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        갑상연골 내굴곡에 인한 가성대의 비대

        권진호,최병일,홍현준,최홍식,Kwon, Jin Ho,Choi, Byeong Il,Hong, Hyun Jun,Choi, Hong-Shik 대한후두음성언어의학회 2013 대한후두음성언어의학회지 Vol.24 No.1

        False vocal fold hypertrophy caused by diverse pathologic lesion, such as laryngeal amyloidosis, laryngeal lipidosis, laryngocele, saccular cyst and sulcus vocalis. False vocal fold hypertrophy, however, is also caused laryngeal structure deformity, irrespective of pathologic lesions. In this article, we report some cases of false vocal fold hypertrophy caused by inward bowing of thyroid cartilage. At the clinic of the department of otorhinolaryngology in Gangnam Severance Hospital, with 3 male complained of hoarseness as subjects, and comfirmed of false vocal fold hypertrophy using the stroboscopy and larynx CT we checked vocal fold and laryngeal structure. Three patients with apparent hypertrophy of false vocal fold were investigated with computerized tomography (CT). In all patients, marked concavity of thyroid cartilage was revealed in CT scan at the level of the false vocal fold, and this deformity of the thyroid cartilage seemed to cause a protrusion of false vocal fold which taken as hypertrophy in stroboscopy. Careful palpation of the larynx and a CT scan taken at the level of the false vocal fold should be useful in determining whether hypertrophy of the false vocal fold is pathologic. For the next articles, It is necessary to discuss for the cause, diagnosis, treatment and prevention of inward bowing of thyroid cartilage.

      • KCI등재

        樹谷 權補의 學問傾向과 詩人精神 - 經世意識을 중심으로

        權鎭浩(Kwon Jin-ho) 동양한문학회(구 부산한문학회) 2006 동양한문학연구 Vol.22 No.-

          이 논문은 樹谷 權?(1709~1778)의 학문경향과 사회시계열의 시를 통해 시인의 내면에 흐르고 있는 시 창작 정신을 조명한 것이다.   수곡은 평생 동안 초야에 묻혀 청빈한 선비학자의 삶을 살았다. 그런 속에서도 花山 權柱(1457~1505)와 선친인 屛谷 權?(1672~1749)로 전해지는 가학적 전통과 葛庵 李玄逸(1627~1704)과 密庵 李栽(1657~1730)의 학문적 영향, 그리고 서애학맥의 실용ㆍ실천중시의 학풍을 받아들여 18세기 영남남인의 보편적 학문경향과는 달리 경세의식에 기반한 실천지향적 학문경향을 추구하였다.   특히 수곡이 창작한 한시에 나타난 현실비판 정신은 매우 중요한 의미를 지닌다고 할 수 있다. 영남남인들은 대부분 철학적 사유를 담은 이념성이 강한 작품을 창작하거나 아니면 사회현실을 비판하는 시를 창작한다 해도 몇 수에 불과한 것이 사실이다. 그러나 수곡의 사회시계열의 작품은 당대 영남남인의 한시경향에 비추어 볼 때 질적ㆍ양적으로 단연 뛰어나다고 할 수 있다.   茶山 丁若鏞(1762~1836)은 빼어난 사회시를 창작하여 당시 사회의 여러 모순을 날카롭게 비판하였다. 수곡은 다산보다 50여 년 전에 영남지방에 태어나 산발적으로 창작되어오던 소외된 사회시계열의 작품을 적극적으로 창작하였다. 수곡이 창작한 사회시계열의 작품은 영남남인들의 한시의 사회적 역할을 강화시켰을 뿐만 아니라, 수곡 자신도 18세기 한시사에 당당하게 자리매김하는 계기가 될 것이다.   This study aims to reflect the poetic spirit Sugok Gwonbo(樹谷 權?: 1709~1778) through the examination of his academic tendency and social poems.   Sugok lived as a poor seonbi―Korean traditional confucian scholar― throughout his life. He was influenced by various academic traditions such as ① that of his own family descending from Hwasan Gwonju(1457~1505) to his father Byeonggok Gwongu(1672~1749); ② the academic influence of Galam Ihyeonil(1627~1704) and Milam Ijae(1657~1730); and ③ the pragmatic Seoyae School which emphasized utility and practice. Accordingly, he was in pursuit of practice-oriented academic tradition based on Gyeongseeuisik, in contrast to the contemporary general academic tendency of Yeongnam Namin.   Especially, his critical view of the age depicted in Hansi―Korean Chinese Poetry of Sugok is considered very significant. Although only a few poems written were critical of society, most of the Yeongnam Namin in his times produced strong ideological works implying philosophical speculation. However, social poems of Sugok are considered to be excellent both in quality and quantity, considering the tendency of hansi of Yeongnam Namin.   For instance, Dasan Jeongyakyoung(1762~1836) sharply criticized the various social contradictions in his social poems. Sugok was born in the region of Yeongnam 50 years earlier than Dasan. He actively wrote social poems which were rarely produced. Social poems written by Sugok reinforced the role of Hansi for social critique in the region of Yeongnam. Therefore, Sugok will be placed as an important poet in the history of 18th century Hansi.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        기획논문 : 경상우도 노사학단(蘆沙學團) 조성가(趙性家),최숙민(崔琡民)을 중심으로 ; 계남(溪南) 최숙민(崔琡民)의 삶과 학문경향(學問傾向)

        권진호 ( Jin Ho Kwon ) 경상대학교 남명학연구소 2010 남명학연구 Vol.30 No.-

        이 논문은 溪南 崔琡民(1837~1905)의 삶과 학문경향에 대해 조명한 것이다. 계남이 활동했던 19세기는 성리학적 통치이념과 가치관이 근원적으로 위협받고 있었다. 이러한 내우외환의 시대환경을 극복하기 위해 19세기 사상계는 영·호남 할 것 없이 `主理`의 학문체계를 통해 이 난국을 타개하고자 하였다. 孔孟程朱로 내려오는 정통 성리학을 유일한 正學으로 보고 陽明學을 비롯한 西學 등 모든 다른 사상을 이단으로 규정하여 우리 고유의 미풍양속을 지키고 외세의 침략에 대항하고자 하였다. 계남 최숙민은 선대로부터 내려오는 학문과 절조의 家學的 전통을 이어받아 한평생 학자적 삶을 추구하였다. 젊은 시절 형인 橘下 崔植民(1831~1891)의 보살핌에 의한 獨學, 그리고 중년에 蘆沙 奇正鎭(1798~1879)의 학문적 기반을 토대로 하여 만년에 華西學脈 학자들과의 교유를 통해 자신의 학문세계를 열어나갔다. 그것은 다름 아닌 19세기 시대현실에서 노사의 `주리`의 학문종지를 터득하여 후학들에게 열어주는 것을 자신의 일대 사업으로 여겼던 것이다. 그런 가운데 계남은 아버지의 가르침에 힘입어 黨議에 사로잡힌 당시 사상계에서 학문적 울타리를 트고, 오직 진리를 찾으려는 求道의 일념과 개방적 학문 자세를 견지하였다. 그래서 지역과 당색을 초월하여 많은 학자들과 학문적 담론을 통해 이론성리학을 지양하고 心學을 위주로 하는 실천성리학을 추구하였다. 이는 평소 그가 주장한 현실의 삶 속에서 人事인 下學의 실천을 중시하는 학문경향에 기인한 결과이다. 하학의 실천을 중시하는 학문경향은 스승인 노사 기정진의 영향에 힘입는 바이지만, 아울러 이 지역의 학풍을 주도했던 南冥 曺植(1501~1572) 이 강조했던 학문관점이기도 하였다. 남명의 학문정신이 19세기에 되살아나고 있을 뿐만 아니라, 실천을 중시하는 下學重視의 학문경향은 바로 계남 학문경향의 주요한 관점이었다. This study aims to illuminate the life and academic leanings of Choi Sukmin using the pen name of Gyenam. The ruling ideology and values of Neo-Confucianism were radically undermined in the nineteenth century when Gyenam developed his academic activities. So all the academic groups of both Yeongnam and Honam region in the academic world of the nineteenth century attempted to overcome these difficulties of the times through the academic systems of the `julie theory`(rationalism). Gyenam pursued scholastic life all his life, upholding the tradition of his family by valuing literature and integrity. He studied himself with the help of his elder brother, Choe Sikmin using the pen name of Gyulha in his early days, founded the academic basis through Gi Geonjin using a pen name of Nosa(1798-1897) in his middle age. He expanded his learning through good company with scholars and went over to the academic faction of Hwaseo in his later years. At the same time, Gyenam tried to break the fence around the academic world in those days built around other factions` opinions. Along with his father`s support he consistently assumed his academic leaning of searching for the truth. He escaped theoretical Neo-Confucianism through academic communication with a lot of scholars, transcending the region and its factions and pursued a practical Neo-confucianism, focusing on mind-oriented studies. This is a result of his academic tendency of supporting a practice of studies valuing this actual life. His academic tendency of valuing this practice was influenced by his mentor, Gi Jeongjin and this is the very academic view which Jo sik, using the pen name of Nam Myeong(1501-1572), who led an academic tradition in this region, stressed. This shows not only that Nam Myeong`s academic spirit revived the realities of the time of the nineteenth century but also that the academic tendency of valuing a practice-oriented studies equaled Gyenam`s academic view.

      • KCI등재

        碧梧 李文樑의 삶과 시세계

        권진호(Kwon, Jinho) 대동한문학회 2021 大東漢文學 Vol.69 No.-

        본 논문은 碧梧 李文樑(1498~1581)의 삶과 시세계를 조명하였다. 고려 말 軍器寺 少尹을 지낸 李軒이 예안 汾川에 정착한 이후, 영천이씨 집안은 대대로 벼슬과 문한이 끊이지 않고 문인학자들을 배출하였다. 聾巖 李賢輔 (1467~1555) 형제와 그의 아들대에 이르게 되면 안동 지역의 명망있는 가문으로 성장하게 된다. 특히 선대로부터 내려온 부모에 대한 효성과 형제간의 우애는 家風의 특징이 되어 후손들에게 전해졌다. 이문량은 이같은 家學的 배경 하에 出仕보다는 退處의 삶을 택하여 대부분 향촌에 기거하면서 부친과 아우들을 대신하여 집안의 대소사를 도맡아 경영하였다. 그러나 60세 때 잠시 관동지역의 平陵道 察訪직을 수행하면서 33수의 시를 지어 ‘平陵紀行’이라고 하였다. ‘평릉기행’의 시적 내용은 직책을 수행하면서 느끼는 즐거움보다는 낯설은 지역에서 느끼는 외로움과 客愁를 달래는 내용이 대부분이었다. 더 이상 관직생활은 그에게 무의미한 것이며, 궁극적으로 그가 원하는 삶은 고향으로 돌아가 아름다운 산수간을 노닐며 그 속에서 ‘참다운 즐거움[眞樂]’을 찾는 것이며, 부친인 농암의 九老會의 전통을 이어받아 孝養을 실천하는 것이었다. 특히 효양의 실천은 예안 영천 이씨의 가풍적 특징이며, 나아가 16세기 이 지역의 지성사와 풍속사의 한 특출한 면모라 할 수 있다. This study examined the life and poetry world of Munryang Lee(1498~1581) known by his pen name Byeogo. His family of Lee which originated from Yeongcheon turned out literary scholars with successive government positions and literary arts after Heon Lee settled at Buncheon, Yean. Hyeon Lee worked as Soyun, an official position to Gungisi in charge of defense acquisition. His family of Lee came to be prestigious in the Andong region with the appearance of Munryang’s father Hyeonbo Lee(1467~1555) known by his pen name Nongam, his uncle and himself. His family was characterized by filial devotion and affection between siblings which were handed down from generation to generation. Under such influence of his familial learning, Munryang Lee preferred secluded life to a public position. He mostly resided in his hometown and took care of all sorts of family matters for his father and younger brothers. However, at the age of sixty, he worked as Chalbang, a traffic official in Pyeongreungdo of the Gwandong area. At that time, he wrote thirty three poems, naming them ‘Traveling in Pyeongreung’. This anthology mostly expressed his loneliness and weary heart felt in a strange place rather than his delight at the performance of his public duties. He found it meaningless to lead a life of a public official. What he really wanted was to find ‘true pleasure’ in returning home and roaming amid beautiful mountains and streams, and to inherit the tradition of Gurohoe(a group of nine elderly men) and discharge filial duties. Above all, his family of Lee which originated from Yeongcheon was characterized by such filial devotion, which was remarkable in the intellectual and folkloristic history of the Andong region.

      • KCI등재

        믿음의 시작에 관한 어거스틴의 은총론

        권진호(Jin Ho Kwon) 한국기독교학회 2011 한국기독교신학논총 Vol.73 No.-

        This is a study of Augustine`s view of grace, especially with regard to the beginning of faith (initium fidei). Augustine had an understanding of God`s grace for faith, before becoming bishop, which he rejected later as wrong. His previous belief was that the faith and the will to believe are results of human agency, not God`s gift. According to his "Retractationes" and "De praedestinatione sanctorum (7)" he had corrected the incorrect view of grace, namely in his "De diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum (Ⅰ 2)." Here he asserts that the will and the choice of having faith is entirely the work of God`s grace. The initium fidei also is of grace. The beginning of faith is not within human capacity. Had Augustine abandoned free will in favor of the teaching of grace? Does grace abolish free will? No! Faith and the will to believe are the work of grace. How do faith and free will relate to each other? For Augustine, the will is the place in which grace works. God has an influence on the will and causes free will to believe. Augustine thinks that the participation of the will in the beginning of faith is passive.

      • KCI등재

        아우구스티누스의 『고백록』에 나타난 은총론

        권진호(Jin-Ho Kwon) 연세대학교 신과대학(연합신학대학원) 2015 신학논단 Vol.80 No.-

        The aim of this article is to research Augustine"s Doctrine of Grace in the Confessions and to evaluate the relationship between the Doctrine of Grace in “Ad Simplician” and in the Confessions. A crucial change of Augustine"s doctrine on grace (so called his ‘second conversion’) occurred in the year 396/7, while writing to Simplician to answer some exegetical problems concerning Rom 9. For the first time, he came to see man as utterly dependent on God. This answer became a charter for the Confessions. Augustine"s Confessions is not only his personal autobiography, but also an illustration of God"s grace working in his own life. He employs the story of his own biographic documents for showing God"s grace. The Confessions is here to read and investigate from the perspective of the doctrine of grace. Augustine"s Doctrine of Grace in the Confessions is to summarize as follows: ‘excitare’, ‘fidelis misericordia’, ‘confessio peccati’, ‘convertere’, “da quod iubes et iube quod vis”, ‘in occulto’. It is to conclude, that the Confessions is to regard as a paradigm of the doctrine of grace and that the Confessions is to illustrate the theoretical conception of God"s grace, which is realized and described in “Ad Simplician”, with Augustine"s concrete biographic documents. The aim of this article is to research Augustine"s Doctrine of Grace in the Confessions and to evaluate the relationship between the Doctrine of Grace in “Ad Simplician” and in the Confessions. A crucial change of Augustine"s doctrine on grace (so called his ‘second conversion’) occurred in the year 396/7, while writing to Simplician to answer some exegetical problems concerning Rom 9. For the first time, he came to see man as utterly dependent on God. This answer became a charter for the Confessions. Augustine"s Confessions is not only his personal autobiography, but also an illustration of God"s grace working in his own life. He employs the story of his own biographic documents for showing God"s grace. The Confessions is here to read and investigate from the perspective of the doctrine of grace. Augustine"s Doctrine of Grace in the Confessions is to summarize as follows: ‘excitare’, ‘fidelis misericordia’, ‘confessio peccati’, ‘convertere’, “da quod iubes et iube quod vis”, ‘in occulto’. It is to conclude, that the Confessions is to regard as a paradigm of the doctrine of grace and that the Confessions is to illustrate the theoretical conception of God"s grace, which is realized and described in “Ad Simplician”, with Augustine"s concrete biographic documents.

      • KCI등재

        묵암(默巖) 김동필(金東弼)의 삶과 시세계

        권진호 ( Kwon Jin-ho ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2017 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.62

        이 논문은 묵암(默巖) 김동필(金東弼, 1736~1807)의 삶과 시세계를 조명하였다. 그는 평생 향촌에 은거하여 처사형(處士型) 학자의 삶을 살다간 인물이다. 그가 추진해 온 사업은 한마디로 한 가문의 가통(家統)을 세우는 일과 향촌사회의 민풍(民風)을 순화하는 것이었다. 아울러 그의 학문은 이론적인 측면보다는 내면의 심성수양과 실천을 중시하는 경향이 있었으며, 이 같은 학문경향은 내적으로는 서계(西溪) 김담수(金聃壽, 1535~1603)와 월담(月潭) 김정룡(金廷龍, 1561~1619)의 가학(家學)의 전통과 외적으로는 남명(南冥) 조식(曺植, 1501~1572)과 한강(寒岡) 정구(鄭逑, 1543~1620)의 학문관점을 이어받아 자기 나름의 학문세계를 추구해 나갔다. 그 결과 360여수에 달하는 그의 시문학도 철학적 함의를 담고 있는 철리시(哲理詩) 계통의 한시는 거의 없고, 향촌에서 느끼는 일상의 체험을 담담한 필치로 표백하였다. 그래서 자신의 현재적 심정과 처지를 주변의 자연물에 투영시켜 형상화하였고, 한적한 전원생활의 흥취를 진솔하게 그려내었으며, 끊임없는 성찰의 삶을 시적으로 담아내었다. 요컨대, 그가 행한 일련의 사업은 가문사적인 측면에서 보면 가문의 결속과 위상을 높이는 계기가 되고, 지역사회적인 측면에서 보면 유자로서의 소임과 책무가 무엇인가를 일깨워준다. 한마디로 그는 처사형 학자의 전형적인 삶을 살다간 인물이라고 할 수 있다. This study has examined the life and poetry world of Dongpil Kim with the pen name, Mugam (1736~1807). He retired at his hometown all his life and lived a scholarly life without entering into official positions. He was devoted to establishing the tradition of his family and refining the folk manners of his hometown. His scholarly achievements tended to emphasize the training of internal mind and practices rather than theoretical aspects. His scholarly trend internally inherited the tradition of families established by Damsu Kim with the pen name (1535~1603), Seogye and Jeongryong Kim with the pen name, Woldam (1561~1619). It was also externally handed down from the scholarly aspects of Sik Jo with the pen name, Nammyeong (1501~1572) and Gu Jeong with the pen name, Hangang (1543~1620). With such influences, he sought after his own scholarly world. As a result, his poetry world of 360 pieces calmly expressed daily experiences at his hometown. Not a poem of his had any philosophical ideas. He projected his emotions and situations of the moment into natural objects, and formalized them, vividly describing the delight of rural life and representing his constant meditation in his poems. To sum up, a series of achievements made by him contributed to consolidating a family and heightening its social status in terms of family matters, and also promoted the awareness of a Confucian scholar's responsibilities and obligations in terms of regional aspects. In a word, he was a man who lived a typical life of a Confucian scholar without entering into official positions.

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