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        임광철(林光澈)의 재일조선인사 인식에 대한 소고

        김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 수선사학회 2017 史林 Vol.0 No.59

        As examined, Lim Gwang-chul had shown concept of theory which based on historical materialism. On the other hand, he predicted revolution of the people. While based on social research methodology, he also had interest on public education that began from Echungwon. Lim narrated Korean history based on historical materialism in amusing perspectives. He depicted Korean history by nation scale and he descripted the period of the three states given equal weight to Goguryeo, Baekje, and Shilla. At the same time, he focused the fact that the state of Goryeo had appeared without war or battle. He noted Yi Dynasty as establishing revolution. Also, the begin of supervision politics was from entrance of Ito Hirobumi (伊藤博文) in 1905. Meanwhile, Lim Gwan-chul tried to understand history mainly not Yi dynasty but history of feudal society. He mentioned that a purpose of book was the investigation of the capitalism system-principal of Asian feudal system. For that, Yi dynasty was reorganization of Asian feudal system. Futhermore, Toadyism was the most creative policy that Yi Seong-gye took. On the other hand, he believed that land ownership issue caused from massacre of scholars and party strife. He wrote that baptism of Yi Seung-hoon was historical event which related to Chosun society`s limitation with the Roman Catholic church. Lim Gwang-chul deeply focused on problems of Korean residents in Japan for his own reality struggles as one Korean resident in Japan; as the fact of saving lives and freedom from imperialist war. He took a notice on the fact that non-Japanese position within territory of Japan for independence, peace, democracy and political situation of Chosun was quite special since the world war II. With that, he urged that problem of Korean residents in Japan was output from Japanese imperialism and colonialism and he noted it is part of Chosun`s issue. According to Lim, Korean residents in Japan were not happy in Japan. He took a notice on the fact that these Korean had fought for the freedom and independence. People who went to Japan was struggle with nation, rank and this ended to their hostility to Japanese emperor and capitalism. He wrote that these behaviors could be explained from anti-Japan events; February 2nd independence movement, the federation of Labor, Directorate general of Japan Communist party of Korea and Japan, Branch of the Communist Youth League, turning problems, Korean commerce and industry youth league in Japan, pro-Japanese Korean activists and the resistance movement during compulsive haul. On liberation in 1945, he wrote in aggressive. He stated that Korean nation could have been liberated from WWII due to Soviet Union`s role. Also, he noted that liberation in 1945 was turning point of Korean residents in Japan and their liberation campaign. He mainly focused on internationalism of Korean residents in Japan and their problems by organization of the pro-Pyeongyang federation of Korean residents in Japan, 2nd national convention of Choryeon, command of November 20th in 1946, the Hanshin Education struggle in 1948, and democratic front for the reunification for Korean residents in Japan. Researches by Lim on Korean residents in Japan had been applied to the origin of historical study for Korean residents in Japan. Although there is political conflict on description of pre & post-war and history of Korean residents in Japan`s movement, his advanced research could be highlighted with historicity. In the real world, Lim proceeded description of Korean history in progress where he was placed in. At the same time, he considered the importance of communicating with public and into practice.

      • KCI등재

        역사 속 재일조선인 의료와 복지의 한계 : 현재의 코로나19 속 상황에서 1920년대 전반 오사카방면위원회의 존재적 한계 보기

        김인덕(Kim, In-Duck)(金仁德) 한일민족문제학회 2021 한일민족문제연구 Vol.40 No.-

        現在地球はコロナ19の危機の中にある。こうした危機は本質的であり、我々の暮らしの現像的側面に対する部分的、臨時的、外面的収集策では絶対克服できないという事実を感知しなければならない。公害と感染、自然の破壊、そして伝染病の伝染につながる現像は、韓国の社会が自然環境であるという側面の本質的制限である。このような問題は個人の次元ではなく社会的、ひいては地球的次元のことと、歴史的、特に哲学的論議は切實といえる。歴史の中で見ると、伝染病と社会福祉は国家と資料の問題のみにの位置づけにはならない。特に在日朝鮮人にとって社会福祉は外傷的に存在したと見える。歴史的に見ると、国家と資料を統制しなければ、破局の道を歩んでしまった記録が多く存在する。とりわけ軍国主義日本がこれを示す代表的存在と思う。生は死を前に提議するときに本源的意味があるといえる。こんな人間は構造の中の日常を生きてゆく。在日朝鮮人にとってその世界は単純構造ではなく、集團的統制の中で共同体構成員として生きていったのである。彼らにとって日常は罪の悪に思えるかもしれない。渡港した在日朝鮮人は、都市の下位社会に編入された。彼らは部落民と同等な水尊であるか、これを下回る困難層として存在した。彼ら在日本人の暮らしは始まりからトラウマだった。日常で彼らが安全な居住空間を確認保するのは絶代容易ではなかった。すると、在日朝鮮人は社会福祉の対象で在らなければならなかった。 しかし、方面委員会を通して大阪府の社会福祉事業は、朝鮮の人々を構造的かつ本質的に差別し、社会福祉の名前は無実であった。結局、在日朝鮮人は、社会福祉と医療の死角地に存在しなければならいた。このように、日帝は帝國の構造の中で、植民主義を被壓迫狀態の植民地民に制して日本社会の中在日朝鮮人を福祉以外の空間に位置づけていった。どうやら、大阪府の方面委員会は、その実とすることができる。在日朝鮮人は対象化されている中で、統制の対象として存在した。この研究は、日常の医療と福祉の植民地的限界と、統制構造の反人道と危險性を指摘するための小さな試みです。 Currently, the Earth is in the midst of a crisis of covid-19. We must recognize that such a crisis can never be overcome by a partial, temporary, or external remedy for the phenomenon aspects of our lives in nature. The phenomenon that leads to pollution, contamination, destruction of nature, and the creation of infectious diseases are another pattern of intrinsic limitations that our society is deviating from. Such a problem is not at the individual level, but at the social and even global level, and historical and especially philosophical discussions are urgently needed. In history, infectious diseases and social welfare do not result only in problems of state and capital. In particular, social welfare seems to have been traumatic for Koreans in Japan. Historically, if the state and capital are not controlled, there are many records that have led to a catastrophe. In particular, I think militaristic Japan is a representative of this. Life can be said to strengthen its original meaning when it presupposes death. Such a human being lives his daily life in a structure. For Koreans living in Japan, the world was not just a structure but a member of a community under collective control. For them, daily life may have been considered a sin. Korean residents in Japan were incorporated into lower-class urban communities. They existed as poor people who were equal to or below the level of the villagers. The lives of these Koreans in Japan have been traumatized from the beginning. It was never easy for them to secure a stable living space in their daily lives. Then, Koreans in Japan should have existed as an object of social welfare. However, the Osaka government’s social welfare project through a welfare committee has structured and essentially discriminated against Koreans from Japan. The name of social welfare was a nameless one. In the end, Koreans in Japan had to exist in blind spots of social welfare and medical care. As above, Japan forced colonialism to the oppressed colonists in the structure of the empire and established itself in a space other than welfare for Korean residents in Japanese society. In a way, the Osaka Prefecturel welfare Committee is the very essence. Korean residents in Japan were subject to control while being targeted. This study is a small attempt to point out the colonial limitations of everyday health care and well-being and the anti-humanity and risks of the control structure.

      • KCI등재

        1923년 관동대지진 조선인학살 사건이 재일한인 사회에 주는 현재적 의미-민단과 총련의 주요 역사교재와 『민단신문』의 기사를 중심으로-

        김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 한일민족문제학회 2017 한일민족문제연구 Vol.33 No.-

        This paper was written to identify current response of Mindan in terms of Great Kanto earthquake in 1923 and its massacre of Korean residents in Japan. To verify this, the author made certain that of Mindan’s textbook and counterpart of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan’s narrative attitude. Especially, the author examined stream of history textbook of Korean residents in Japan preferentially. Summing up the contexts, textbook of General Association of Korean Residents in Japan could have been considered as North Korea textbook but which is partially right and wrong. On the other hand, Mindan’s narrated in thematic on ‘History of Korean resident in Japan’. In particular, description of post-war period, it has limitation of historic facts in various point of views. Also, the textbook didn’t’ testify number of Korean victims and references. For example, it estimated five to six thousands of the dead but there were no mention of Koreans’ action on massacre. However, General Association of Korean Residents in Japan depicted the reason of massacre was the false propaganda by military, police, repressing association to Korean and described the places of massacre as well; Kametido in Tokyo, Kanagawa, Chiba, Saitama, and Kunma- around 6,600 people were killed. Not only Korean but many of Chinese and Japanese socialist were also murdered by Japan according to textbook of General Assocation. The author looked into Mindan’s reaction on massacre by last ten years of ‘Mindan Newspaper’ from 2003 to 2013. They had been commemorated this genocide by ceremonies, seminars, lectures, and exhibitions. They actively noted on their textbook. Tokyo and its area were the main locations to do those events and even nationwide were held as well but joint project with Japanese experts, regional investigation, and on the spot survey weren’t there. The society of Korean residents in Japan has been trying to commemorate Korean massacre in 1923 during Great Kanto earthquake for a long time. Including Mindan & General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, many of scholars and activists were actively there.

      • KCI등재

        해방 공간 재일조선인 어린이 잡지 『어린이통신(通信)』의 서술 경향 -주요 기사와 연재물을 중심으로-

        김인덕 ( Kim In-duck ) 한일민족문제학회 2018 한일민족문제연구 Vol.34 No.-

        Since the liberation in 1945, Korea residents in Japan formulated ‘Korean federation in Japan(Choryeon)’. Department of culture in Choryeon published for children magazine-‘Children Report’ which was decided for publish in June 1<sup>st</sup> in 1946 and 1<sup>st</sup>publish issue printed in July1<sup>st</sup> in same year. The magazine was published in months from first issue to eighth issue(July1<sup>st</sup>-October15<sup>th</sup>in1946). Writers of Children Report were elementary school compilation committee who were member of Choryeon. Although writers wrote various points of views but mostly they noted stances of Choryeon. Not only historian but literary men, aritist, scientists co-wrote the magazine. Children report was composed of preface, cover, song, children’s song, news, forums and so on-which focused mainly on history, literature, and science. One of historical serial from Children Report was ‘Proud of Nation’; portrait of dogfight (1-5), Rain gauge (1-6), Observatory (1-7), Portrait of black tortoise, and ‘Old People’ by Lim Gwangchul. In detail of old people were two feet monkey (1-1), stone replaces wood (1-2), beginning of farm (1-4), and Earthquake (1-7). Lim Gwangchul, historian, described early age of history by invention of tool. He also explained history of earthquake. Lee Eunjik dramatized ‘Chunhyangjeon’ by point of children’s view. Lee described hierarchy of Chosun dynasty by Yangban(aristocrat) and Sangnom(plebeian) so that he explained new type of human creature. What he urged in certain story was that he imagined harmonized society between two different classes. Children Report shown two serials of science; ‘cell story’ and ‘DDT story’ by Lim Youngjoon, ‘Nuclear world’ by Park Joonyoung. The cell story explained fundamental unit of life is cell and its contents and cellular multiplication. ‘Nuclear world’ elucidated elements, compounds, elixir plant, the solar system and so on. These kinds of serials were depicted by many of experts who focused social, class consciousness, and professionality. Children Report was classic magazine for children which involved Choryeon’s political ideas.

      • KCI등재

        재일조선인 역사 서술의 3·1운동에 대한 기억 : 재일조선인의 각종 역사교재와 임광철의 역사인식을 통해

        김인덕(Kim, In-Duck)(金仁德) 한일민족문제학회 2020 한일민족문제연구 Vol.38 No.-

        This study reviewed the contents of memories of the March First Independence Movement through the historical narrative system of the Korean residents’ community in Japan. The description of the March 1st Movement of Mindan(在日本大韓民国 民団) and The General Association of Korean Residents in Japan(在日本 朝鮮人総聯合会) can be seen as the basis for research by South Korea, Japan and North Korea. In the case of Mindan, the understanding of the March 1st Movement, a turning point in the movement, is believed to have led to the content. The General Association of Korean Residents in Japan(在日本朝鮮人総聯合会) actively evaluated the subject and historical significance of the March First movement from depicting Kim Il-sung family to Yoo Gwan-soon in their description. In fact, the narrative system for the March First Independence Movement by Koreans in Japan is thought to be the original form of historical textbooks and research during the Japanese Federation of Korean Residents in Japan (在日本朝鮮人連盟). The draft version of the Chosun History Textbook described the preparation process, situation of the March 1st, and the subsequent situation. The book called the outcome of the March First Independence Movement was that reform of Japanase colonial strategy of Korea and the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. From The ‘Children’s History(어린이國史-下)’ introduced Wilson’s national self-determination of the people and the essence of the March first Independence Movement as a nationwide event. It also pointed the limitations of national representation. Specially, Lim Kwang-chul(林光澈)’s writings could be drawn keen attention in the research history of the March First Independence Movement of Korean residents in Japan. He tried to develop a discussion on the March First Independence Movement in a realistic demand in 「三一運動 に於ける歷史的なもの-一つの方法論的考察-」. In particular, he believed that it was necessary to understand the March First Movement dialectically from a practical point of view. Lim Kwang-chol developed discussions on three topics; first was causality, second was leadership and third was historical significance. First, he noted that the cause of the March first Independence Movement was the land survey project, which resulted in forced deceptive land exploitation. Second, he cited the feudal indigenous landlord class, specifically the Cheondoist and Christian forces as his leadership. Third, the historical significance of the March first Independence Movement was that the struggle(fight) is the only way for the Korean people to live. His book, ‘The History of Chosun’, Lim Gwang-cheol defined the March first Independence Movement as a part of the ‘Chosun’s idea of independence movement’. In his article, Lim Kwang-chul left the point that it should be paid attention to continued research on land issues related to the March First Independence Movement. His study of the March First Movement revealed the causuality, leadership and historical significance that contributed to the subsequent provision of a large narrative system for the March First Movement research. It is also true that the limitations of his research on the March First Independence Movement related to land issues after his research that have failed to produce full-fledged results since then. Especially, from international point of view, Lim Kwang-chul actively attempted to evaluate the March First Independence Movement. I looked at the memories of the March First Independence Movement of Koreans in Japan through various history textbooks and research achievements by Lim Kwang-chul. Memories of the March First Independence Movement have been changed with the passage of time. However, the perception of the revolutionary contents of the March First Independence Movement and the nature of the March First Independence Movement are not been 本研究は、3·1運動に関する在日朝鮮人社会の歴史記述体系による記憶 の内容を検討してみた。 在日本大韓民国民団と在日本朝鮮人総聯合会の3·1運動の記述は、国 内と日本、北朝鮮の研究を土台したものと見ることができる。在日本大韓民国 民団の場合「運動の転換点」という3·1運動への理解が代表的に、その内容 につながったと思われる。在日本朝鮮人総聯合会は3·1運動に対する叙述も 金日成一家中心の叙述から運動の主体と歴史的意義を積極的に評価し、柳 寛順に注目している。 実際、在日朝鮮人による3·1運動に対する叙述体系は、在日本朝鮮人連 盟時期の歴史教材と研究で確認するのが原型と考えられる。『朝鮮歷史敎材 草案』(上)では準備過程、当日の様子、その後の状況を述べ、3·1運動の 成果を日本の植民地朝鮮統治政策の改編と大韓民国臨時政府の樹立とし た。『어린이國史』(下)ではウィルソンの民族自決主義の紹介と3·1運動の本 質を全民族的事件として紹介している。そして、民族代表の限界を指摘してい る。 このような在日朝鮮人3·1運動の研究史では、林光澈の文章が注目され る。林光澈は、「三一運動に於ける歷史的なもの-一つの方法論的考察-」において現実的な要求から3·1運動について議論を展開しようとした。具体的に は、実践的観点から3·1運動を弁証法的に理解することが必要だということ だ。林光澈は3つのテーマについて議論を展開するが、①原因、②指導勢 力、③歴史的意義であった。第一に、3·1運動の原因を土地調査事業で強 制的欺瞞的な土地収奪があったという事実に着目した。第二に、彼は指導勢 力として封建的な土着地主階級、具体的には天道教勢力とキリスト教勢力を挙 げた。第三に、3·1運動の歴史的意義を取り上げるが、闘争だけが朝鮮民 族の生きる道だということだ。このような林光澈は『朝鮮歷史讀本』で、3·1運 動は“朝鮮の独立運動思想”の会期的なことと規定した。 林光澈は自身の文章で、3·1運動に対する土地問題と関連した持続的な 研究に関心が要請されるという点を残している。林光澈の3·1運動に関する研 究は、原因、指導層、歴史的意義を明らかにし、3·1運動研究の大きな叙 述体系を提供するのに寄与した。同氏の研究以降、土地問題に関する3·1運 動に対する研究が、以後本格的な成果を出せなかった限界を明確に記憶する ことも必要だ。特に国際的な視点で林光澈は三一運動の評価を積極的に試み た。 在日朝鮮人の3·1運動の記憶を各種歴史教材と林光澈の研究成果を通じ て見た。一時期を超えた3·1運動に対する記憶は、時間の流れとともに変わっ てきた。しかし、3·1運動が持つ革命的内容に対する認識と、3·1運動の本 質は変わらなかったと言える。

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