of Khitan and was due to the construction of the Nasheng(羅城). Gyeonggi(京畿) is changing once again. Although there is a controversy among the students about the change, it is reasonable to assume that some sort of reorganization has been made in King Munjong`s reign. Munjong reorganized the system for land measurement, land rating(田品), and land payment(田柴科) for the bureaucracy, it was based on the reorganization of Gyeonggi.

14세기 동기(銅器)의 유행과 그 의미: 고려시대 분묘 유적을 중심으로

신은제 ( Eun Jae Shin ),허선영 ( Sun Young Hur ) 동아대학교 석당학술원 2011 석당논총 Vol.0 No.51

In 14th century, as a lot of students know, Koryo celadon got some distinguished characters, the advent of celadon with the manufactured date(干支銘靑瓷), the poor patterns. Students have regarded reasons of the characters as the changes of system of production and the expanded consumption. However, according to results of recent researches of the Koryo graves, in the 14th century, the use of celadon was reduced. This deference have me to study celadon`s changes in 14th century. In this article, I`d like to study the excavated celadon from the Koryo graves. For study, I have nine remains of Koryo tumb, in regards of time and space. There are a lot of grave goods in nine remains of Koryo tumb, celadon, bronzeware, bronze spoons, and so on. From the examination of excavation reports of them, I get some conclusions. First, even same period, there is deference between grave goods as to the province in which graves were located. Some provinces of them have more celadon than bronzeware, but the other is not. Second, though the deference between provinces, I could find a important point. As a whole, there are more celadon than bronzeware in graves which were constituted during 12~13th century. Third, in the second half of 13th century, the circumstance was changed. The rate of bronzeware in grave goods got higher. In fact, there are a lot of reference to the fashion of bronzeware in ≪ Koryosa(高麗史)≫. Why bronzeware was in fashion in the 14th century? It is passible to answer the question in two ways, economy and culture. The fashion of bronzeware should base on the increase of supply of bronze. According to the study of bronze product, the bronze product in Koryo was reduced during 14th century. Though the reduce of bronze product, at that time the fashion of bronzeware was due to the importation of bronze from Yuan(元) Dynasty. Until collapse of Dynasty, Song(宋) government continued to prohibit the exportation of bronze, in order to get the raw material of the coin bronze. After the foundation of Yuan(元) Dynasty, the circumstance was changed. Yuan(元) Dynasty used the currency of Bo-chao(寶초) which was guaranteed in silver. Then Yuan(元) Dynasty didn`t need to use the much bronze than Song(宋). The surplus bronze in Yuan(元) Dynasty was exported to Koryo and Japan, and the supply of bronze got grown in Koryo. On the other hand, the cultural preference effected the fashion of bronzeware. The Mongolians as nomadic tribes prefered the matalware to celadon or ceramics. The upper class in Koryo Dynasty was heavily affected by Yuan(元) Dynasty, politically and culturally. They prefered the matalware, especially bronzeware to celadon. The fashion of bronzeware brought about the fall of celadon`s product, it might result the relative decline of the celadon`s quality.