일본제국과 제국적 주체의 정체성 - 『綠旗』(『錄人』) 속 모리타 요시오(森田芳夫)의 국체론과 정체성 분석을 중심으로 -

기유정 동국대학교 일본학연구소 2012 일본학 Vol.35 No.-

This study is the analysis of the identity of Morita Yosio who was the second-generation Japanese colonial setter in colonial Korea, through his argument over ‘Japanese national polity of a country’. Through this study, I inteded to criticize a ‘nation stat-centric’ tendency about a state power in colonial korea and demonstrate the being of a empire state’s logic of a ‘subject-formation’ in colonial korea.

The Prevention of Contrast Induced Nephropathy by Sarpogrelate: a Prospective Randomized Controlled Clinical Trial

기유정,권선아,김학령,서재빈,정우영 대한의학회 2019 Journal of Korean medical science Vol.34 No.40

Background: Although some strategies are used for prophylaxis of contrast induced nephropathy, their efficacy is not fully established. Sarpogrelate can relieve vasospasm and have anti-inflammatory action. This study examined whether sarpogrelate reduces the incidence of contrast induced nephropathy (CIN) or subsequent renal impairment during four weeks after coronary angiography compared with a control group. Methods: Seventy-four participants with chronic renal failure were randomly assigned to the sarpogrelate or control group. Patients assigned to the sarpogrelate group received oral saporogelate from 24 hours before contrast exposure up to one month after contrast exposure. The primary outcome of this study was the incidence of CIN within 48 hours after exposure to the contrast agent. Results: Thirty-one subjects in the control group and 35 subjects in the sarpogrelate group were used for the analysis. Cumulative CIN occurred numerically more at 48 hours in the sarpogrelate group and less at one month without statistical significance (11.4% vs. 6.5% at 48 hours and 11.4% vs. 16.1% at one month, respectively). Baseline renal function was similar in both groups, but the estimated glomerular filtration rate (eGFR) was lower in the sarpogrelate group at 12 and 48 hours compared with the control group (45.6 vs. 54.7 mL/min/1.73m2 ; P = 0.023 and 39.9 vs. 50.6 mL/min/1.73m2 ; P = 0.020, respectively). At one month, the eGFR became comparable between the two groups because the eGFR was aggravated in the control group and maintained in the sarpogrelate group. Conclusion: This study failed to demonstrate that sarpogrelate has a renoprotective effect against contrast induced acute kidney injury.

1920년대 京城의 ‘有志政治’와 京城府協議會

기유정 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2007 서울학연구 Vol.- No.28

This study aims to reveal the existence of 'politics of local men of repute(有志)' and the operating logic of the system through investigating the activities of the Council of Kyungsung (Seoul) in l920s. In 1920s, based on institutional changes of 'amendment of local institutions', policies using local men of repute as medium of governing occurred. However, the relationship between imperialist power and local men of repute could not be maintained only through oppressions, because the relationship was situated in a new political topography shaped by the 3.1 Liberation Movement and the then international circumstances. The members of the Council, composed of Japanese and Koreans who had been elected directly by residents (limited elections depending on tax revenue), managed in joint the consultation committee and furthermore they tried activities beyond institutional barriers as a consultation committee. Within these activities, the structure where the ruling Japanese in Chosun and the ruled Koreans were all under the same rule of law could be working. The Japanese in Chosun, who were imperialist rulers and subjects under the rule of law as well, cooperated with Koreans with the common interests and sometimes were in conflict with them, depending on issues. The international political situations and the political state of Japan and Chosun in 1920s made it possible a political space be, mainly maintained by local men of repute. Through mentioning the existence of this political space I don't mean to deny the existence of the violence or oppression of imperialists. But I believe that it is a political phenomenon which cannot be explained only in the perspectives of oppression and one-sided rule, so I think that the development of a suitable terminology and concept for the phenomenon is urgently needed.

反형평사 소요와 식민지 대중 정치(1923~1930)

기유정 한국사회사학회 2022 사회와 역사 Vol.- No.135

This article studies the conflict between the Hyeongpyeongsa movement and local residents that occurred between 1923 and 1930. In this study, I start from a critical view of existing research on the anti-Hyeongpyeongsa riots and protests. I suggest that the approach of previous studies is a result of their dependence on a modernist understanding of colonial period collective behavior. So, in this article I study an anti-Hyeongpyeongsa riot according to an anti- modernism approach to mass politics which treats collective behavior as an existential struggle toward self-preservation. To this end, there are four topics to the article’s re-examination of the anti-Hyeongpyeongsa riot: its structure and form of existence, its expression, how it exerted power, and the relationship it had with its opposition. 이 연구는 1923년 진주 형평사 창립과 함께 1930년대 초까지 주로 남한 지역 내 농촌 사회에서 지속되었던 일반 주민들과 형평사원들 간의 충돌들 중 개별 사례를 제외한 집단 충돌과 이에 따른 소요 사례를 연구 대상으로 한다. 본 연구는 반형평사 소요에 대한 기존 연구의 접근이 형평사 운동을 중심으로 그것의 의미를 반형평사 논리 해석의 중심축으로 활용함으로써 반형평사 소요 자체가 독자적인 하나의 연구 대상으로 의미화되지 못했던 연구 현황의 저변에 식민지 대중과 이들의 집단 행위에 대한 근대주의적 인식틀과 그 정치론이 자리 잡고 있었다고 보고 비판 근대주의적 관점 위에서 반형평사 소요의 동학을 새롭게 개념화해보고자 시도했다.

해방 후 한국의 ‘지역학’과 제국의 학설: 이용희의 ‘권역’ 개념을 중심으로

기유정 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2019 한국정치연구 Vol.28 No.2

This Article is a research of Lee Young Hee (1917-1997) as non-national state international politics and his resources in context of Siratoree’s Japan oriental studies and Royama’s regional studies that are an japanese imperial academy. Lee was trying on revealing the unstability and nonpersistence of national state through an verification of the history and existence of a transnational and regional state form, that is an empire. Lee was insisting that this empiral state as a non-national state form was not a past state form but a present state form and this state form was existing in an diverse way which is an trans capital and class and US or USSR’ s state form. This study insists that Lee was an pioneer of Korean regional studies as studying an trans-national regional community order. 이 연구는 이용희의 비민족국가론적 국제정치론과 그것의 지적 자원을 시라토리를 중심으로 한 일본 동양학 및 로야마의 지역주의와 비교하여 분석한 것이다. 이용희는 민족국가적 지배체가 가진 역사적 상대성과 그것의 내적 불완전성에 주목하며 민족국가와 정면으로 배치되는 광역의 정치 지배체(즉 권역)의 역사와 그지배 논리의 현존성을 그것이 변주된 다양한 세계 지배의 형식들(초국적 자본, 계급, 미/소의 국가형태, 지역경제공동체)의 존재를 통해 보여줌으로써 민족국가론의 정상성과 안전성 그리고 그 항구성에 대한 인식에 균열을 가하는 문제의식을보여주었다. 본 연구는 이와 같은 이용희의 국제정치학이 초민족적 ‘지역공동체’ 질서를 고민하는 한국의 지역학 연구 학사에서 선구적 의의를 갖고 있다는 점에주목하였다.

서평 : 조선 상업회의소를 통한 식민권력의 균열과 봉합에 대한 탐색 -『일제시기 조선상업회의소 연구』(전성현, 선인, 2011)

기유정 동아대학교 석당학술원 2011 석당논총 Vol.0 No.50

식민지 조선에 대한 척식성 지배 논란과 그 함의조선 내 언론 보도를 중심으로(1920-1929)

기유정 한국정치사상학회 2013 정치사상연구 Vol.19 No.1

This article is to research on the debate of controling of a colonial Chosun of a Colonial Ministry. The debate of the Japan Colonial Ministry was to set it's sights on a unitary governing of Japan colonies and an activating of a colonizing policy. But the result of a debate is like to a distortion from the original bill, because of a opposing of a colonial Chosun's and a Japanese cabinet's internal affairs. This Article is to reveal an connotation of state contradiction of Japan empire as a modern empire in this debating's discourse politics. 본 논문은 일본의 중앙식민기구였던 척식성 설치 논란을 1920년대 조선의 척식성 지배 문제를 중심으로 살펴본 것이다. 1929년 6월 10일 설치되었던 일본 척식성은 식민지에 대한 통일 행정과 척식이민사업의 활성화를 목표로 그 설치가 논의되었으나, 일본 정부 내 반대 세력과 조선 내 식민 관료 및 조선인 협력자 등 식민지 세력의 반대로 결국 원안이 대폭 수정되어진 결과를 얻게 된다. 본 논문은 이와 같은 척식성 원안 수정 과정에서 논의되었던 담론 정치 안에 근대 제국으로서 일본의 국가적 모순이 잠재되어 있었다고 보고, 조선인 언론을 통해 소개되었던 보도를 중심으로 그 논의 과정을 분석한 것이다.

식민지 지식인 사회의 사생활 담론과 그 인식의 이중성: 1930년대 초중반을 중심으로

기유정 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2024 한국정치연구 Vol.33 No.3

This article studies about an colonial intellectual society’s logic that accepts an meaning of a private life discourse. On the one hand, a private life is perceived an area that guarants indiviual right by law and enjoy an his own cultural space. Especially they think that a ptivate life style- for example, romance, interest, habitual attitude...etc- shoud be respected from a society and state, apart to it’s rule. Nevertheless, at the same time, they negate the value and meaning of a private life. because they are afraid to make the protection of a private life to cause a moral decadence. First of all, They negate an private right’s value because private life may spread an apoliticism in colonial sociey. therefore, In colonial society, a private life is recognized an dual meaning. on one hand, it was a modern and civilized thought and value. but on the other hand, it was so dangerous that should be watch from society or community.

박정희 정권의 한국적 주체성론과 한국 정치학계의 자기 균열

기유정 ( You Jung Ki ) 한국사회사학회 2015 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.106

이 연구는 1960년대 박정희 정권과 함께 대중화되기 시작했던 한국적 주체성론이 미국식 자유주의 정치학을 정론으로 정립해가고 있던 한국 정치학계에 불러일으켰던 내적 균열과 그 사상사적 의미를 살펴본 것이다. 이를 통해 본 연구는 1960-70년대가 단순히 정치의 실종이나 부재의 시기가 아닌, 상이한 정치 철학적관점이 정권의 통치론에 대한 암묵적 찬반을 내포 한 채 첨예한 대립으로 나타났던 시기라고 접근한다. 본 연구는 이 대립의 과정에서 한국적 주체성론의 논의 안에 자유주의 정치철학과 그 방법론의 내적 한계에 대한 문제의식이 존재하고 있었다고 보고, 그 문제의식이 가진 사상사적 의미를 분석한 것이다. This study is treating the dispute about korean identity thesis of a 1960-70’s Korea political academy focusing on ‘liberalism vs antiliberalism’. Korean Political academy was divided to a liberal political philosophy and an anti of that by the effect of Park Jung Hee regime’s governmental discourse (1960-70) which was called to a Korean political identity thesis. In the debating, some group of political scientists were showing a tendency of pro-governmental discourse. and their logic was involving an problematic of American liberal politics. This study is treating the debating’s theoretical meaning and academic effect.

식민지 초기 조선총독부의 재조선일본인 정책 연구: 속지주의와 속인적 분리주의의 갈등 구조를 중심으로

기유정 ( You Jung Ki ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2011 한국정치연구 Vol.20 No.3

This study is to research the territorial policy on Japanese colonial settlers in colonial korea by the Japanese Government-General of Korea from 1910 to 1915, which is to try to uncover the effect of this territorial policy. When Japan annexed Korea, the Japanese Government-General of Korea enforced an administrative integration of Korean people and Japanese colonial settler, despite of the resistance of the interior and exterior of colonial Korea. Consequentially this territorial policy imposed a dual position to Japanese colonial settlers who had been only colonizers. They became both colonial residents and colonizers as a result of the policy. And this positioning of colonial residents made Japanese colonial settlers separate from metropolitan Japan and incorporate into the colonial society. Also this position provides an important ground which Japanese colonial settlers were capable to work with local identities of colonial Korea`s residents after 1920s.