軍閥과 土匪

孫承會(Son Seung-Hoi) 역사학회 2002 역사학보 Vol.173 No.-

The aim of this paper is to examine, by investigating the formation and development of Lao Yangren group, the relationship between warlords and banditry in early republican China. It is my contention that this relationship was different from those of 1910s' in many sense that the former were prowling, professional. destructive. large-scale and looting whereas the latter were local. seasonal. small-scale. and "social bandit." These changes were largely stemmed from the administrative character of 1920s' Henan(河南) warlords. In the 1910s. the strategy against bandits was designed to liquidate them with close cooperation between military personnel and civil magistrate. In a free fight period of 1920s, however. it was transformed into the reorganization strategy. The change reflected that not only the size of banditry was enlarged. but the demand for their equipment was increased. Mingled with the weakening of police administration under magistrate level. this changed strategy aggravated the Henan public order. Especially, as soon as Zhao Ti(趙倜), Henan Dujun(督軍), went to ruin in 1922, the men under his command combined with banditry. Therefore. "there was no distinction with warlord and banditry.“(兵匪不分) Lao Yangren group was fairly typical of this soldier-bandits case,(兵匪) Though they are merciless, cruel. and simple-minded, ultimately, by devastating the territory of Wu Pei-fu(吳佩孚), weakened his sovereign power, by taking many foreigners, especially Western captive(洋票), they disclosed warlord's subordination to the World Powers. To some extent they unconsciously contributed to anti-Imperialism, anti-Warlordism National Revolution in collusion with anti-Zhili clique.(反直隷派) Besides, Lao Yangren acquired the titles. Xunyue Dashi(巡閱大使) and Jianyue Dashi(檢閱大使). This showed his power was comparable to that of Wu Peifu and Fung Yuxiang.(馮玉祥) In the end, they could establish the brief "central bandit government"(中央匪政府) as another power in North China. But I could not discover in their plundering behavior a new political character that was superior to the existing warlords. Rather I could find out their historical meaning from the fact that after Lao Yangren died, hundreds of bandits admired him so much that they appeared as incarnation of Lao Yanren and in Henan banditry increased ten times. After all, with Lao Yangren as a momentum. Henan was transformed into "Bandit-world."

문화대혁명(文化大革命)과 지청(知靑)의 도시 귀환 투쟁

손승회(Son, Seung-hoi) 영남대학교 인문과학연구소 2017 人文硏究 Vol.- No.79

농촌으로 하방된 도시의 지식청년, 즉 지청은 문혁 전 이미 존재하였다. 극좌적인 ‘혈통론’에 입각하여 부당하게 하방 당했다고 생각하는 이들 지청에게 농촌의 열악한 현실은 그들을 더욱 힘들게 만들었고 毛澤東의 ‘換骨奪胎’ 주장은 수긍하기 힘들었다. 이러한 상황에서 등장한 문혁과 그로 인한 사회 정치적 혼란은 이들 지청에게 다시 도시로 돌아갈 수 있는 새로운 기회를 마련해 주었다. 하지만 조반 투쟁을 통해 도시로 돌아온 이들에 대해 문혁파와 일반 홍위병은 ‘戶口兵’으로 멸시하고 그들의 주장을 ‘경제주의’라고 비판하였다. 반면 같은 시기 문혁파로부터 비판받고 있었던 문혁 극좌파는 생산 노동인민과의 결합을 주장하며 당시 사회의 최하층을 형성하고 있던 지청과의 결합에 주력하였다. 비록 이들 극좌파와 지청의 결합은 문혁파의 대대적인 비판 공격 속에서 붕괴되었지만 이 과정에 이루어진 또 다른 각성은 자율적 ‘신사조’ 또는 문혁은 또 다른 흐름을 형성하는 중요한 계기를 마련하였다. Before the cultural revolution started, there were already the educated youths(知靑) down to rural area from the city. We distinguish this “old educated youths”(老知靑) from those that have emerged in since 1968. They felt that they had been unfairly depressed in accordance with the theory of extreme bloodline. And the poor reality of rural areas also made them more difficult to adapt them selves to the new circumstances. Therefore, it was difficult to accept Mao"s claim that they could “turn over a new leaf”(換骨奪胎) through “Up to the Mountains And Down to the Villages.”(上山下鄕運動) Under these circumstances, the outbreak of the Cultural Revolution and the confusion of rebel(造反) created a new opportunity for “the old educated youths” to return to the city. However, the clique of the Cultural Revolution(文革派) and general red guards scorned those who returned to the city through rebel as a “hukoubing”(戶口兵) and criticized their argument as “economism .” On the other hand, the ultra leftists of Cultural Revolution supported them and focused on combining with “the old educated youths” that form ed the lowest society of the time. The ultra leftists of the Cultural Revolution, who was also criticized by the clique of the Cultural Revolution, regarded the combination with the labor people as very important. Although this combination collapsed under the massive criticism by the clique of the Cultural Revolution, another awareness of this process created an important opportunity to form the autonomous “new trend of thought” or the another flow of the Cultural Revolution.

문화대혁명(文化大革命)과 척본우(戚本禹)(1931~2016)

손승회 ( Son Seung-hoi ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소(구 한양대학교 한국학연구소) 2016 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.67 No.-

이 연구는 `최후의 중앙문혁소조원` 戚本禹를 중심으로 문화대혁명을 재검토하였다. 좀 더 구체적으로는 `문혁소조원`, `청년역사학도`, `급진파`라는 戚本禹의 세 측면에 대해 살펴보았다. 이를 통해 첫째 문혁의 `가해자`이면서 동시에 `피해자`였던 그가 왜 毛澤東과 文革을 죽을 때까지 포기하지 않았는지, 둘째 어떠한 과정을 거쳐 `南姚北戚의 국면을 만들어 문혁 급진화를 주도하였는지, 셋째 그리고 왜 돌연 `王·關·戚事件`으로 실각되었는지에 대해 검토하였다. 毛澤東과 江靑의 신임을 바탕으로 활발한 대중활동을 전개했음은 물론 문혁소조 내의 조반파임을 자임했던 戚本禹는 `혁명을 위한 역사`를 주장함으로써 자신의 혁명활동을 역사적으로 정당하다고 입증하였고 조반운동을 급진화시켰다. 그는 비록 `극좌파` 죄목으로 문혁이 한창이던 1968년 1월 숙청되었지만, 毛澤東과 문혁의 이상·실천이 올바르다는 신념을 버리지 않았다. 오히려 자신의 과오를 진지하게 반성하고 毛澤東의 문혁 노선 전환과정을 이해하고자 하였다. 또한 그는 劉少奇, 鄧小平은 물론 周恩來, 陳伯達, 江靑, 王力 등 `中央首長`에 대한 관방의 정통적 평가와 상반되는 주장을 하였다. 이러한 戚本禹의 사상과 활동에 대한 연구는 문혁에 대한 기존의 일면적, 사회이론적, 권력투쟁적, 이데올로기적 이해를 넘어 새로운 `역사로서의 문혁`을 재구성하는 데에 기여할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. This study reexamined the Chinese Cultural Revolution based on Qi Benyu and his memoirs, as he played a leading role in the Central Cultural Revolution Group as a member. More concretely I concentrated on his three main aspects; the members of the Central Cultural Revolution Group, the young historian, and the clique of radicalism. Through this research I tried to investigate the important problems as follows; first why Qi Benyu who played the role as the victim and the attacker at the same time in the Cultural Revolution did not withdraw his support to Mao Zedong and his Revolution until death, second how he could produce the situation of the South-Yao Wenyuan North-Qi Benyu(“南姚北戚”) by taking his high level position that allowed him to lead the radicalization of the Cultural Revolution, third why and how he suddenly lost his position due to the incident of Wang Li·Guan Feng·Qi Benyu(“王·關·戚事件”). Qi Benyu was not only actively engaged in public activities based on the trust instilled in him from Mao Zedong and Jiang Qing, but also actively argued the history of the revolution and tried to prove that his own revolutionary activities had historical appropriateness. Even though Qi Benyu lost his position due to being considered part of the “Clique of Ultra-Leftism”, he didn`t lose his faith in Mao Zedong and the fact that the idea and the action of the Cultural Revolution were just. This caused him to seriously reflect upon himself and try to gain understanding the changes of Mao`s ways. Also, he had an argument that was opposed to the orthodox estimation about Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping, Zhou Enlai, Chen Boda, Jiang Qing, and Wang Li. In retrospect of Qi Benyu`s memoirs of the Cultural Revolution, I believe that this reexamined knowledge will contribute to overcome a one-dimensional, sociological, ideological understanding of Cultural Revolution, and could help recreate a new perspective of the Cultural Revolution as history.

문화대혁명(文化大革命)과 ‘혈통론(血統論)’

손승회 ( Son Seung Hoi ) 중국사학회 2018 中國史硏究 Vol.115 No.-

In this paper, I examined the emergence of “bloodline theory”, the debates between “bloodline theory” and “identification theory”, the debate between “the clique of 4 ㆍ 3” and “the clique of 4 ㆍ 4”, and finally the problem of “the children who can be well educated.” Through this, it was revealed that “bloodline theory” was continuously functioning throughout the entire Cultural Revolution period. Despite the formal denial of the clique of the Cultural Revolution, the “bloodline theory” could be maintained. It was because “bloodline theory” was one of the fundamental reasoning structures for maintaining the People’s Republic of China.” In particular, in the period of the Cultural Revolution, which was characterized by the distinction and confrontation between enemy and friend of the class, the bloodline could be the most definite political asset and burden. This, on the other hand, is an example of the irony that the Cultural Revolution possesses, that is to say, the its conservative character. Meanwhile, the victim of the Cultural Revolution, who emerged in the process of “bloodline controversy” and “the downward movement” of “the children who can be well educated” soon emerged as a major force leading the radical stream of the Cultural Revolution. The Cultural Revolution was a new possibility for those victims who experienced the rebel in the irrational and violent discrimination of bloodline. In this context, some of them were able to move to the path of the idealistic clique of the ultra-leftist who opposed to the real and central Cultural Revolution.

만주사변 전야 만주한인의 국적문제와 중국,일본의 대응

손승회 ( Seung Hoi Son ) 중국사학회 2004 中國史硏究 Vol.31 No.-

萬寶山事件과 中國共産黨

孫承會(Son Seung-Hoi) 동양사학회 2003 東洋史學硏究 Vol.83 No.-

1920년대 河南 治安行政의 紊亂과 ‘土匪世界’의 형성

孫承會(Son Seung-Hoi) 동양사학회 2002 東洋史學硏究 Vol.77 No.-

樊鍾秀와 建國豫軍 : 國民革命期 土匪의 一形態

孫承會(Son Seung-Hoi) 역사교육연구회 2002 역사교육 Vol.83 No.-

It seems that we cannot find any coherence in the succession of the careers of Fan Zhongxiu(樊鍾秀) from bandit, counter-revolutionary warlord to Jianguo Yujun(建國豫軍), revolutionary troops. But in his multiple variableness, he sought to establish his independent regime in western Henan.(河南) Most his men were from that region, most his military successions were indebted to the resources of that region. Therefore, Jianguo Yujun that plundered other places was careful in that region and sought to assure its legitimacy of dominance. In this connotation, "Henanese should govern Henan"("Yuren ZhiYu"[豫人治豫]) was good slogan that could easily arouse local support. Though Fan Zhongxiu took participation in National Revolution(國民革命) according to Northern Expedition(北伐) advance, there was no evidence that he and his men including bandits, Red Spears(紅槍會) fully agreed to political ideology of Goumindang(國民黨) and Chinese Communist Party(共産黨). On the contrary, he and his men who was attacked by great warlord, Wu Peifu(吳佩孚), and could not live peacefully in self government of Henan, had to join with revolutionary forces. Therefore it is interpreted that the join of the two was tentative, and its aim was on Fan"s desire for power. I will define the word "Red Spears-bandits World"(會ㆍ匪世界) as 1920s autonomous private order in Henan that replaced the disintegrated public order. In that world there was no manifest line between revolution and count-revolution, bandits and punitive forces, troops and bandits, bandits and Red Spears, Red Spears and troops. In that world there were contradiction, alliance and variableness among each political forces, based on local interest. In the end, I revealed the feature of that world through Fan Zhongxiu and his Jainguo Yujun.

淸末 吳祿貞의 영토 인식

孫承會(Son Seung-Hoi) 부산경남사학회 2007 역사와 경계 Vol.65 No.-

In this article, I would like to investigate “Gando problem”(“間島問題”) from a new point of view. That point of view is different from those of the earlier researches. The latter has focused on the possession of Gando from the view of nationalism. But a historical reconciliation among Korea, China and Japan is impossible through the exclusive nationalism that overestimates “aggression vs. resistance.” So, I am concretely concerned with the anguish of the Anti-Qing dynasty revolutionaries. Though they were fundamentally revolutionaries, they should cooperate with the Qing dynasty in order to rescue China from the crisis of the encroachment upon the territory. On an instance, I studied the activities of Wuluzhen(吳祿貞) and his book, “the report on Yanji frontier task”(『延吉邊務報告』) comparing with that of Songjiaoren(宋敎仁) and his book, “Gando problem”(『間島問題』). By dong this, I made a clear which position Chinese had and by which basis they argued their claim to Gando. And I could understand Wuluzhen's diplomatic, military and administrative role in “settling” “Gando problem.” Especially he criticized Japanese argument by drawing up diplomatic document. But being surrendered to Japan by the Qing dynasty finally intensified anti-Qing nationalism.

지역너머의 萬寶山事件(1931년)

孫承會(Son, Seung-Hoi) 영남대학교 인문과학연구소 2007 人文硏究 Vol.- No.53

만보산사건에 대한 외교적 대응과 관련된 기존 연구는 주로 일본의 침략과 중국인과 在滿韓人의 연대에 의한 대항이라는 민족주의적 시각에 입각해 진행되어 왔다. 하지만 이를 통해서는 일본과 중국 외교당국자 사이에 전개됐던 실제적이고 실무적인 외교행위를 제대로 이해하기 힘들어 보인다. 따라서 양측의 외교적 대응을 음모론을 배제한 상태에서 최대한 실증적으로 검토해 볼 경우 새로운 몇 가지의 사실을 도출할 수 있다. 먼저 중ㆍ일 양측 모두는 문제의 평화적 해결 의지를 갖고 있었으며, 사건 처리를 둘러싸고 가동되었던 양측의 외교라인을 구체적으로 파악할 수 있었다. 또한 이들 실무진들에게 협상의 자율권이 없었던 것은 아니지만, 상급기관의 통제와 협상에 임하는 양측의 기본 입장 차이는 외교적 타협을 어렵게 만들었다. 즉, 지방적 차원에서 임시적으로 문제를 해결하려는 일본과 중앙 차원의 근본적 해결을 도모하는 중국은 서로 쉽게 화합할 수 없었고, 사건은 무력해결의 방식으로 해결될 수밖에 없었다. The studies of the diplomatic response to Wanbaoshan Incident(萬寶山事件) has been made on basis of the nationalism. On that view of the point, scholars emphasize Koreans-Chinese resistance to Japanese" invasion. But it is not easy to understand the actual and practical diplomacy by this method Therefore if we make positive researches on Chinese-Japanese diplomacy except the "conspiracy", we can come to the several conclusions as follow: the first, Chinese and Japanese diplomatic authorities both possessed the will of the peaceful negotiation and solution. The second, we can catch hold of the concrete diplomatic lines. Though these working-level agencies had an autonomy in the negotiations, the upper-level inconsistency within Japanese-Chinese authorities made the diplomatic compromise uneasy. It was impossible for Japan that tried to bring the problem to settlement through the temporary and local level to coincide with Chinese that made an effort to fix up the problem through the liberal and central level. After all, both China and Japan could not but resort to arms to solve the problem.