1862년 농민항쟁기 파견관리 李參鉉(1807~1872)의 활동

宋讚燮(Song Chan-Sup) 역사교육연구회 2009 歷史敎育 Vol.109 No.-

It is the “Peasant Struggle“ in the year of 1862, Korea that is well~known as one of the biggest struggles in the late Josun Dynasty. Thus, it makes sense to conduct the researches on how people judge and act concerning this struggle during those times. But, studying on the masterminds of the Peasant Struggle is not easy because of the lack of the relevant data. Meanwhile, those times found omost ruling group moving to oppress and settle any unfortunate incidents. Among them were officers dispatched as the positions of ‘Royal Secret Commissioner(暗行御史)’, ‘Inspection Commissioner(宣撫使)’ and ‘Prosecution Commissioner(按?使)’, to local regions where such incidents arose. And, they intervened in the foregoing struggle at the distance closest from where it happened. In palticular, Yi Sam~hyeon was dispatched as "Inspection Commissioner" to Kyungsang province, the most crucial hub of the struggle. In late period when such struggle was frequently waged, Yi visited Hamheung province to take the position as “Prosecution Commissioner“, making achievements there. This research thesis explored the "Peasant Struggle" through different books by Yi Sam~hyeon, with the evaluations on methods that he established. As the "Inspection Commissioner(宣撫使)", Yi Sam~hyeon can, first of all, understand the local situations by going around about a month, under the instruction to visit and inspect each region. But, a great deal of hardship and outcry of local average citizens including peasants impelled Yi to alleviate their sufferings by means of makeshift. Amid these situations, he advised them to follow his own logics and the government authority, in the face of their demands. As a Prosecution Commissioner(按?使)", he showed legal and righteous attitude to the masterminds of ’Peasant Struggle in Hamheung’ in the process of settling the struggle. And such attitude is considered most progressive. For instance, he tried to lift punishment policies against crime without dubious but substantial criminal evidence. And, he was apt to he generous on his subjective judgments. It is deemed that not his own moral attitude but right response to such struggle can make him generous. In this regard, Yi wrote "Peasant Struggle" and "Three State Finance System(三政)": "Field", "Military" and" Grain". In addition, he stated fundamental systems such as "Non-governmental Autonomous Poor Relief Systems(社倉制)" and “Land Measurement System(量田)“. And, he made much attack on government financial management operation(罷還歸結). As the typical case, he held that “Public Financial Loss Compensation system" provided as the solution to redress three wrong financial systems, was not appropriated. Although the above system required reducing much amount of exchange grain, this imposed not interest of exchange grain but land tax through the establishment of “Settled Grain System(還穀)“. On top of these, Yi Sam~hyeon is found to have had views on People’s lives and State. His concerns, such as these, can be regarded as the product of "Peasant Struggle".

1862년 농민항쟁의 발발지역 검토

송찬섭(Song, Chan-sup) 역사학연구소 2021 역사연구 Vol.- No.42

1862년 농민항쟁은 삼남 일대에 걸쳐 여러 고을에서 일어났다. 당시 국가에서는 구체적인 숫자는 말하지 않고 있는데 이는 정확하게 파악하기 어렵기도 하지만 사건의 수준이 다양하기 때문이다. 그간 연구상황을 살펴보면 초기 연구에서는 20여 개 고을로 보았으나 점차 사료가 발굴되면서 지금은 70여 고을까지 늘어났다. 이 논문은 발발지역의 숫자가 가지는 의미를 좀더 분석하고자 하였다. 조선시기 고을별 일어난 농민항쟁은 일견 비슷한 흐름처럼 파악하기 쉽지만 개별 고을에 따라 다소간의 차이가 있다. 시위가 거세거나 오래 지속된 곳일수록 모순이 심각한 곳이거나 이정의 열망이 큰 곳일 수 있다. 그러나 지역상황, 지방관의 정책 방향, 시위민들의 협상 능력 등과도 관련 있을 수 있다. 지금까지 연구를 통해 거론되었던 70여 고을의 사건 가운데는 매우 심각한 사건도 적지 않지만 그 규모와 양상을 본다면 지방사회에서 평소에 시도하거나 일어날 수 있었던 사건, 수령의 억압으로 미연에 그칠 수 있었던 사건도 포함될 수 있었다. 나아가 이 때문에 동요되어 작은 문제점까지도 부각시킬 수도 있었다. 따라서 각각의 사건은 다양한 측면을 포괄하여 평가해야 할 것이다. 이 글에서는 보고체계와 관련하여 항쟁의 수준을 나누었다. 심각하고 수습이 어려운 사건은 수령 → 감사를 거쳐 즉각 중앙으로 보고되었고 중앙에서도 단호하게 대처하였다. 그보다 덜 심각한 사건은 감사가 보고를 받더라도 감영에서 해결하려는 선에서 중앙에는 보고하지 않았다. 이보다 더 소소한 사건은 수령이 감사에게 보고하지도 않았다. 감추려는 의도보다 지방사회에서 일어날 수 있는 수준이라면 감사, 수령이 문제의 해결의 주체이기 때문이다. 감영과 고을의 노력으로 제법 심각한 사건도 크게 무리없이 사건이 종료되는 경우도 적지 않았을 듯하다. 다만 이 과정에서 일부 지역에서는 자체적으로 해결하려고 했지만 판단과 달리 상당히 심각한 사건으로 비화되기도 하였다. 어쨌든 중앙 보고가 모두 이루어지지 않았다고 하여 행정운영의 시스템이 무너진 것은 아니었다. 그렇다면 1862년 한해동안 일어난 항쟁고을의 숫자에 대해 지나치게 의식할 필요는 없다. 크게 본다면 중앙에 직접 보고된 지역이 ‘변란’으로 평가할 수 있는 정도이다. 다만 낮은 수준의 등소 단계라고 하더라도 이전에 행해지지 않았던 문제(부세를 비롯하여)들이 제기되었다면 수준과 관계없이 중요한 변화라고 할 수 있다. 오히려 이 시기 지방사회의 전반적 분위기를 이해하는데 도움이 되고 심각한 사건까지 나아가지 않더라도 일상적으로 관과의 갈등이 있었음을 증명하고 있다. 이런 점에서 가장 최고 수위의 사건과 이를 모방한 다수의 사건, 그리고 여러 곳의 분위기를 합하여 이 기간동안의 민중운동의 양상을 평가할 수 있다. 이런 점에서 본다면 사건의 규모와 관계없이 앞에서 언급된 여러 사건들을 포함하여 1862년 한해동안 70여 개 이상의 지역에서 다양한 형태의 저항과 갈등이 일어났다고 할 수 있으며, 이를 큰 틀에서 농민항쟁의 양상이라고 묶어서 파악할 수 있다. 물론 이 기간을 선도하거나 규모가 큰 사건에 대해 적극적인 평가는 필요하다. 다만 가장 대표적인 사건에 초점을 두어 항쟁을 절대적인 수탈과 격렬한 저항 등으로 일반화하는 틀에서 벗어나서 민의 입장에서 민원(民願)에 대한 소통의 모색과 실현에 대한 목표, 그에 따른 다양한 행동을 이해할 필요가 있다. In 1862, the peasant struggle took place in various counties throughout the Samnam(三南) area. At the time, the country did not give specific numbers, which is difficult to accurately determine, but because the level of incidents varies. Looking at the research status so far, in the initial study, 20 counties were considered, but as historical materials are gradually excavated, the number is now expanded to about 70. The peasant struggle that took place in each village during the Joseon Dynasty are easy to understand as similar flows at first glance, but there are some differences depending on individual villages. The more intense or prolonged the protests are, the more serious the contradiction may be or the greater the desire for a change. However, it may also be related to the local situation, the policy direction of local officials, and the ability of protesters to negotiate. There are not many very serious incidents among the 70 or so incidents that have been discussed in the research so far, but if you look at their scale and shape, they include incidents that could have been attempted or occurred in the local community, as well as incidents that could have been avoided due to the suppression of the leader. could Furthermore, this could cause agitation and highlight even small problems. Therefore, each case should be evaluated inclusive of various aspects. In this article, the level of protest is divided in relation to the reporting system. Severe and difficult cases were reported to the central government through the counties and provinces, where it was dealt with decisively. Less serious cases were reported by the county, but the provinces tried to solve them, but they were not reported to the central government. Even more trivial incidents were not reported by the county to the province. This seems to be because the province and the county are also the main agents of solving the problem if it is at a level that can occur in the local community rather than trying to hide it. Due to the efforts of the province and county, it seems that there were not many cases in which fairly serious incidents were completed without too much unreasonableness. However, in the process, some regions tried to solve the problem on their own, but contrary to the judgment, it became a fairly serious case. In any case, the fact that all central reports were not made did not mean that the administrative management system was broken. Then, there is no need to be overly conscious about the number of uprising counties that occurred in 1862. Broadly speaking, the area directly reported to the center can be evaluated as ‘disruption’. However, even at a low level, it can be said that it is an important change regardless of the level if problems that have not been done before are raised. Rather, it helps to understand the general atmosphere of the local society at this time and proves that there were conflicts with officials on a daily basis, even if it did not lead to serious incidents. In this regard, it is possible to evaluate the aspects of the people’s movement during this period by summing up the highest level of incident, many incidents that mimicked it, and the atmosphere of several places. From this point of view, it can be said that various forms of resistance and conflict occurred in more than 70 counties in 1862, including the aforementioned incidents, regardless of the scale of the incident. can figure out Of course, it is necessary to actively evaluate the events leading this period or large-scale events. However, by focusing on the most representative events, it is necessary to break away from the framework of generalizing protests as absolute extortion and violent resistance, and to understand the goals of communication and realization of civil complaints from the point of view of the people, and the various actions that follow.

일반논문 : 최익한의 다산연구의 성과와 한계

송찬섭 ( Chan Sup Song ) 한국실학학회 2014 한국실학연구 Vol.0 No.27

이 글은 일제강점기 최익한이 연재한 「여유당전서를 독함」을 통해 다산연구에 대한 성과와 한계를 평가하였다. 사회주의운동가였던 최익한이 1930년대 이후 신문글에 참여한 것은 이 시기 자신이 선택할 수 있었던 유일한 활동의 장이면서 생활의 장이기도 했기 때문이다. 다산 서거 100주년 기념사업의 하나로 시행되었던 『여유당전서』 간행을 즈음하여 최익한은 안재홍, 정인보와 함께 다산연구에 참여하였다. 곧 1938년 12월에서 1939년 6월까지 『동아일보』에 「여유당전서를 독함」이라는 글을 장기 연재하였다. 이는 다산 저작에 대해 거의 처음으로 전반적인 평가를 한 글이었다. 이를 통해 다산의 업적을 높이 평가하면서도 한계점을 분명하게 짚기도 하였다. 또한 다산과 그에게 영향을 주었던 반계, 성호에 대해 ‘실학’이라고 일컬었으나 ‘실학파’의 명명에 대해서는 신중하였다. 이런 점에서 최익한은 실학연구에 대한 단서를 열었지만 그를 실학연구자라고 일컫기에는 한계가 있다. 한편 최익한은 세계사의 흐름 속에서 조선의 사회적 처지는 어떠했으며, 이 속에서 다산의 역할은 세계사적으로 어떻게 비교할 수 있는가를 끊임없이 고심하였다. 당시 조선이 처한 현실에서 벗어나기 위해 세계사적 시각을 가지려고 했던 것으로 해석된다. 서학을 강조한 점도 이를통해 세계사적 시각, 보편적 기준을 찾으려고 했던 것으로 보인다. 오늘날의 시각에서 본다면 조선사회의 내부적인 변화 발전에 대해 인식하지 못한 한계를 지적할 수 있다. 이는 당대의 학문적 수준의 일천함, 근대와 해방의 출구를 세계사적 기준으로 삼을 수밖에 없었던 시대상황과 식민지 지식인의 한계가 드러난다. 반면 1955년 북한에서 작성한 『실학파와 정다산』은 연구성과의 축적과 한편으로는 북한이라는 사회 속에서 실학이 가지는 의미를 강조하기 위해 민족적, 국가적 처지를 강조해야만 하였다. 그런 점에서 「여유당전서를 독함」이라는 글은 비록 신문글이라는 한계 속에서 작성하였지만 처음으로 다산에 대한 체계적인 작업을 한 것이고 최익한이 다산을 통해 극복하려는 당시 현실에 대한 고민이 담겨 있다. This paper evaluates the outcome and limitation of study on Dasan by Choi Ikhan through "Reading the Complete Writings of Yeoyudang" serially published by Choi Ikhan during the Japanese colonial era. Choi Ikhan, a socialism activist, participated in newspaper writings since 1930s because newspaper was the only stage of activity and livelihood available for him at this time. When "Complete Writings of Yeoyudang" was published as a part of project commemorating 100th anniversary of Dasan`s death, Choi Ikhan participated in study on Dasan with Ahn Jae-hong and Jeong In-bo. Soon afterwards between December 1938 and June 1939, Choi published long-term series called「Reading the Complete Writings of Yeoyudang」 on 『Dong-A Daily』. This was almost the first piece of writing that performed overall evaluation on the writings of Dasan. Choi Ikhan highly praised the achievements of Dasan, while at the same time pointing out his limitations. In addition, Choi referred to Dasan and Bangye and Seongho who influenced him as ``practical learning``, but he was careful in naming of ``A school of Silhak``. In this perspective, Choi Ikhan opened up the clue for study of practical learning, but it is too much to refer to him as someone who studied practical learning. On one hand, Choi Ikhan ceaselessly contemplated on the social circumstance of Joseon in the flow of world history, and how the role of Dasan can be compared in terms of world history. This is interpreted as an effort to take a view of world history in order to escape from the reality faced by Joseon at the time. His emphasis on Western learning seems to be along the same context of attempt to look for vision and universal standard of world history. Looking from today`s viewpoint, limitation of Choi can be pointed out as failure to recognize internal changes and development of Joseon society. This is caused by the limits as an intellectual of a colony with shortage of academic standards at the time where the exit to modernity and liberation could only be found from the perspective of world history. On the contrary, 『Positive School and Dasan Jeong Yak-yong』 written in 1955 in North Korea was a cumulative outcome of his study. On one side, Choi was forced to emphasize ethnic and national position as an effort to stress the meaning of practical learning in the North Korean society. In this point, while the serial writing called 「Reading the Complete Writings of Yeoyudang」 was limited to a piece of writing published on a newspaper, it presents significant meaning as the first systematic work on Dasan that contains considerations on the reality, which Choi attempted to overcome through study on Dasan.

1862년 삼정책문(三政策問)에 따른 경외대책(京外對策)의 검토

송찬섭 ( Chan Sup Song ) 수선사학회 2014 사림 Vol.0 No.48

After the breakout of farmers uprising in the southern provinces in 1862, Cheol-Jong came to realize the importance of changing the Three Policies as a solution to the problem. In proposing the test system, he sought the interpretations not only of central bureaucrats, but from the regional governors, and scholars and public officials from the country over. The reason the scope of the selection had been so widened was that the problem was endemic to the nation as a whole, and there was a need to find out the extent of the actual national situation. Most likely, around the time of the uprising, central powers would have been to a certain extent aware of the discussions of corruptions of provincial governments with the nobles in their regions, and even regarding corrective processes. And in fact, the government went to considerable lengths for the implementation of the test inquiry, and into the selection process. Looking at the one hundred people thus selected, in terms of their status or social positions, they were comprised mostly of mid to lower-level bureaucrats, provincial officials, and scholars nationwide. That there were especially a large number of mid to low-level positions may be attributed, not only to the desire of the government to encompass as many of the bureaucrats and ordinary people, but also because the three policy test measures were attempted in a similar vein to the national public official testing system, so that high level officials would have been mutually excluded. Analyzing those thus duly qualified by their repective regions, it is almost similar in distribution to those who passed the public official testing system, probably in consideration of its implementation. As to age, there were a number of older individuals, and it was also noteworthy that no one really belonged to a family of power. This appears to be from higher level bureaucrats being able to forward their opinions apart from the three party inquiry, and the leaders of the major influential groups having used formalized channels of presenting opinions since it was an implementation procedure. These measures served as a good opportunity for learned scholars to particiate in government policy. Hwang Oh, Lee Seung-gyeong and such mention in their writings that this was the singular occasion through which they offered opinions on matters of national policy. It can be said to have served as a catalyst for when thoughts were shared on looking at the problems of three policies as a national concern for solution. From this point of view, the three policy review was a part of a policy for communication. However, examining the extant proposals for the three policy revision of the one hundred, it is to be quite unexpected that none had insisted on an aggressive corrective step.In the end, the Elimination of Grain Tax was a very aggressive measure at the core of the government`s three policy amendment as detailed in the list of corrective actions, but such insistences were not to be found herein, and on the contrary, more were of the critical opinion of the elimination steps already being discussed centrally at the time. Then what is to have been the motive behind the selection of the three policy proposals in the first place? It would appear that there was actual value in garnering the opinions of the public, along with surveying the provincial situations, while serving to publicize the will of the government for change. In reality, the direction of remedies was aimed to progress against those holding real power. The extent of the adopted three policy amendments help us to understand their assessment of the three policy problem, and trends in their measures. Furthermore, it is viewed that they served as the basis for the government to implement the policy changes of the time, and went on to help promote a nation-wide mood for the adoption of three policy amendments.

일제강점기 최익한(崔益翰)(1897-?)의 사회주의 사상의 수용과 활동

송찬섭 ( Chan Sup Song ) 호남사학회 2016 역사학연구 Vol.61 No.-

Thought and activities of individuals should continue to grow or change with mark in life. Sometimes even to show a substantial change over time in the inner will be connected to each other. Choi Ik-han(崔益翰) are judgment that started from Chinese literature scholar to held a variety of modern disciplines such as history and nationalistic activities, socialism thought and activities, Korean Studies were also connected to each other. This article more verification about Choi Ik-han go to Japan time who accept socialism thought and activities, namely in from 1925 and the arrested in the third Chosun Communist Party(朝鮮共産黨) activities (February 1928), the activities to term of eight years imprisonment. Through this, we learn the intellectuals who lived as a time of rapidly change in the development process and to evaluate the his contribution to our society. Choi Ik-han`s 1920s was the process of move to the socialist movement from the nationalist movement. War chest fundraising event for the Provisional Government in 1919 caused the Choi Ik-han can be a personal act, there is no clear policy to deal with, but he was firmly exercise under the influence of 3·1 Movement and mentor Gwak Jong-seok(郭鍾錫), After a prison life, Choi Ik-han released from 1923 to 1925 was selected to study in Japan at the end of withdraw to two years and was converted into socialism thought and movements. This is also connected with the domestic situation is that socialism thought sprout and Japanese exchange students launch a organization of thoughts. Choi Ik-han learned from socialism thought, such as 大山郁夫(Ikuo Oyama) Professor and 福本和夫(Kazuo Fukumoto) while in Waseda University. And he was actively involved in various organizations that January Association(一月會), The Federation of Korean Laborers in Japan(在日本朝鮮勞動總同盟), The Korean Youths League in Tokyo(在東京朝鮮靑年同盟), Newly Society For Science Study(新興科學硏究會) and activities. Formed the Chosun Communist Party, and especially in from the January Association, Ahn Kwang-Chun(安光泉) was responsible Secretary of the third Chosun Communist Party while Japanese exchange students were actively involved in domestic activities. Choi Ik-han also began activity with travel to Korea and Japan. In particular, 1927 was considered Choi Ik-han when the most active. In this period the process of becoming Shinghanhoe(新幹會) was formed as a union of Left-RIght Coalition Movements, he plays a important role as claim that Organization of Thoughts Disorganization(思想團體解體論), and after he took the assistant administrator in Shinghanhoe and Shinganhoe Tokyo branch(新幹會 東京支部) established in February 1927. In May, 1927 inaugural meeting of Central Council of The Korean Society Organizations(朝鮮社會團體中央協議會) in order to check the JeonJinhoe(前進會), critical for Shinghanhoe, he was a great role as commentators to criticize their Theory of permanent restoration(常設論). Meanwhile, Choi Ik-han was actively splits his time between Korea and Japan when Kim Jun-Yeon(金俊淵) and Kim Se-Yeon(金世淵) were responsible secretary of third Chosun Communist Party. In November, 1927 he meet figure of the Comintern, received the money from him, was closeted with him which tells of Choi Ik-han`s weight. Due to the massive arrest of the Chosun Communist Party in February 1928, Choi Ik-han was arrested for domestic entered the party congress. The continue harsh trial and imprisonment though the Choi Ik-han acted proudly and Especially 1932 hurrah demonstrations(萬歲示威) and court struggle during the transfer to Daejeon prison was an important event to show the Choi Ik-han`s will and the proportion of the Anti-Japanese. Because to the resistance against the Japanese, he spent ten years in prison, of 1920, and 30`s. Despite this history, after release from prison he focused on Korean Studies activities to life and had period of blank in the socialism movement. The results the early part of liberation Choi Ik-han has resumed activity, but soon defected to North Korea while not played a big role.

해방 후 최익한의 사회주의 운동과 `변백장(辨白狀)`*

송찬섭 ( Song Chan-sup ) 호남사학회 2017 역사학연구 Vol.66 No.-

Lots of historical studies on the leftist force like Korean Communist Party in the early period after the Korean liberation have been accumulated so far. Research about individual political party or factions has been promoted a lot besides whole stream around them. However, a single research on individual was mainly carried out around well-known historical figures. Besides, we need to study numbers of different figures more concretely through increasing our attention to them. Choi lk-han should be studied as such a figure. Choi lk-han used to be the central figure in the ML faction, so-called the third Korean Communist Party since the 1920s, but he wrote for a living after arrest and long imprisonment. He restarted his activities immediately as soon as Korea was liberated. For the first time, he organized the organizing committee of Goryeo Communist Party, but joined Jangan Faction Communist Party in need of integration. However, he formed inner-party force by organizing Gyeongseong District Committee. Choi Ik-han belonged to the troika with Yi Yeong and Jeong Baek when the Jangan faction and Reconstruction faction struggled each other over hegemony, with the organizing Reconstruction Faction Communist Party. While Yi Yeong and Jeong Baek had relatively moderate and passive attitude, Choi Ik-han was most aggressively against the Reconstruction faction because he was a prominent theorist and had his inner-party force to a certain degree. The Jangan faction disbanded after being pushed by the Reconstruction faction. The Jangan faction could not cope with the Reconstruction faction as this group continued activities by the ending period of colonial rule and was superior to Jangan faction in the organization or financial ability. As the Reconstruction faction mainly worked with its faction after dominating the Korean Communist Party, Jangan faction`s members, especially Choi Ik-han, who strongly conflicted with the Reconstruction faction, could not work as a leading staff in the party. Choi Ik-han also joined Rally group when it was against ruling group in the reconstructed Korean Communist Party. He joined Social Labor Party when it was organized to cope with the center group of the Korean Communist Party in the process of merging 3 parties, which were Korean Communist Party, People`s Party, and New People`s Party. After then, he joined Laboring People`s Party with the centering of the force from the Social Labor Party. It mean that Choi Ik-han has not ever been in the main stream of socialists` forces by joining the Jangan faction, the Rally group, the Social Labor Party, and the Laboring People`s Party. Choi Ik-han worked through the organization like Preparatory Committee for National Construction, People`s Republic, Antifascism Fighting Committee, and Democratic People`s Front as the part of building the nation and united front movement. Most of all, he engaged in various activities of the Democratic People`s Front including drafting its platform. Regarding his activities, he illuminated his behaviors by writing the `Letter of Excuse` to defend his life around the end of the colonial rule. In the atmosphere where pro-japanese was blamed for joining the united front, he should defend himself against his opponents who criticised him as if he had submitted to Japanese imperialists. Choi Ik-han made efforts for US-USSR Joint Commission and Coalition between the Left and the Right, but failed. At last, the sole election was carried out and the sole government was established. When the Joint Meeting of the South and the North was opened in 1948, Choi Ik-han joined the meeting as the member of the Laboring People`s Party and kept staying in North Korea after then.

1940년대 崔益翰의 社會救濟制度 연구

宋讚燮(Song Chan-Sup) 역사교육연구회 2011 역사교육 Vol.120 No.-

Choi Ik-Han(崔益翰, 1897~?), socialist agitator during the Japanese Ruling, published articles at newspapers and magazines in the year from 1940 to 1942 about the subject of social relief system in Korea’s premodern society. After the year of 1945, those articles reissued under the new title of The History of Social Policy of Choseon(朝鮮社會政策史). Choi Ik-Han studied hard about writings of Jeong Yak-Yong(丁若鏞) after the mid-1930s. In those days, Jeong Yak-Yong paid attentions to natural disasters and reliefs on the books such as Admonitions on Governing the People(牧民心書) so was Choi Ik-Han. He examined about the social security system in the books of history and laws of the West as well as China and Korea. The History of Social Policy of Choseon(朝鮮社會政策史) was the first book about a subject of Korea’s social relief system in Korea. In the period of the Japanese Ruling, there were already another articles, not specialized in, of the field. Those were a little useful for him. Otherwise, he tried to find out diachrony of relief system in Korea and understand the times to be dividable into ancient and feudal age. Especially, it is important that he connected the stage of development of our history with the various systems, such as Bukyoung( 京), Yichang(里倉,黑倉), Euichang(義倉), Hwangok(還穀). In fact, it couldn’t call the relief system of premodern as the social policy. The relief system was in force to resolve the conflict between classes and the financial crisis. In this reason, the relief system is important. Today, a welfare society is the most ideal society. Hence, we have to pay attention to the relief system as well as educate our descendants.

월북 이후 최익한의 학문과 집필활동

송찬섭 ( Song Chan-sup ) 호남사학회 2018 역사학연구 Vol.70 No.-

Choi Ik-han organized the Ilwolhoe(一月會) and joined the third Korean Communist Party(朝鮮共産黨) during the Japanese colonial rule. Even after Korean liberation, he worked fiercely in various organizations, including the Preparatory Committee for National Construction(建國準備委員會), the People's Republic(人民共和國) and the Korean Communist Party. He stayed in North Korea on the occasion of the 1948 inter-Korean joint conference(南北連席會議). He may also have found it difficult to work in Seoul and planned to pursue his own activities in Pyeongyang. However, few data on his political activities have remained since he left for the North. It hardly seems that he stepped up to the political front. Instead of political activities, he taught at Kim Il-sung University and wrote on various fields of Korean studies. At that time, many scholars came to North Korea, so the academic level of North Korea was quite high. He took over his 1930s works and additionally extended his work into new fields. Choi Ik-han was consistent as a nationalist and socialist. He stayed in North Korea to protest against the U.S. aggression, the power of the Rhee Syng-man(이승만, 李承晩) and Han Min Party(한민당, 漢民黨) around the time of the inter-Korean joint conference. He had to adjust to the North Korean regime from the moment he stayed there. His role moved more toward teaching and writing than politics. While working at Kim Il-sung University, he was able to teach and write together. He wrote several books and articles in Korean studies for some 10 years from 1948 to 1957. He worked at the Kim Il-sung University, but he did not preside at North Korean historical society. However, he led early studies of anti-invasion history of pre-modern period and history of thought in North Korean academic society. On the realist school of confucianism(實學, Silhak), he played an important role in the studies of Joseon(조선학, 朝鮮學) since the 1930s, so his work affected both academic communities of the South and the North. The anti-invasion history of the pre-modern period was a necessary field for North Korea. It was developed newly with being based on his academic talents. Choi did not directly address the issues regarding social characteristics or periodization. It might be because originally he studied Chinese classics(漢學) and worked mostly on the mediaeval history, the anti-invasion history of the pre-modern period, history of thoughts(思想 史) and Korean literature. His subject of studies is linked to the situation of that time. He worked with the anti-invasion history of the pre-modern period in the context of the division and stability of the regime. He already had an interest in realist school of confucianism’s thoughts during the period of Japanese’s colonial rule, but publication of the related books had much to do with the 150th anniversary of Park Ji-won's death(1955) and the 120th anniversary of Jeong Yak-yong's death(1956). He played a great role in shaping the framework of Joseon literature by studying the works of Choi Chi-won, Yi Gyoo-bo, Park Ji-won and Jeong Yak-yong. Their works have been thought as progressive literature. Since 1957, his writings was not seen in the official publication any more. It was not certain whether it is because of political reason, his death or health problems. Chi Ik-han went up to the North to attend at the inter-Korean joint conference as a left-wing party member. After then he stayed in the North and worked on writing. He displayed his talent in Korean studies and developed the topic according to the situation of North Korea. Most of his work was researched in the academic framework, there was a bit of a conformist expression in the works though. In that point, it is said that his research laid a cornerstone in the area of history, Korean thought and literature across the South and North from 1948 to 1957.

조선후기 단성지역의 사회상 ; 조선후기(朝鮮後期) 경상도지역(慶尙道地域) 환곡제(還穀制) 리정(釐正)의 방향(方向) -단성(丹城),진주(晉州)를 중심으로-

송찬섭 ( Chan Sup Song ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2008 大東文化硏究 Vol.62 No.-

1862년 三政釐整廳의 구성과 삼정이정책

송찬섭(Song Chan-sup) 고려사학회 2012 한국사학보 Vol.- No.49

The central government of Joseon dynasty had a massive aware of crisis, because of the peasant struggle in the year of 1862. They sent special officers, such as Prosecution Commissioner(按?使)’ Inspection Commissioner (宣撫使) and Royal Secret Commissioner (暗行御史) , to the outbreak area, investigated the cause and finally established a new organization: the organization to remedy of the problem of Three State Finance System (三政釐整廳). This was established and eliminated several times before. But it was the first time to solve the problem of the outbreak. This was not a permanent organization, but politicians had to work hard to find a way to handle. In this reason, it is possible to understand the relationship, inclination and conflict between politicians in those days. There are many resources about the organization in Ilseongnok(日省錄) and Seungjeongwonilgi(承政院日記) not in Ijeongcheongdeungnok(釐整廳謄錄). This research supplements the earlier researches about that. It helps understand the progress to set up the organization, relationship, inclination and conflict between politicians. The members of the organization were almost the Kims of Andong(安東金氏). Jo Doo-soon(趙斗淳) offered Ijeongchaek(釐整策) ; the way of Pahwanguigyeol(罷還歸結) and Jeong Won-yong(鄭元容), who kept company with the Kims of Andong(安東金氏), opposed that opinion. But the Kims of Andong(安東金氏) not opposed Jo’s opinion and the central government accepted that policy. But it was hard to enforce the policy nationally and uniformly. Because not only the nation system was not complete but also the peasant’s tax burden has not decreased. They expressed their dissatisfaction with ljeongchaek(釐整策) in many parts. Finally, the way of Pahwanguigyeol(罷還歸結) was scraped after Jo-doosoon stepped back and Jeong-wonyong designated the premier. At first, Park Kyu-soo(朴珪壽), Prosecution Commissioner(按?使), offered to eslablish a special organization. And he also proposed that Ijeongchaek(釐整策r) should be enlarged from one region to all. The way of Pahwanguigyeol(罷還歸結) started to enforce region by region and GyeolhojeonJedo(結戶錢制度) and SachangJe(社還制) enforced nationwide in 1894. In conclusion, the policy of the year of 1862 was not effective in that time. Because it was still very difficult to clearly identify the problem and enforce nationwide.