新幹會 위상을 둘러싼 '兩黨論' ·'淸算論' 논쟁 연구 : 신간회 위상을 둘러싼 '양당론' ·'청산론' 논쟁 연구

김승 부산대학교 사학회 1993 釜大史學 Vol.17 No.-

웜홀 외 1편

김승 계간 서정시학 2015 서정시학 Vol.25 No.2

그 섬으로 흐르는 섬의 역사와 외딴섬의 개발방안 - ‘그 섬으로 가고 싶다’ 촬영지 당사도를 중심으로 -

김승 한국도서(섬)학회 2019 韓國島嶼硏究 Vol.31 No.4

中国人大学生の初対面会話開始状況 - 日本語学習者と非日本語学習者の比較から -

金勝 대한일본문화학회 2017 日本文化論叢 Vol.17 No.-

初対面場面での会話はより良い人間関係を構築する出発点であり、コミュニ ケーションの中でも重要な役割を持つ。特に異文化を持つ者同士が会話をする場 合、自分の母語の習慣に影響され、相手に悪い印象や違和感を与える可能性があ る。本研究では、中国人大学生が初対面で会話を開始する際に、どのように始め るか、またどのような身上的情報を提供するのかを明らかにすることを目的とす る。対象データは、中国の大学で日本語を年以上学習した日本語学習者同士と 全く日本語の学習経験のない非日本語学習者同士の出身地を山東省に統制して、 それぞれの初対面における会話開始5分間のデータを用いて比較考察を行った。 データの分析の結果、会話開始の仕方において質問形式が8組と半数であったのに 対し、挨拶言葉で開始する例は5組、挨拶と名前で開始する例が組しかなかっ た。また、相手の個人情報については直接質問する形で会話を切り出すことが多 いことが分かった。これは、多くの日本語の授業で習った定型的表現と大きく異 なっていることから、殆ど日本語学習影響を受けていないと考えられる。そし て、互いの事を知るうえで最も基礎的な情報の名前を会話開始5分以内に言ったの は、挨拶して名前を言った1組と、会話の流れから互いに名前を言い合った1組の 計2組のみであった。これらはこれまでの研究と大きな違いである。ほかの身上的 情報としては、所属の大学と学部や専攻についての言及が一番多く、次に学年や 年齢、出身地といった身上的情報が現れた。

수협 지도사업의 역할과 금후 추진방향에 관한 연구 : 서남해 천해해조양식어가를 구성원으로 하는 지구별 수협을 중심으로

김승 한국수산경영학회 1987 수산경영론집 Vol.18 No.2

Surgery in Pediatric Crohn’s Disease: Indications, Timing and Post-Operative Management

김승 대한소아소화기영양학회 2017 Pediatric gastroenterology, hepatology & nutrition Vol.20 No.1

Pediatric onset Crohn’s disease (CD) tends to have complicated behavior (stricture or penetration) than elderly onset CD at diagnosis. Considering the longer duration of the disease in pediatric patients, the accumulative chance of surgical treatment is higher than in adult onset CD patients. Possible operative indications include perianal CD, in-testinal stricture or obstruction, abdominal abscess or fistula, intestinal hemorrhage, neoplastic changes and medi-cally untreatable inflammation. Growth retardation is an operative indication only for pediatric patients. Surgery can affect a patient’s clinical course, especially for pediatric CD patient who are growing physically and mentally, so the decision should be made by careful consideration of several factors. The complex and diverse clinical conditions hinder development of a systemized treatment algorithm. Therefore, timing of surgery in pediatric CD patients should be determined with individualized approach by an experienced and well organized multidisciplinary inflammatory bowel disease team. Best long-term outcomes will require proactive post-operative monitoring and therapeutic mod-ifications according to the conditions.

근현대사(近現代史)를 통해 본 일본 독도 영유권 주장의 허구(虛構)와 실체적(實體的) 진실(眞實)

김승,김상수 한국도서(섬)학회 2019 韓國島嶼硏究 Vol.31 No.3

울릉도 부속도서인 독도(일본명 竹島 다께시마)가 조선영토라는 문헌기록이나 고지도(古地圖)는 일본 국내에 다수 존재하고 있다. 반면 한국 내에는 다께시마(한국명 獨島 독도)가 일본 영토라는 문헌기록이나 지도는 존재하지 않는다. 그리고 한국은 역사적으로 독도의 영유권을 포기한 적이 없다. 일제(일본제국주의)가 패망한 이후 연합국최고사령부에 의해서 독도는 한국 영토로 반환되었으며 센프란시스코 대일강화조약이 발효되기 직전인 1952년 1월 28일 한국정부는 인접 해양에 대한 해양주권선(평화선: 일본측에서는 이승만 라인이라 칭함)을 선포하여 시행함으로써 맥아더 라인과 평화선 내에 위치한 독도의 실효적 지배가 온전하게 자리잡게 되었다. 그런데 1952년 4월 28일 센프란시스코 대일강화조약 발효 직후 일본이 다께시마(한국명 독도)가 자국영토라고 뜬금없이 주장하면서 어선이 아닌 순시선(巡視船)을 이용하여 수차에 걸쳐 독도를 무단 친입하는 등 영유권 시비를 걸어왔으나 한국은 이를 효과적으로 대응하여 경찰 수비대를 주둔시키는 등 실효적 지배를 강화시켰다. 독도 영유권 문제는 신한일어업협정 협상과정에서 일본측이 문제제기를 했음에도 불구하고 결론은 우리의 실효적 지배를 그대로 인정하고 그것의 명확한 해결을 무기한 계속 보류해 두는 방향으로 합의가 이루어져 1998년 동협정이 체결된 바 있다. 그러함에도 불구하고 분쟁의 불씨는 계속 남아있기 때문에 이제 우리는 독도가 본래부터 한국의 영토였으며 일본측 주장의 허구성을 입증하는 증거들을 광범위하게 찾아내어 보완하는데 더 큰 노력을 해야 할 것이다. 나아가서 독도 영유권 문제를 근본적으로 해결하기 위해서는 우리가 독도의 실효적 지배에만 안주할 것이 아니라 독도를 여느 국토와 마찬가지로 시장경제 원리와 거주이전의 자유가 보장되는 여건을 조성하고 국제해양법협약이 인정하는 유인도화(有人島化)를 시급히 실현시키는 일일 것이다. There are plenty of literature and old maps in Japan that record that Dok-do (Japanese name: Takeshima), which is attached to Ullung-do, is part of Korean territory. On the other hand, there is no document in Korea that indicates that Takeshima (Korean name: Dok-do) is a Japanese territory. Furthermore, there has been no time in Korean history when Korea abandoned its claim of territoriality on Dok-do. When the imperialist Japan was defeated, Dok-do was returned to Korea by SCAP (UN Supreme Command). Before the USA-Japan Peace Treaty went into effect, on January 28, 1952 the Korean Government declared and implemented the maritime sovereignty line (Peace Line or Lee, Seung-Man Line by Japan) on the adjacent ocean. In this way, Dok-do was situated inside the McArthur Line and Peace Line, which made possible for Korea to have effective control over Dok-do. However, right after the San Francisco USA-Japan Peace Treaty went into effect, out of nowhere Japan declared that Takeshima (Korean name: Dok-do) is a Japanese territory and disputed the Korean territoriality over Dok-do by having Japan’s patrol boats, not fishing boats, invade the Dok-do waters several times. In response Korea effectively coped with the problem by having police guards stationed in Dok-do. This way, Korea beefed up its realistic control over Dok-do. Even though Japan brought up the issue of Dok-do’s territoriality in the course of new fisheries agreement negotiations between Korea and Japan, the conclusion was that Japan recognized Korea’s effective control over Dok-do. However, a clear resolution was postponed forever in 1998. So, a cause of dispute still remains. Now is the time we proved that Dok-do was originally a Korea’s island and that Japan has been just alleging that it is her island. We should make incessant efforts to collect evidence to prove that Dok-do is a Korean territory. In order that we may fundamentally solve the matter of Dok-do’s territoriality, we should not be complacent with the fact that we are exercising an effective control over Dok-do. Rather, like any other part of Korea, we have to make Dok-do a place where market economy principles and the freedom of free movement are guaranteed. Furthermore, we have to make Dok-do an inhabitable island where ordinary people live as recognized by the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.

일제강점기 부산화교의 존재형태와 사회정치적 동향

김승 부경역사연구소 2014 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.34

Ethnic Chinese who have entered into Korean peninsula in the first half of the 20th century have repeated an exodus escaping to China and coming back to Korea whenever there aredomestic or international political ups and downs. However, they have been living in our society as a minor and a stranger in us based on their unique diligence and distinct business ability from the colonial period to the present day. Migration and settlement of ethnic Chinese who were the ‘Diaspora in the Northeast’ in the 20th century is an issue that can be reappeared in any time in accordance with the changes of situation in Northeast Asia accompanied by the unification of Korean peninsula. This is the very fact that the importance and necessity to study the lives of Chinese, not only those who are currently living in Korea, but also those who had lived during the colonial period, raised. This paper can confirm the following things about ethnic Chinese lived in Busan. First, there were about 300 Chinese during the Japanese colonial period on average. This was less than 1% of the whole Chinese population of 42,275 in Korea. However, Chinese in Busan had land equivalent to that of in Incheon, and paid twice more business taxes than those in Gunsan in which there were similar number of Chinese. In addition, in the midst of reduced influences of Chinese due to Manbosan incident in 1931, economic power of Chinese merchants had not been diminished to the extent of having five and six fabric stores in Busanpossessed by Chinese; such as Dukchuihwa and Youpungdeok in 1934. Second, Chinese merchants in Busan who had the influences were mostly from Guandong or southern part of China. Those from Shandong were fallen behind in terms of sustainability of economic activities due to the small scaled capital. Youpungdoek((裕豊德), who were the representative figure of Shandong merchants, distinguished himself since the late 1920s. As can be seen from this, leadership of merchants from Guandong and southern parts of China was solidified and lasted for a long time. Third, in terms of housing situation, 63.7% of Chines in Busan in 1928 lived in old Cheonggwan(淸館) residents (54.5%) and adjacent Youngjujeong(9.15%). The rest were scattered in Busan city. They had better conditions than Korean in terms of housing and economics. This can be seen from the fact that they paid 10 times more house tax than Korean. 75% of them were lending other’s houses. 54.8% of them were lending houses from Japanese. Thus, there must be a significant amount of burden for them to pay the rent for the houses. Economic supremacy of Chinese in Busan can naturally become a subject of jealousy from Korean. As a result, an anti-Chinese protest had occurred in Busan in July 1931 and caused damages. Fourth, from 1933 to 1934, their economic activities had significantly been reduced and fabric stores had to close up their stores or changed the business into restaurants. This was not just a phenomena limited in Busan, but a nationwide one. The one who represented Busan in Seoul meeting for organizing Yeoseon Central Store Association(旅鮮中華商會聯合會) in February 1938 was a person named Yang Mo Min(楊牟民), who runs a high class Korean-style restaurant called Bongraegak. The fact that he was representing Busan symbolically presented the collapse of Guandong merchants and surfacing of Shandong merchants. At the late colonial period, Chines in Busan had to force into praise Japan. As a result, they were demanded the friendship between Japan, Manchuria and China at Yongdu Mountain Shrine. They had become a subject of surveillance and suspicion despite the cooperation. They sometimes had to face difficult times to be violated their property right in the process.

19세기 후반 러시아의 절영도(絶影島) 조차(租借)

김승 한국해양대학교 국제해양문제연구소 2019 해항도시문화교섭학 Vol.0 No.21

The issue of Russia's Deer Island(絶影島) leased territory came at a time when Russia and Japan clashed externally and the interests of political forces, both internally linked to the powers, were complicated. Thus, The issue was a barometer to understand the dynamics of domestic political forces linked to it, as well as the Japanese and Russian axes that developed around the Korean Peninsula in the late 19th century. Therefore, let's take a look at the following issues. The first of all, Russia provided the rationale for the demand even Jeolyeong of the Japanese navy also take a look at the leased territory process, even coal bunker. In addition, we will take a look at various land encroachment by the Japanese on Deer Island(絶影島) after the opening of the port. The Second, I want to take a closer look at the responses of Russia and pro-Russian factions and the movement of an independent association against it, and Japan's response strategy for each period. In the process, we looked at Japan's response logic, which tried to block Russia's Deer Island(絶影島) leased territory from moving forward by using its own people's ownership of land. The Japan's strategy later worked as an important strategy to target Mokpo(木浦) and other newly installed an open port. The Third, The issue of Russia's Deer Island(絶影島) leased territory was frustrated by the establishment of the General Foreign Settlement policy in February 1898. The decision came amid a cross-mix of Britain's “tropical balance” policy, which was sought after Britain's new measures on the Korean Peninsula after the Sino-Japanese War, and the “power balance” policy that King Gojong put in place after Korea royal refuge at the Russian legation. Eventuality, the policy of “General Foreign Settlement” greatly influenced the establishment of a newly created Settlement on the Korean Peninsula since 1898. It analyzed that the very starting point began with the issue of Russia's Deer Island(絶影島) leased territory. 러시아의 절영도 조차(租借)문제는 대외적으로 러시아와 일본이 충돌하고 대내적으로 이들 열강과 연계된 각 정치세력의 이해관계가 복잡하게 얽혀 있는 상황에서 발생한 사건이다. 따라서 러시아의 절영도 조차문제는 19세기 후반 한반도를 둘러싸고 전개된 일본과 러시아의 각축뿐만 아니라 그것과 연계된 국내 각 정치세력의 길항관계를 이해할 수 있는 중요한 척도였다. 이에 본고는 첫째, 러시아의 절영도 조차 요구의 명분을 제공했던 일본의 절영도 석탄고 조차(租借) 과정을 살펴보고 아울러 개항 이후 궁내부 소관의 목마장 토지가 사유화되는 것과 그 과정에서 일본인의 토지침탈 과정을 살펴봄으로써 러시아의 절영도 조차문제가 절영도 토지의 사유화와 밀접한 관련이 있었음을 살펴보았다. 둘째, 러시아의 절영도 조차문제를 둘러싸고 러시아와 친러파의 대응, 독립협회의 반대운동, 나아가 각 시기별 일본의 대응전략 등을 면밀히 분석하였다. 이 과정에서 일본이 러시아의 절영도 조차를 저지하기 위해 선택한 전략이 일본인의 토지소유권을 매개로 해결하는 방식이었음을 밝히고자 하였다. 일본의 이와 같은 전략은 이후 한반도에 새롭게 설치되는 개항장 공동조계지를 공략하는 중요 전략으로 자리 잡게 되는데, 바로 그 시발점이 러시아의 절영도 조차문제에서 시작되었음을 고찰하였다. 셋째, 러시아의 절영도 조차문제는 1898년 2월 두 번에 걸친 사신회의(使臣會議)를 통해 ‘절영도 각국조계’ 방침이 확정되고, 러시아가 이를 수용함으로써 막을 내렸다. 러시아가 그 동안 추진했던 절영도 조차를 포기하고 사신회의 결정을 수용한 것은 1897년 12월 러시아의 여순 점령과 깊은 관련성이 있었음을 밝히고자 하였다. 아울러 ‘절영도 각국조계’ 방침은 청일전쟁 이후 영국이 구상했던 한반도에서 ‘열강균점정책’에서 제기된 것인데, 아관파천 이후 고종이 추진했던 열강의 ‘세력균형정책’이 더해지면서 ‘절영도 각국조계’ 방침은 힘을 받게 되었음을 확인할 수 있었다.

初対面会話における自己開示の考察 -日中大学生のデ-タをもとに-

金勝 한국일본어학회 2019 한국일본어학회 학술발표회 Vol.2019 No.9