쟁점논단(爭點論壇) : 재일조선인총련합회(在日朝鮮人總聯合會)의 역사교재(歷史敎材) 서술체계(敍述體系)에 대한 소고(小考) -『조선력사』(고급 3)를 중심으로-

김인덕 ( In Duck Kim ) 한일민족문제학회 2008 한일민족문제연구 Vol.14 No.-

해방 공간 박열 사상에 대한 소고

김인덕(Kim, In-duck) 전남대학교 글로벌디아스포라연구소 2017 디아스포라 연구 Vol.11 No.1

해방 공간 박열의 사상을 『신조선혁명론』을 통해 살펴보았다. 해방 공간 여러 혁명가들은 자신의 입론을 여러 가지 형태의 문자화된 내용을 통해 천명했다. 이런 가운데 박열의 사상은 민족 중심의 독립국가에 주목하고 있는 특징적인 내용을 보이고 있다. 박열의 해방 공간 사상은 민족주의에 기초한 사상입국론, 국가건설론, 청년·생활운동론으로 정리할 수 있다. 이른바 사상입국론, 국가건설론, 청년․생활운동론은 민족주의에 기반 하면서 현실에서는 관념적인 통일전선론과 청년 지상주의적인 모습을 보이고 있다. 특히 미․소에 대한 의존적 표현은 통일전선을 얘기하는 그의 제한성을 확인하게 하는 부분이기도 하다. 물론 이런 모습은 현실적인 고민을 보여주는 대목이라고도 할 수 있다. 이 가운데 박열의 청년의 역할을 강조하는 모습은 민족의 지도자로서, 활동가로서 청년의 중요성을 잘 알고 있기 때문에 나온 귀결이었다. 그는 구국은 청년이 있어 가능하다고 했다. 박열은 강렬한 청년지상주의를 피력하여 신념 있는, 지조 있는 그리고 행동하는 청년상을 그리고 있다. 그리고 문화 향상 운동의 중심은 청년으로 이들 청년의 중요성을 인정해야 한다는 것이다. 박열은 일본이 정의의 나라가 될 수 없고, 폭력으로 망할 것이라는 생각을 초지일관 견지했다. 이것이 박열 사상의 또 다른 핵심이다. 이런 그의 대일관은 해방 공간의 신국가건설론에 녹아 있고, 구체적으로는 건국의 방향잡기와 청년운동론을 통해 전개되고 있다고 할 수 있다. 본질적으로 해방 공간 박열 사상은 민족독립 국가 수립을 우선하고 있어 구국의 사상으로 정리할 수 있다. 그는 조선의 종국적 목표를 완전한 독립에 두었다. 이를 위해 박열은 ‘조국 전선’에 대한 양분된 실력을 하나로 통일시키는 것이 그 출발점이라고 했다. 이런 그의 사상은 제3의 세계질서로 이어졌다. 박열은 해방 공간 통일국가로서 독립을 희구하는 시점에서 분열을 통일로 이끌지 못하면 민족의 진로는 고난 그 자체라고 생각했다. 그리고 결론은 분열이 원인이 되어 민족과 조국의 독립이 상실된다는 것이었다. 이상과 같이 박열이 생각한 국가는 종국적으로 민족국가로 사상 보다 더 중요한 것이 완전한 독립 국가였다고 보인다. 이런 그의 생각은 해방공간 정국의 변화를 지켜보면서 형성되었고, 그 원형은 반일의식과 무종교주의, 무정부주의적 입장에서 출발했다. 그러나 그가 생각한 국가의 상은 현실과는 일정한 거리가 있었던 것도 부정할 수 없다. 박열은 국내와 일본 내 재일조선인 사회의 현실 정치에서 시간이 지날수록 멀어졌던 것은 사실이다. By 『New Chosun revolutionism』, Park Yeol’s idea could be examined during space of liberation. During the space, many of revolutionaries clarified their own theories by literation. Meanwhile, Park’s idea was mainly focused on independent nation which was in ethnic. Park Yeol’s thought during the space could be categorized by theory from nationalism, theory of nation-construction, and theory of youth movement. What Park shown to the world was characteristic because theory from nationalism, theory of nation-construction, and theory of youth movement all was based on nationalism. In a real world, his idea of a legitimate proletariat political party and youth supremacist were shown. Especially, his dependent expression on United States & Soviet Union clearly shown his limitation on the unified front. Of course that it was his real-life agony. Park Yeol’s emphasis on role of youth was consequence as the national leader and activist. He strongly believed that national salvation could had been possible because of the youth. Park Yeol’s idea presented images of youth who of conviction and honorable. Also, he argued that people had to acknowledge importance of youth because the youth was core for the improving cultural movement. Park Yeol sticked to the idea that Japan could not be the righteousness and Japan would have failed by violences. This is another key point of Park’s idea. This kind of view toward with Japan slightly was pervaded in theory of the constructing new nation. In detail, this idea was developed an theory by direction of founding a country and theory of youth movement. Essentially, Park’s idea during space of liberation took precedence to selfreliant nation state which could be explained as idea of national salvation. He believed that permanent goal of Chosun should be full independence. To achieve this, Park Yeol argued that unifying splited nation front lines was the point of departure. His idea extended to the third world order. At the moment of desiring indepences as unified nation during space of liberation, Park claimed that if split could not be unified, national treatment would suffer a lot. Eventually, he believed that independence of nation and country could be lost in terms of split. As stated above, the country Park Yeol believed ultimately was full independent nation where was more significant than ideology. The idea was built while he had gone through political situation during space of liberation which all started from anti-Japanese, irreligion, and anarchism. However, his ideal nation was bit far from reality. It was true that Park Yeol had been estranged from real politics in domestic & society of Korean residences in Japan as time went.

공간 이동과 재일코리안의 정주와 건강 -『大阪と半島人』와 『민중시보(民衆時報)』를 통한 오사카(쓰루하시(鶴橋))의 1930년대를 중심으로-

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 성균관대학교 인문학연구원(성균관대학교 인문과학연구소) 2019 人文科學 Vol.0 No.73

본 연구는 1930년대 오사카의 쓰루하시라는 공간에서 도항 이후 재일코리안의 건강이 어떻게 일상 속에서 형성되었는지를 『大阪と半島人』, 『民衆時報』를 중심으로 확인해 보았다. 주요한 내용을 정리해 보면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 재일코리안은 제국의 통제 아래 도항했고, 그들은 개별적으로 정착하다가 집단화되었고 정주의 공간을 마련, 대도시를 중심으로 주변부에 조선촌을 형성해 갔다. 대표적인 정주 공간 오사카 쓰루하시는 이가이노와 함께 정주 재일코리안의 조선촌이 되었고, 일상의 건강이 유지되는 공간이었다. 둘째, 재일코리안의 건강은 일본 사회 속에서 존재한 일상의 반영이었다. 동시에 재일코리안의 건강은 일본에서의 건강, 건강정책과 유관하다. 문제는 차별의 대상으로 재일코리안은 공간적 제한의 존재로 그 모습은 소수자로 귀결되어 절대다수가 질병에 노출되었다. 셋째, 『大阪と半島人』, 『民衆時報』를 중심으로 본 재일코리안의 1930년대 일상의 모습 속에는 건강의 다양한 요소가 존재했다. 사상의 문제가 아니라 일상을 통해 존재한 모습이었다. 그 가운데 인간의 모습, 재일코리안은 현재를 사는 우리에게 역사적 규정력이 작용하고 있는 것을 보여준다. 넷째, 의학적인 수치를 통한 재일코리안의 1930년대 모습은 ‘양호’라고 했다. 그러나 문제는 일본제국의 통치 아래 도항했던 조선인의 일본 내 존재는 왜곡과 좌절의 틀에 존재했던 것이 사실이다. 쓰루하시라는 공간 속 정주하고 삶을 영위한 재일코리안에게 건강은 부차적이었는지도 모른다. 생존이 우선이었기 때문에 그렇다고 할 수 있다. 다섯째, 1930년대 쓰루하시 재일코리안의 정주와 건강은 현실의 구조가 작용하는 지점이었다. 일제의 통치와 조선인 사회의 구조가 중층적인 요소였음은 물론이다. 그 가운데 재일코리안의 건강은 일상 속에서 유지 되었다. 실제로 재일코리안은 병원과 약국 등을 통해 적극적으로 질병 치료를 시도했다. 본고는 건강을 유지한 재일코리안의 모습을 일상의 평범한 삶에서 확인했다. 재일코리안은 고향 사람이 함께 하는 삶의 안정감, 조선식 먹거리를 통한 즐거움, 막걸리를 통한 행복함, 적극적인 질병 치료하기, 정신적 스트레스의 대중적 치료 등 여러 형태로 건강을 유지하고 일본 속에서 살았던 것이다. The paper has examined how the health of the ethnic Korean residents in Japan had been preserved and maintained in Tsuruhashi in Osaka in the 1930s, based on the reports by the two papers: “大阪と半島人 (Osaka and Peninsula)” and “民衆時報 (The Bulletin of the People).” First of all, the ethnic Korean residents in Japan sailed over to Japan under the domination of imperialism. They settled individually and built the town of the Joseon people centering around the major cities. Tsuruhashi - being the most typical area of domiciliation - functioned as the town of the Joseon people along with the city of Igaino and these were the places where the health of the Koreans were maintained. Second, their health was the reflection of the people’s life in Japanese society. The health of the Korean residents in Japan was clearly linked with the health policy and care. I do believe that this issue should be discussed in earnest. However, the majority of the Korean people as the minority were exposed to diseases in the area. Third, based on the reports of the two papers - “Osaka and Peninsula” and “The Bulletin of the People” - there existed a variety of factors that guaranteed the health of the Koreans in the 1930s not from the viewpoint of ideologies but from that of the daily life. On top of that, the human quality of the Koreans at that time show us living in the present times the historical defining power. Fourth, the medical value of the Korean residents in Japan during the 1930s were favorable but the presence of the Koreans in Japan was embroiled in a controversy with regard to distortion and frustration. It was because the top priority concern for those Korean residents in Tsuruhashi was always their survival. Fifth, the period of the 1930s for the Koreans in Tsuruhashi was the point of realistic structure. The rule of the imperial Japan and the structure of Joseon were surely the multi-level factors. With that, the health condition of the Korean residents in Japan could have been sustained. In fact, Korean could have received the treatment of diseases by hospitals and drugstores. In this sense, the diseases of the Korean residents in Japan should be newly discussed and is required to find the cure. Actually, curing diseases is similar to the reform of the daily life. The paper confirmed the maintenance of health among the Koreans in Japan in their ordinary life. Friendship among the neighboring people, enjoying Korean food and traditional Korean wine, the active treatment of the illness, and the general cure of mental problems were all the reasons for their conditions. Recently, many of the diaspora and the migrated Koreans have been studied but most of them were static, drawing no public interests. Various regions and a variety of views are expected for the Korean residents in foreign countries.

해방 후 조련과 재일조선인의 귀환정책

김인덕(Kim In-duck) 독립기념관 한국독립운동연구소 2003 한국독립운동사연구 Vol.20 No.-

재일본조선인연맹 ‘제5회 전체대회’에 대한 소고

김인덕(Kim, In?duck) 한일관계사학회 2006 한일관계사연구 Vol.25 No.-

논문 : 재일조선인 민족교육 운동에 대한 연구 - 재일본조선인연맹 제 4,5회 전체대회와 한신(阪神)교육투쟁을 중심으로 -

김인덕 ( In Duck Kim ) 수선사학회 2006 史林 Vol.0 No.26

식민지시대 강제연행 실태

김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 한국민족운동사학회 2001 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.29 No.-

The period of “Forced Migration” was generally during the years 1939 to 1945. The first period is from Sep. 1939 to Feb. 1942, and it was used ,what is called, the method of “recruitment”. The second one was from Mar. 1942 to Aug. 1944. At that time, Korean Labour Association - an extra departmental body of the government - general of Korea was a mediator of workers and the main group of recruitment. Namely it was the period of Government-directed. The third one was from Sep. 1944 to Aug. 1945. By the application of National Mobilization Orders, “Forced Migration” was committed in public without distinction. Japan Government, Korean Government-general and its subordinate officers had deeply intervened in Forced Migration since the first period. The survey of actual condition is as follows; Labour Recruitment among forced migration tended to concentrate in about 16~22 year old men during the years 1943 to 1945 and they were sent to the whole Japan. Particularly it was proved that a great send-off party was held with band all together in case of large-scale migration. When they were migrated forcibly, they concentrated at elementary school, town hall and then they were sent to the country or city. Soon they went to Busan, Yeosu by train. Finally they generally arrived at Shimonoseki, Hakada by ship. Korean who went to Japan were sent to the whole Japan by train or truck. Mostly they were arranged at mine, a site of construction, and military establishments. One Korean was killed per rail-road line or one prop one. In those days, when a Korean entered the mine, he thought it “the death” and when he came out of the mine, he felt greatly relieved. In case of labour mobilization, they worked too much from 6 A.M. to 6~8 P.M. In the field they were given a blow simply because they were poor at work and almost Korean workers experienced the blow. They lived in a boarding house and 7~10 persons used a same room at least or they must live in a temporary military building, a barrack, nagaya, hamba etc. Korean workers were in need of food. Shortly they were pressed by hunger. They ate miscellaneous cereals. After having meal, they drank water and were full of stomach with water. They hardly got their wages and they drew a empty pay envelope written the nominal wages. As they protested against it, Japanese usually promised that they would get the wage in all when they return home. But there were few in that case. The company staffs in the field prevented them from breaking way, but continued to bolt in the shape of opposition. With the defeat of Japan(1945. 8. 15), many Korean workers wanted to return home but a few of them came their country by ship served by company. A large number of people remained abroad or chose the returning home through the private ship. As we examined above this, Forced Migration surely existed. Though we admitted the diversity of the contents, it is certain that there was substantial force. Besides no doubt that Forced Migration was the direct product of the colonial rule of Imperial Japan.

일제시대 재일조선인사 속의 ‘탄압과 박해’에 대한 연구

김인덕(Kim In-Duck) 강원대학교 인문과학연구소 2006 江原人文論叢 Vol.15 No.-

재일조선인의 역사 속에서 탄압과 박해, 그리고 학살의 문제는 존재 그 자체가 역사 속에 기억되는 것이 그리 즐거운 일은 아니다. 그럼에도 불구하고 탄압과 박해는 객관적인 역사적 사실로 존재했고, 그 속에서 조선인은 삶을 영위했던 것이다. 주요한 네 가지의 탄압과 박해의 역사는 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 관동대지진은 진재가 아니라 학살이었다. 학살은 조직적으로 자행되었다. 일제는 사회운동을 탄압하면서 눈에 가시였던 조선인을 쓸어내려고 했다. 관동대지진은 적어도 6천명 이상의 조선인이 죽어갔던 탄압과 박해를 넘은 죽음의 역사였던 것이다. 둘째, 선진적인 활동가 김천해는 감옥에서 야수적인 일제의 탄압에도 불구하고 옥내 투쟁을 전개했다. 그는 감옥에서 1930년 3ㆍ1운동 기념투쟁, 메이데이투쟁 등을 주동했고, 특히 옥중에서도 『감방신문』을 발간하여 이론적으로 무장해 갔다. 그리고 공판투쟁을 통해, 비록 감옥 안이지만 탄압에 정면에서 맞서 싸웠다. 셋째, 강제연행은 일제에 의해 1939년 이후 1945년 8월 일본 패망까지 자행되었다. 이 때 일제는 노무동원, 병력동원, 준병력동원, 여성동원 등을 통해 자신들의 요구에 따라 물자와 인력을 수탈해 갔다. 이러한 조선인에 대한 강제연행은 조선인을 전선과 노동현장에 끌고 갔고, 결국 제국 일본에 충성을 다하지 않으면 죽음으로 귀결되었다. 넷째, 해방 공간인 1948년 한신교육투쟁은 조선인이 조선인으로 살아가고 성장할 권리를 지키기 위해, 미ㆍ일의 권력에 대항해서 일어났던 사건이었다. 이것은 재일조선인 스스로가 규정하듯이, 자위를 위해 일어났던 역사적 사건이었다. 이상과 같은 ‘박해와 탄압’의 역사는 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 계획적인 탄압과 박해가 자행되었고, 그것은 학살로 이어졌다. 둘째, 박해와 탄압은 민중의 투쟁력을 자극했다. 셋째, 박해와 탄압에 맞선 투쟁은 끝내 승리를 획득했다. 넷째, 재일조선인사 및 우리 민족운동사 속의 이정표로 자리 매김되고 있다. On a history of Korean residents' in Japan, problems issued by suppression, persecution, and massacre are not pleasant as being remembered. Although oppression and torment were existed as an objective fact, Korean residents' in Japan could have carried their lives on. The great four histories of suppression and torment can be summarized. First of all, the great Kanto earthquake(1923) was more like a massacre than an earthquake disaster ; the massacre was indulged systematically. Japanese imperialism had tried to clean Koreans (who were eyesore) out through coercing social movements. It was the history over suppression and persecution with at least 6,000 people's death. Second of all, futuristic activist Kim Chun-hae(金天海) kept unfolding struggles in a prison even though he had experienced brutal pressure from Japanese. Memorial conflict of March 1st, May day conflict were took the lead by Kim and throughout publishing 'a cell paper'(『감방신문』), he had equipped himself in theory. In addition, he had faced suppression even though he was in the prison. Third, compulsory execution(강제연행) had Japanese own way from 1939 to August 1945. At this time, Japanese imperialism plundered materials and human powers with mobilization of labor, military, and women who were what they required. These kinds of compulsive haul had been advanced in various ways, Japanese made Koreans be loyal to Japanese empire if casualties don't, Japanese brought them to war vessel or labor field and slaughter Koreans. Last, the Hanshin educational struggle(한신교육투쟁) was against the United States and Japan's authorities to defend Koreans' rights to live as a Korean. As Korean residents in Japan say, it was the historical event for the self-protection in the early era. Such persecution, suppression-histories can be organized by following statements. First, intentional suppression was continued by persecution. Second, suppression and torment stimulated people's power of strife. Third, eventually, struggle gained victories from oppressions. Fourth, it became a milestone for history of Korean residents' in Japan and Korean people movements.

정주와 이주사이의 동아시아; 일제강점기 오사카 조선촌의 식문화

김인덕 ( In Duck Kim ) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2013 동방학지 Vol.163 No.-

전후 암시장과 조선촌에서 출발한 재일조선인의 일상적인 가정요리가 지금은 일본 사회의 식생활에 자리매김되면서 외식산업, 유망 업종으로 성장해 가고 있는 것도 부정할 수 없는 사실이다. 오사카 조선촌은 일제강점기 이후 재일조선인 문화 속 식문화의 중심적 역할을 하고 있다. 그것은 역사성과 현재성에서 확인된다고 할 수 있다. 재일조선인의 다문화공생적 요소를 식문화는 공간에서 식민지성을 유지하면서도 표출하고 있다. 그 중심이 조선촌이다. 식민주의적 관점에서 볼 때, 오사카 조선촌 중심의 조선 문화가 일정하게 일본 내에서 형성되는 것을 존중해야 한다. 그리고 일본 정부가 이를 정책적으로 지원하여 이른바 조선시장을 공설시장으로 만들 것을 주장하기도 했다. 오늘날에도 재일조선인의 삶은 조선촌으로 대변할 수 있다. 역사적으로는 재일조선인이 조성한 조선촌은 조선의 ‘해방구’였다. 일본어도 제대로 모르는 채 낮 동안의 노동에 시달린 조선인이 밤이 되어 돌아왔을 때 아무 거리낌 없이 쉴 수 있는 곳이 바로 조선촌이었다. 고추가루, 김치, 조선말이 있어 그 가운데만 있어도 위안이 되는 장소였다. 조선촌에서는 지연과 혈연적 상호부조가 잘 이루어졌으므로 취직 등 생활상의 편의를 쉽게 얻을 수도 있었다. 최근의 식문화를 놓고 볼 때 한국문화의 발신지의 역할을 하고 있다. 역사성과 함께 오사카 조선촌은 한국 음식의 본거지가 되고 있다. 다양한 한국 음식과 문화가 이곳의 이미지를 형성하고 그 속에서 재일조선인 문화는 일본 사람을 모아내고 있는 것이다. 전전의 일본 정부가 파악하듯이, 재일조선인은 일본에 와 있는 동안에는 무엇보다 돈(金)이 중요했다. 때문에 먹을 것이나 위생, 생활의 즐거움에 대해서는 부차저인 것으로 생각하기도 했다. 따라서 식사는 주로 밥과 소금, 야채로 해결하고, 부식은 장, 츠케모노, 생선 말린 것 등이 전부인 생활도 했다. 주요한 것은 식문화는 사실 생활의 필요에서 삶을 유지하는 방편이었기 때문에 유지되기도 했다는 점이다. 필자는 한민족의 고유한 식문화의 장점을 살리려는 노력이 다양한 지점에서 전개되지 않으면 재일조선인의 독특한 식문화의 유지, 발전은 어려다고 생각한다. 그것은 일본 사회가 갖고 있는 본질에 기인한다고 생각한다. Since the broken of war, some of typical food from Chosun villages in Japan now became normal home meal for Japanese. It is inevitable that these foods being food service industry with good prospects. Osaka Chosun village has been having a main role of food culture since Japanese colonial era. It is clearly shown by history and nowness. Commensal multi-culture fact of Korean residents in Japan would be shown by food culture and Chosun village is in the center. From a colonial point of view, Osaka Chosun village should be acknowledged that chosun culture were partially rooted by Chosun village. Also, Japanese government supported in policy and they urged made this town as a public market. Still, the life of Korean residents in Japan would be symbolized by Chosun village. Historically, a town where Korean residents in Japan made was their own area under rebel control. A foreigner who was not able to speak Japanese had a rough day and he or she were getting their own rest at Chosun village. Red pepper powder, Kimchi, and Korean was there so that they were being comforting. Not only psycological comfort, but regionalism, kinship were made their life in actual ways. When we see the current food culture, this was the place of dispatch for Korean culture. With the historic facts, Osaka Chosun Village(Korean Village) is now base of Korean food. Various foods and culture made brand new image of Korea and Korean culture by Japanese. As previous Japanese government known, Korean residents in Japan thought money was their key problem. Therefore food, hygeine, life, interests were all secondary thoughts. They normally had meal with rice, salt, vegetable and additionally they had certain sauces, tsukemono, and a bit of fishes. Bottom line is that food culture could have been sustained because they had to eat in certain ways. I myself strong believe that an effort which Korean residents in Japan made to retain Korean own food culture eventually developed Korean residents in Japan`s unique food culture. Without this, we could not imagine current Korean food culture. This clearly arose from essence of Japanese society.

1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살 사건이 재일한인 사회에 주는 현재적 의미-민단과 총련의 주요 역사교재와 ꡔ민단신문ꡕ의 기사를 중심으로-

김인덕(Kim, In-duck) 한일민족문제학회 2017 한일민족문제연구 Vol.33 No.-

This paper was written to identify current response of Mindan in terms of Great Kanto earthquake in 1923 and its massacre of Korean residents in Japan. To verify this, the author made certain that of Mindan’s textbook and counterpart of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan’s narrative attitude. Especially, the author examined stream of history textbook of Korean residents in Japan preferentially. Summing up the contexts, textbook of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan could have been considered as North Korea textbook but which is partially right and wrong. On the other hand, Mindan’s narrated in thematic on ‘History of Korean resident in Japan’. In particular, description of post-war period, it has limitation of historic facts in various point of views. Also, the textbook didn’t’ testify number of Korean victims and references. For example, it estimated five to six thousands of the dead but there were no mention of Koreans’ action on massacre. However, General Association of Korean Residents in Japan depicted the reason of massacre was the false propaganda by military, police, repressing association to Korean and described the places of massacre as well; Kametido in Tokyo, Kanagawa, Chiba, Saitama, and Kunma- around 6,600 people were killed. Not only Korean but many of Chinese and Japanese socialist were also murdered by Japan according to textbook of General Assocation. The author looked into Mindan’s reaction on massacre by last ten years of ‘Mindan Newspaper’ from 2003 to 2013. They had been commemorated this genocide by ceremonies, seminars, lectures, and exhibitions. They actively noted on their textbook. Tokyo and its area were the main locations to do those events and even nationwide were held as well but joint project with Japanese experts, regional investigation, and on the spot survey weren’t there. The society of Korean residents in Japan has been trying to commemorate Korean massacre in 1923 during Great Kanto earthquake for a long time. Including Mindan & General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, many of scholars and activists were actively there.