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사학부(史學部) : 위진남북조시대(魏晉南北朝時代) 석각자료(石刻資料)와 “호(胡)”의 서술― 특히 <위서(魏書)>의 서술(敍述)과 비교(比較)하여
박한제 ( Han Je Park ) 한국중국학회 2014 중국학보 Vol.70 No.-
衆所周知,石刻資料在歷史硏究中其史料價値越來越受重視。筆者著重强調了在探討“胡”或“胡漢”問題時墓碑、墓誌銘等石刻資料的重要性。在魏晉南北朝?隋唐時期,生活在當時的人們留下的史料中似乎沒有“胡”人的東西,這事實對了解當時歷史帶來흔大的困難。當時的記述大多數是人口分布上占多數,竝文字掌握方面漢族文人、歷史家的著作。筆者認爲不少和胡族有關的內容被壹般史書(尤其是正史)忽視,或歪曲。《魏書》雖有“辨誣”的評價,但由於被稱“穢史”,在敍述上暴露出흔多問題。타是站在漢族的立場上寫出的代表性的正史之壹。生活於北魏末至北齊的魏收在修史過程中深受胡漢間尖銳的政治影響,從而不是站在鮮卑拓跋氏,或軍人的立場,而是站在漢族以及趨向於門閥性的孝文帝的立場上撰寫了《魏書》。《魏書》對“胡”的記載不少有被歪曲的,但更大的問題在於疏略了“胡”具有歷史價値這壹點。在從不同方面對“胡”貶低的《宋書?索虜傳》或《南齊書?魏虜傳》中明明有記載,但《魏書》故意忽視疏漏了。因而,對於已被歪曲的歷史記載進行糾正,最好的資料莫過於碑銘。中國的資料大多是後人遺留下來的,但墓誌銘却是寫有當年年、月、日的“同時資料”,也是沒有人對타進行潤色的“生動資料”。不僅如此,墓誌銘不管身분上的貴、賤、上、下的區分,具有普遍性和庶民性。墓誌銘雖有如上優勢,但使用時壹定會註意壹些事情。墓誌銘壹般有흔多誇張的內容。據了解,後漢以來建立碑碣已成爲流行。墓碑是壹般墓主的親戚或家族來建立,所以不可避免出現誇張的現象。之所以如此,是因爲墓誌銘屬於個人的東西,和死者壹起埋在地下,以後不可能被別人알掘出來。關於墓主的死亡,흔少用“死”字,用別的字來代替。比如,大體在碑文中,天子、諸侯、大夫、士、庶人各個用“崩”、“薨”、“卒”、“不祿”、“死”來代替“死”字。不過,據了解,在北魏和唐代時期,“薨”字應在三品以上的高官及其夫人可以使用,但尙未資格的人却使用其字,甚至皇帝或皇後專門使用“崩”字,但有時別人也使用過其字。據說,《文心雕龍》的著者劉협對碑文有才的蔡邕有不少稱贊之詞,但蔡邕却認爲自己寫過的흔多碑文中除了郭太(泰)的之外都有“誇張”的了。
隋唐 長安城의 市場風景 : 胡漢文化의 交流와 統合의 現場
朴漢濟(Park Han-Je) 역사교육연구회 2002 역사교육 Vol.84 No.-
The System of operating two markets (i.e., the East and West) in Changan of the Sui and Tang dynasties continued the tradition of putting limits on time and space ever since the Qin and Han dynasties. However, as the urban structure of the Sui-Tang period differed fundamentally from that of the Qin-Han, the market system was different as well. Outwardly, the markets were surrounded by high and wide walls, and the control of the opening hours had become rather rigid. Therefore, it would seem that the markets" closedness vis-a-vis the outside had become more stringent. Nevertheless, there were not many restrictions within the markets. A market drew more people than any other place in the city did. It naturally was an arena of commercial transactions, but it also doubled as a sphere of cultural exchange since people of various classes and ethnic origins gathered there. Especially the West Market was noteworthy in that regard. This paper originally focused on the question whether the East Market and the West Market were conceived for different functional purposes when they were first founded. Although it is impossible to fully explain differences in their original purposes due to the lack of sources, one may find a clue for explanation by looking at the number and social backgrounds of trade organizations respectively based in the East and West Markets. In addition, the original names for the markets during the Sui period suggest that the West Market was for ordinary people and the East for those of higher status. The Sui and Tang states were world empires, which attracted many people of the world to Changan. There were many places of interaction among variegated peoples such as the Chinese and barbarians, but it was the markets where cultural exchange occurred most frequently. The place where the most intense interaction took place was the West Market that was for ordinary people. Therefore, the last section of this paper is devoted to the observation of the actual cultural exchange that centered on the West Market. One can sense the degree of cultural intermingling between the Chinese and barbarians from a tell-tale saying that describes the appearance of the subjects of the early Tang dynasty: "The Chinese wear barbarians hats and the barbarians wear Chinese hats."